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2014年05月19日
辺野古移設―これが熱望した祖国か
May 17, 2014
EDITORIAL: Heavy-handed approach to Futenma can only antagonize Okinawa
辺野古移設―これが熱望した祖国か
An extraordinary situation concerning the proposed relocation of the U.S. military’s Futenma base is unfolding in Okinawa, which marked the 42nd anniversary of its reversion to Japan on May 15.
この１５日に本土復帰から４２年を迎えた沖縄県で、米軍普天間飛行場（宜野湾市）の移設をめぐって、異常ともいえる事態が進行している。
The Japanese government is aggressively pushing ahead with preparations for carrying out its plan to relocate Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in the crowded city of Ginowan to the sparsely populated Henoko district of Nago, another city in the prefecture.
名護市辺野古への移設をめざす政府が、強引に工事の準備に取りかかっているのだ。
On April 11, the Abe administration took its first step toward building the new base when the Okinawa Defense Bureau, the Defense Ministry’s local bureau in charge of implementing the plan, submitted six requests with Nago Mayor Susumu Inamine. One of the requests was for use of the Henoko fishing port as an open storage yard for construction materials.
まず動きがあったのは４月１１日。政府の担当部局である沖縄防衛局が工事に先立ち、資材置き場として使う辺野古漁港の使用許可申請など６件の申請書を、名護市長宛てに提出した。
The move was made abruptly without any advance consultation. Officials at the defense bureau brought the applications into the Nago city office just before the end of the office hours. Some of the application documents were left with the wrong departments.
それは事前調整もなく突然のことだった。防衛局職員が持ち込んだのは市役所の閉庁間際。提出先を間違え、他の部署に置いて帰った書類もある。
The documents unilaterally set a May 12 deadline for replying to the requests, although there is no legal basis for such a deadline. There were also many errors in the documents, such as omissions.
文書には、根拠のない「回答期限」が一方的に設定されていたほか、記載漏れなどの不備が目立った。
Although the Nago municipal government asked the bureau to resubmit the applications, the bureau has refused to do so, saying the documents were in order.
名護市は再提出を求めたが、防衛局は「適正だった」と拒んだまま。
The unilaterally set May 12 deadline has passed, but the bureau remains intent on forging ahead with the construction plan while assuming that its requests have been turned down by the city.
期限とした５月１２日は過ぎた。防衛局は許可が得られなかったものとして、計画を進めるという構えを崩さない。
Bewildered by the bureau’s attitude, the official in charge of the matter at the Nago municipal government said, “Since the applications don’t meet the formal requirements, we can’t start reviewing them.”
市の担当者は「申請書の形式を満たしておらず、審査に入れない」と戸惑う。
In January, when Prime Minister Shinzo Abe spoke about the plan to move the Futenma air base to the Henoko district, he said, “We intend to proceed with the plan in a sincere manner while trying to win the understanding of the local communities.”
普天間飛行場の辺野古移設について、安倍首相は１月に「地元の皆様のご理解をいただきながら、誠意を持って前に進めていきたい」と語った。
But the reality belies his words. There has been no sign of good faith in the way the administration has been dealing with the matter.
ところが、現状は見ての通り。誠意のかけらもない。
The heavy-handed approach the government adopted appears to be an open challenge to Mayor Inamine, who was re-elected in January by running on a campaign to stop the relocation of the Funtenma base to Nago. After his re-election, he pledged to block the start of the construction of the new base by using his powers as the mayor.
１月の名護市長選で移設反対を訴えて再選され、「権限を行使して着工を阻止する」と表明した稲嶺進市長に挑むような、強硬姿勢だ。
The government plans to start drilling into the seabed for necessary investigations as early as June with an eye on beginning reclamation work next spring.
政府は６月以降、海底ボーリング調査を開始し、来春にも埋め立て工事に着手する予定だ。
However, the government has offered no convincing answers to concerns about possible major negative effects on the environment and people’s lives. It is feared that in addition to causing noise and other nuisances to local residents, the runways of the envisioned base, which would extend over water from the U.S. military's existing Camp Schwab, would also have a serious impact on the marine ecosystem that nurtures dugong, a rare marine mammal designated by the government as a protected species, and a coral reef community.
しかし、国の天然記念物のジュゴンやサンゴの群落など、近海の豊かな生態系への影響や騒音など、環境や生活に大きな支障が出るという心配に、政府は納得いく説明をしていない。
If it wants to win the “understanding of the local communities,” the government needs to respond head-on to these concerns.
「地元の理解」を得るには、まず地元の心配に正面から答えなくてはならない。
There has been growing support for Okinawa’s opposition to the base relocation plan among intellectuals and politicians overseas. American film director Oliver Stone, for instance, has issued a statement opposing the project.
米国の映画監督オリバー・ストーンさんらが移設反対の声明を出すなど、海外の知識人や政治家の間に、沖縄への理解が広まりつつある。
In an effort to convince the U.S. public of the unfairness of the relocation plan, Inamine left for a trip to the United States on May 15.
米国世論に移設の不当性を直接訴えたいと１５日、稲嶺市長が渡米した。
On the same day, Abe announced that the administration will start considering a change of the government’s interpretation of the Constitution to make it possible for Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense.
同じ１５日、安倍首相は集団的自衛権の行使容認の検討を表明した。
Does this controversial initiative represent the nation to which Okinawa wanted so eagerly to return when it was occupied by the U.S. military and denied the benefits of the pacifist Constitution?
それは、平和憲法の及ばない米軍占領下、沖縄が復帰を熱望した祖国の姿だろうか。
The stern-faced government that is forging ahead with the plan to relocate the base within the prefecture in the face of strong local opposition cannot embody the country to which Okinawa wanted to belong.
まして、反対いまだ根強い県内移設にひたすら突き進む、こわばった顔つきの国が、望んだ祖国であるはずもない。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 17
EDITORIAL: Heavy-handed approach to Futenma can only antagonize Okinawa
辺野古移設―これが熱望した祖国か
An extraordinary situation concerning the proposed relocation of the U.S. military’s Futenma base is unfolding in Okinawa, which marked the 42nd anniversary of its reversion to Japan on May 15.
この１５日に本土復帰から４２年を迎えた沖縄県で、米軍普天間飛行場（宜野湾市）の移設をめぐって、異常ともいえる事態が進行している。
The Japanese government is aggressively pushing ahead with preparations for carrying out its plan to relocate Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in the crowded city of Ginowan to the sparsely populated Henoko district of Nago, another city in the prefecture.
名護市辺野古への移設をめざす政府が、強引に工事の準備に取りかかっているのだ。
On April 11, the Abe administration took its first step toward building the new base when the Okinawa Defense Bureau, the Defense Ministry’s local bureau in charge of implementing the plan, submitted six requests with Nago Mayor Susumu Inamine. One of the requests was for use of the Henoko fishing port as an open storage yard for construction materials.
まず動きがあったのは４月１１日。政府の担当部局である沖縄防衛局が工事に先立ち、資材置き場として使う辺野古漁港の使用許可申請など６件の申請書を、名護市長宛てに提出した。
The move was made abruptly without any advance consultation. Officials at the defense bureau brought the applications into the Nago city office just before the end of the office hours. Some of the application documents were left with the wrong departments.
それは事前調整もなく突然のことだった。防衛局職員が持ち込んだのは市役所の閉庁間際。提出先を間違え、他の部署に置いて帰った書類もある。
The documents unilaterally set a May 12 deadline for replying to the requests, although there is no legal basis for such a deadline. There were also many errors in the documents, such as omissions.
文書には、根拠のない「回答期限」が一方的に設定されていたほか、記載漏れなどの不備が目立った。
Although the Nago municipal government asked the bureau to resubmit the applications, the bureau has refused to do so, saying the documents were in order.
名護市は再提出を求めたが、防衛局は「適正だった」と拒んだまま。
The unilaterally set May 12 deadline has passed, but the bureau remains intent on forging ahead with the construction plan while assuming that its requests have been turned down by the city.
期限とした５月１２日は過ぎた。防衛局は許可が得られなかったものとして、計画を進めるという構えを崩さない。
Bewildered by the bureau’s attitude, the official in charge of the matter at the Nago municipal government said, “Since the applications don’t meet the formal requirements, we can’t start reviewing them.”
市の担当者は「申請書の形式を満たしておらず、審査に入れない」と戸惑う。
In January, when Prime Minister Shinzo Abe spoke about the plan to move the Futenma air base to the Henoko district, he said, “We intend to proceed with the plan in a sincere manner while trying to win the understanding of the local communities.”
普天間飛行場の辺野古移設について、安倍首相は１月に「地元の皆様のご理解をいただきながら、誠意を持って前に進めていきたい」と語った。
But the reality belies his words. There has been no sign of good faith in the way the administration has been dealing with the matter.
ところが、現状は見ての通り。誠意のかけらもない。
The heavy-handed approach the government adopted appears to be an open challenge to Mayor Inamine, who was re-elected in January by running on a campaign to stop the relocation of the Funtenma base to Nago. After his re-election, he pledged to block the start of the construction of the new base by using his powers as the mayor.
１月の名護市長選で移設反対を訴えて再選され、「権限を行使して着工を阻止する」と表明した稲嶺進市長に挑むような、強硬姿勢だ。
The government plans to start drilling into the seabed for necessary investigations as early as June with an eye on beginning reclamation work next spring.
政府は６月以降、海底ボーリング調査を開始し、来春にも埋め立て工事に着手する予定だ。
However, the government has offered no convincing answers to concerns about possible major negative effects on the environment and people’s lives. It is feared that in addition to causing noise and other nuisances to local residents, the runways of the envisioned base, which would extend over water from the U.S. military's existing Camp Schwab, would also have a serious impact on the marine ecosystem that nurtures dugong, a rare marine mammal designated by the government as a protected species, and a coral reef community.
しかし、国の天然記念物のジュゴンやサンゴの群落など、近海の豊かな生態系への影響や騒音など、環境や生活に大きな支障が出るという心配に、政府は納得いく説明をしていない。
If it wants to win the “understanding of the local communities,” the government needs to respond head-on to these concerns.
「地元の理解」を得るには、まず地元の心配に正面から答えなくてはならない。
There has been growing support for Okinawa’s opposition to the base relocation plan among intellectuals and politicians overseas. American film director Oliver Stone, for instance, has issued a statement opposing the project.
米国の映画監督オリバー・ストーンさんらが移設反対の声明を出すなど、海外の知識人や政治家の間に、沖縄への理解が広まりつつある。
In an effort to convince the U.S. public of the unfairness of the relocation plan, Inamine left for a trip to the United States on May 15.
米国世論に移設の不当性を直接訴えたいと１５日、稲嶺市長が渡米した。
On the same day, Abe announced that the administration will start considering a change of the government’s interpretation of the Constitution to make it possible for Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense.
同じ１５日、安倍首相は集団的自衛権の行使容認の検討を表明した。
Does this controversial initiative represent the nation to which Okinawa wanted so eagerly to return when it was occupied by the U.S. military and denied the benefits of the pacifist Constitution?
それは、平和憲法の及ばない米軍占領下、沖縄が復帰を熱望した祖国の姿だろうか。
The stern-faced government that is forging ahead with the plan to relocate the base within the prefecture in the face of strong local opposition cannot embody the country to which Okinawa wanted to belong.
まして、反対いまだ根強い県内移設にひたすら突き進む、こわばった顔つきの国が、望んだ祖国であるはずもない。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 17
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2014年05月18日
集団的自衛権―戦争に必要最小限はない
May 16, 2014
EDITORIAL: Collective self-defense a question of whether Japan can go to war
集団的自衛権―戦争に必要最小限はない
A private advisory panel submitted a report to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe on May 15, calling on the government to take steps to allow Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense.
The report drafted by the Advisory Panel on Reconstruction of the Legal Basis for Security said the government should change the traditional interpretation of war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution that prohibits Japan from taking part in collective self-defense, as maintained by successive Cabinets.
歴代の内閣が憲法９条のもとで否定してきた集団的自衛権の行使を、政府解釈の変更によって認めるべきだ――。
安倍首相の私的諮問機関「安全保障の法的基盤の再構築に関する懇談会」がきのう、こんな提言を柱にした報告書を首相に出した。
After receiving the report, Abe announced the start of a political process, including talks between the ruling coalition parties, to make it possible for Japan to use its right to collective self-defense.
これを受けて、安倍氏は集団的自衛権の行使容認に向けた与党協議などの政治プロセスに入ることを表明した。
USING SELF-DEFENSE RIGHT MEANS WAR
■自衛権の行使＝戦争
Successive Cabinets have shared a view that Japan has to revise the Constitution before it is allowed to exercise its right to collective self-defense.
集団的自衛権の行使を認めるには、憲法改正の手段をとらざるを得ない。歴代内閣はこうした見解を示してきた。
Any amendment to the Constitution must be approved by the public in a special referendum under procedures stipulated in Article 96 of the Constitution. However, Abe is trying to skip this procedure and make a fundamental shift in Japan’s postwar pacifist policy only through talks among the ruling parties and a Cabinet decision.
安倍氏が進めようとしているのは、憲法９６条に定める改憲手続きによって国民に問うべき平和主義の大転換を、与党間協議と閣議決定によってすませてしまおうというものだ。
His move represents a radical departure from the principle of constitutionalism under which a government is based on a Constitution and could have seriously harmful effects on the nation.
憲法に基づいて政治を行う立憲主義からの逸脱である。弊害はあまりにも大きい。
First of all, Abe’s plan will fundamentally change Japan’s postwar pacifism, which emerged after serious national soul-searching about World War II.
まず、戦争の反省から出発した日本の平和主義が根本的に変質する。
The proposed change will pave the way for the use of armed force by the Self-Defense Forces in situations where Japan is not under attack. That means Japan could join in a war that has not been directly waged against it.
日本が攻撃されたわけではないのに、自衛隊の武力行使に道を開く。これはつまり、参戦するということである。
The advisory panel has set some conditions for Japan’s exercise of its right to collective self-defense. The report says Japan can use the right only in situations where its safety could be seriously threatened and only if it has received an explicit request or consent (from the country that has been attacked).
懇談会は、集団的自衛権を行使するには「わが国の安全に重大な影響を及ぼす可能性がある」「（攻撃された国の）明示の要請または同意を得る」といった条件をつけている。
But none of these conditions can be a clear and effective restriction because they are either a simple assumption or a norm under international law.
だが、いずれも単なる前提に過ぎなかったり、国際法上あたり前のことだったりして、明確な歯止めとはなり得ない。
This is simply a question of whether or not Japan exercises its right to collective self-defense. Both Abe and the panel emphasize that Japan should be allowed to use the right for a minimum required level of defense. But such a quantitative notion is meaningless.
集団的自衛権を行使するかしないかは、二つに一つだ。首相や懇談会が強調する「必要最小限なら認められる」という量的概念は意味をなさない。
The moment Japan exercises the right, this nation becomes the enemy of the other country involved.
日本が行使したとたん、相手にとって日本は敵国となる。
Also, changing the government’s interpretation of the Constitution would amount to approving a distorted form of governance that effectively puts the Constitution under the Cabinet’s control.
また解釈変更は、内閣が憲法を支配するといういびつな統治構造を許すことにもなる。
This prospect inevitably raises concerns that even the basic principles of the Constitution, such as popular sovereignty and respect for fundamental human rights, could be affected by the intentions of the government. That means Japan will no longer be able to claim to be a nation under the rule of law.
国民主権や基本的人権の尊重といった憲法の基本原理ですら、時の政権の意向で左右されかねない。法治国家の看板を下ろさなければいけなくなる。
Moreover, the Abe administration’s move to forcibly make a virtual constitutional amendment by reinterpreting the Constitution while failing to take effective steps to improve Japan’s relations with its neighbors will exacerbate the already high tensions in East Asia.
そして、近隣国との関係改善を置き去りにしたまま解釈改憲を強行することで、東アジアの緊張はかえって高まる。
UNACCEPTABLE DOUBLE STANDARDS
■見過ごせぬ二重基準
Abe’s remarks at the May 15 news conference were difficult to understand.
きのうの記者会見での首相発言は、理解しがたかった。
In addition to calling for changing the government’s position on Japan’s right to collective self-defense, the advisory panel urged the administration to change its interpretation of the Constitution to adopt the position that there are no constitutional restrictions on the use of armed force by the SDF under the United Nations framework of collective security.
懇談会は集団的自衛権のほか、国連の集団安全保障のもとでの自衛隊の武力行使に憲法の制約はないと解釈するよう、政府見解の変更を求めた。
Abe refused to accept this proposal, saying it is “logically inconsistent with the government’s traditional interpretation of the Constitution.”
首相はこの考え方を「これまでの政府の憲法解釈とは論理的に整合せず、採用できない」と退けた。
By the same token, the proposal to allow Japan to use its right to collective self-defense is also inconsistent with the government’s traditional interpretation of Article 9.
それをいうなら集団的自衛権の行使容認も、これまでの政府の憲法解釈とは整合しない。
Even so, Abe invoked the government’s constitutional theory, announced in 1972, that Japan is not prohibited by the Constitution from taking measures for self-defense that are necessary to maintain its peace and safety and ensure its existence. He then claimed that the argument that Japan should be allowed to engage in collective self-defense operations is based on the government’s “basic stance.”
それなのに首相は、「自国の平和と安全を維持し、その存立を全うするために必要な自衛の措置」は禁じられていないという７２年の政府見解を引き、集団的自衛権は許されるとの考えは「政府の基本的な立場を踏まえている」と評価した。
But in 1972, the government said, following the statement quoted by Abe, that the Constitution banned Japan from exercising its right to collective self-defense. Accepting the panel’s proposal without referring to this fact can only be described as deception using double standards.
だが、７２年の見解は、首相の引用部分に続いて「集団的自衛権の行使は憲法上許されない」と明記している。そこには触れぬまま提言を受け入れようというのは、二重基準によるごまかしとしか言いようがない。
Will lawmakers of Abe’s Liberal Democratic Party and its junior coalition partner, New Komeito, accept such a transparent sham in their talks over the proposal? We cannot take our eyes off the political process.
これから与党協議に臨む自民党や公明党の議員は、こんなまやかしを認めてしまうのだろうか。協議の行方から目を離すことはできない。
DO NOT REMOVE ARTICLE 9 RESTRICTIONS
■９条のたがを外すな
Besides the question of exercising the right to collective self-defense, the panel’s report also deals with other related issues, including whether and when SDF troops should be allowed to use weapons while taking part in U.N. peacekeeping operations and how to respond to intrusions into Japanese territories and territorial waters that are not regarded as armed attacks.
一方、集団的自衛権の行使容認とは別に、報告書は国連ＰＫＯの際の武器使用のあり方や、日本の領土・領海への武力攻撃とまではいえない侵害への対応にも触れている。
The panel’s argument that there are no constitutional restrictions on the SDF’s use of weapons during peacekeeping operations is totally unacceptable. But it is true that these issues demand careful discussions.
「ＰＫＯでの武器使用に憲法の制約はない」という懇談会の提言は論外にしても、ＰＫＯなどの問題は、一つひとつ丁寧に検討すべき論点であることは確かだ。
As for the SDF’s use of weapons overseas, the government has been walking on a tightrope in interpreting the Constitution and enacting related legislation in its efforts to respond to international calls for Japan’s active involvement in peacekeeping operations without violating the pacifist principles of Article 9. It is true that this pursuit of mutually conflicting goals has led to some serious inconsistencies concerning the SDF’s peacekeeping activities.
海外での武器使用に関しては、政府は９条の平和主義と国際社会からの要請とのはざまで、針の穴を通すような憲法解釈や立法を重ねてきた。そうした矛盾がＰＫＯの現場で端的に表れてきたのも事実だ。
But this is a restriction Japanese people have imposed on themselves out of their respect for Article 9 of the Constitution.
しかし、それは憲法９条を尊重してきた日本国民が自らに課した「たが」でもある。
Few would dispute the need to make more efforts to figure out ways to solve the problems related to the inconsistencies. Obviously, however, measures to be considered should be limited by the restrictions imposed by Article 9 unless the Constitution is amended.
この矛盾を少しでも解消するため、さらに知恵を絞るべきなのは当然のことである。ただし、憲法を改正するのでなければ、検討は９条の範囲内にとどめるのもまた当然である。
Abe appears intent on using his initiative to enable Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense as a breakthrough in his quest to eventually remove all restrictions imposed by Article 9.
首相は集団的自衛権の行使容認を突破口に、やがては９条のしばりを全面的に取り払おうとしているように見える。
If this is the principal goal of Abe’s political agenda for the nation’s “break away from the postwar regime,” it is unacceptable.
これが「戦後レジームからの脱却」の本質であるならば、看過できない。
For what purpose should Japan be allowed to use its right to collective self-defense? What should be done to ensure Japan’s security and enhance its contribution to international peace? The goals of the government’s security policy and the means to achieve them should be the right ones.
いったい何のための集団的自衛権の行使なのか。日本の安全確保や国際平和への貢献のために何をすべきなのか。その目的や手順を誤ってはならない。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 16
EDITORIAL: Collective self-defense a question of whether Japan can go to war
集団的自衛権―戦争に必要最小限はない
A private advisory panel submitted a report to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe on May 15, calling on the government to take steps to allow Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense.
The report drafted by the Advisory Panel on Reconstruction of the Legal Basis for Security said the government should change the traditional interpretation of war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution that prohibits Japan from taking part in collective self-defense, as maintained by successive Cabinets.
歴代の内閣が憲法９条のもとで否定してきた集団的自衛権の行使を、政府解釈の変更によって認めるべきだ――。
安倍首相の私的諮問機関「安全保障の法的基盤の再構築に関する懇談会」がきのう、こんな提言を柱にした報告書を首相に出した。
After receiving the report, Abe announced the start of a political process, including talks between the ruling coalition parties, to make it possible for Japan to use its right to collective self-defense.
これを受けて、安倍氏は集団的自衛権の行使容認に向けた与党協議などの政治プロセスに入ることを表明した。
USING SELF-DEFENSE RIGHT MEANS WAR
■自衛権の行使＝戦争
Successive Cabinets have shared a view that Japan has to revise the Constitution before it is allowed to exercise its right to collective self-defense.
集団的自衛権の行使を認めるには、憲法改正の手段をとらざるを得ない。歴代内閣はこうした見解を示してきた。
Any amendment to the Constitution must be approved by the public in a special referendum under procedures stipulated in Article 96 of the Constitution. However, Abe is trying to skip this procedure and make a fundamental shift in Japan’s postwar pacifist policy only through talks among the ruling parties and a Cabinet decision.
安倍氏が進めようとしているのは、憲法９６条に定める改憲手続きによって国民に問うべき平和主義の大転換を、与党間協議と閣議決定によってすませてしまおうというものだ。
His move represents a radical departure from the principle of constitutionalism under which a government is based on a Constitution and could have seriously harmful effects on the nation.
憲法に基づいて政治を行う立憲主義からの逸脱である。弊害はあまりにも大きい。
First of all, Abe’s plan will fundamentally change Japan’s postwar pacifism, which emerged after serious national soul-searching about World War II.
まず、戦争の反省から出発した日本の平和主義が根本的に変質する。
The proposed change will pave the way for the use of armed force by the Self-Defense Forces in situations where Japan is not under attack. That means Japan could join in a war that has not been directly waged against it.
日本が攻撃されたわけではないのに、自衛隊の武力行使に道を開く。これはつまり、参戦するということである。
The advisory panel has set some conditions for Japan’s exercise of its right to collective self-defense. The report says Japan can use the right only in situations where its safety could be seriously threatened and only if it has received an explicit request or consent (from the country that has been attacked).
懇談会は、集団的自衛権を行使するには「わが国の安全に重大な影響を及ぼす可能性がある」「（攻撃された国の）明示の要請または同意を得る」といった条件をつけている。
But none of these conditions can be a clear and effective restriction because they are either a simple assumption or a norm under international law.
だが、いずれも単なる前提に過ぎなかったり、国際法上あたり前のことだったりして、明確な歯止めとはなり得ない。
This is simply a question of whether or not Japan exercises its right to collective self-defense. Both Abe and the panel emphasize that Japan should be allowed to use the right for a minimum required level of defense. But such a quantitative notion is meaningless.
集団的自衛権を行使するかしないかは、二つに一つだ。首相や懇談会が強調する「必要最小限なら認められる」という量的概念は意味をなさない。
The moment Japan exercises the right, this nation becomes the enemy of the other country involved.
日本が行使したとたん、相手にとって日本は敵国となる。
Also, changing the government’s interpretation of the Constitution would amount to approving a distorted form of governance that effectively puts the Constitution under the Cabinet’s control.
また解釈変更は、内閣が憲法を支配するといういびつな統治構造を許すことにもなる。
This prospect inevitably raises concerns that even the basic principles of the Constitution, such as popular sovereignty and respect for fundamental human rights, could be affected by the intentions of the government. That means Japan will no longer be able to claim to be a nation under the rule of law.
国民主権や基本的人権の尊重といった憲法の基本原理ですら、時の政権の意向で左右されかねない。法治国家の看板を下ろさなければいけなくなる。
Moreover, the Abe administration’s move to forcibly make a virtual constitutional amendment by reinterpreting the Constitution while failing to take effective steps to improve Japan’s relations with its neighbors will exacerbate the already high tensions in East Asia.
そして、近隣国との関係改善を置き去りにしたまま解釈改憲を強行することで、東アジアの緊張はかえって高まる。
UNACCEPTABLE DOUBLE STANDARDS
■見過ごせぬ二重基準
Abe’s remarks at the May 15 news conference were difficult to understand.
きのうの記者会見での首相発言は、理解しがたかった。
In addition to calling for changing the government’s position on Japan’s right to collective self-defense, the advisory panel urged the administration to change its interpretation of the Constitution to adopt the position that there are no constitutional restrictions on the use of armed force by the SDF under the United Nations framework of collective security.
懇談会は集団的自衛権のほか、国連の集団安全保障のもとでの自衛隊の武力行使に憲法の制約はないと解釈するよう、政府見解の変更を求めた。
Abe refused to accept this proposal, saying it is “logically inconsistent with the government’s traditional interpretation of the Constitution.”
首相はこの考え方を「これまでの政府の憲法解釈とは論理的に整合せず、採用できない」と退けた。
By the same token, the proposal to allow Japan to use its right to collective self-defense is also inconsistent with the government’s traditional interpretation of Article 9.
それをいうなら集団的自衛権の行使容認も、これまでの政府の憲法解釈とは整合しない。
Even so, Abe invoked the government’s constitutional theory, announced in 1972, that Japan is not prohibited by the Constitution from taking measures for self-defense that are necessary to maintain its peace and safety and ensure its existence. He then claimed that the argument that Japan should be allowed to engage in collective self-defense operations is based on the government’s “basic stance.”
それなのに首相は、「自国の平和と安全を維持し、その存立を全うするために必要な自衛の措置」は禁じられていないという７２年の政府見解を引き、集団的自衛権は許されるとの考えは「政府の基本的な立場を踏まえている」と評価した。
But in 1972, the government said, following the statement quoted by Abe, that the Constitution banned Japan from exercising its right to collective self-defense. Accepting the panel’s proposal without referring to this fact can only be described as deception using double standards.
だが、７２年の見解は、首相の引用部分に続いて「集団的自衛権の行使は憲法上許されない」と明記している。そこには触れぬまま提言を受け入れようというのは、二重基準によるごまかしとしか言いようがない。
Will lawmakers of Abe’s Liberal Democratic Party and its junior coalition partner, New Komeito, accept such a transparent sham in their talks over the proposal? We cannot take our eyes off the political process.
これから与党協議に臨む自民党や公明党の議員は、こんなまやかしを認めてしまうのだろうか。協議の行方から目を離すことはできない。
DO NOT REMOVE ARTICLE 9 RESTRICTIONS
■９条のたがを外すな
Besides the question of exercising the right to collective self-defense, the panel’s report also deals with other related issues, including whether and when SDF troops should be allowed to use weapons while taking part in U.N. peacekeeping operations and how to respond to intrusions into Japanese territories and territorial waters that are not regarded as armed attacks.
一方、集団的自衛権の行使容認とは別に、報告書は国連ＰＫＯの際の武器使用のあり方や、日本の領土・領海への武力攻撃とまではいえない侵害への対応にも触れている。
The panel’s argument that there are no constitutional restrictions on the SDF’s use of weapons during peacekeeping operations is totally unacceptable. But it is true that these issues demand careful discussions.
「ＰＫＯでの武器使用に憲法の制約はない」という懇談会の提言は論外にしても、ＰＫＯなどの問題は、一つひとつ丁寧に検討すべき論点であることは確かだ。
As for the SDF’s use of weapons overseas, the government has been walking on a tightrope in interpreting the Constitution and enacting related legislation in its efforts to respond to international calls for Japan’s active involvement in peacekeeping operations without violating the pacifist principles of Article 9. It is true that this pursuit of mutually conflicting goals has led to some serious inconsistencies concerning the SDF’s peacekeeping activities.
海外での武器使用に関しては、政府は９条の平和主義と国際社会からの要請とのはざまで、針の穴を通すような憲法解釈や立法を重ねてきた。そうした矛盾がＰＫＯの現場で端的に表れてきたのも事実だ。
But this is a restriction Japanese people have imposed on themselves out of their respect for Article 9 of the Constitution.
しかし、それは憲法９条を尊重してきた日本国民が自らに課した「たが」でもある。
Few would dispute the need to make more efforts to figure out ways to solve the problems related to the inconsistencies. Obviously, however, measures to be considered should be limited by the restrictions imposed by Article 9 unless the Constitution is amended.
この矛盾を少しでも解消するため、さらに知恵を絞るべきなのは当然のことである。ただし、憲法を改正するのでなければ、検討は９条の範囲内にとどめるのもまた当然である。
Abe appears intent on using his initiative to enable Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense as a breakthrough in his quest to eventually remove all restrictions imposed by Article 9.
首相は集団的自衛権の行使容認を突破口に、やがては９条のしばりを全面的に取り払おうとしているように見える。
If this is the principal goal of Abe’s political agenda for the nation’s “break away from the postwar regime,” it is unacceptable.
これが「戦後レジームからの脱却」の本質であるならば、看過できない。
For what purpose should Japan be allowed to use its right to collective self-defense? What should be done to ensure Japan’s security and enhance its contribution to international peace? The goals of the government’s security policy and the means to achieve them should be the right ones.
いったい何のための集団的自衛権の行使なのか。日本の安全確保や国際平和への貢献のために何をすべきなのか。その目的や手順を誤ってはならない。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 16
2014年05月17日
路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち
May 15, 2014
EDITORIAL: Citizens taking a stand to protect democracy in Japan
路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち
The triple disaster that befell Japan in 2011 was the catalyst for profound reflection among citizens and calls for fundamental changes in our society.
The Great East Japan Earthquake generated towering tsunami that triggered meltdowns at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant and plunged the nation into a state of shock. Some people likened the catastrophe to a “seconddefeat in war.” Many Japanese took it upon themselves to try to engineer change in society.
変わらなければ。
変えなければ。
東日本大震災と東京電力福島第一原発事故を経験した２０１１年。「第二の敗戦」といった言葉も飛び交うなか、日本社会は深い自省と、根源的な変革を求める空気に満ちていた。
One visible manifestation of the reflective mood was a massive rally calling for an end to Japan’s reliance on nuclear power generation. It was held in Tokyo about six months after the calamity. An estimated 60,000 people attended the “Sayonara Genpatsu” (Good-bye to nuclear power generation) rally, according to the event’s organizers.
それを目に見える形で示したのが、震災から約半年後に東京で開かれた「さようなら原発」集会だ。主催者発表で６万人が参加。
In his address to the rally, Kenzaburo Oe, a Nobel laureate writer, stressed the importance of the gathering and demonstrations in general as a means for citizens to express their views. “What can we do? All we have are such rallies driven by the democratic spirit and demonstrations by citizens,” he said. Nearly three years have passed since then.
ノーベル賞作家・大江健三郎さんは訴えた。「何ができるか。私らにはこの民主主義の集会、市民のデモしかない」
あれから３年近くが経った。
ABE SOWS SEEDS
■首相がまく種
During this time, the Liberal Democratic Party returned to power. The LDP-led government has sought to restart idled nuclear reactors and revived the old-style policy of spending on massive public works projects.
自民党が政権に戻り、原発再稼働が推進され、大型公共事業が復活する。
The grim realization has dawned on many Japanese that they have failed to bring about change.
何も変えられなかった。
Some people have become disillusioned. Others have lost heart or simply grown weary.
冷めた人。折れた人。疲れた人。
There is no denying that the bitter sense of resignation that set in among the people, coupled with their deep disappointment at the performance of the previous government led by the Democratic Party of Japan, has provided much political capital for the Abe administration.
民主党政権への深い失望と相まって膨らんだ諦念（ていねん）が、安倍政権の政治的原資となってきたことは否めない。
A pillar of democracy is a belief in the need to have constructive, in-depth exchanges with people of opposing opinions.
反対意見に向き合い、議論を深める。民主制の根幹だ。
But Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears to believe quite the opposite. He seems to think that as the nation’s top leader, chosen through elections, he can have his own way and would be wasting his time listening to others' opinions.
しかし首相はどうやら、選挙で選ばれた、最高責任者の自分がやりたいようにやるのが政治で、反対意見なんか聞くだけ無駄だと考えているようだ。
This, then, explains the Abe administration's outrageous decision to seek an effective elimination of constitutional restrictions on Japan’s use of armed force through nothing more than a Cabinet decision.
憲法の縛りさえ、閣議決定で「ない」ことにしてしまおうという粗雑さ。
The Diet, which is dominated by the ruling parties, has been showing increasing signs of acting as a rubber stamp body in the face of the administration’s strong-arm approach to policymaking.
これに対し、与党が圧倒的議席をもつ国会は、単なる追認機関と化しつつある。
Are ruling party leaders aware that the prime minister’s heavy-handed tactics for pursuing his political agenda and the pitifully tame Diet are spawning and fostering a new breed of political actors who think and act on their own?
The question is whether this situation is fortunate or unfortunate for this nation’s negligent politicians.
気づいているだろうか。
首相の強権的な政治手法とふがいない国会のありようが、自ら思考し、行動する政治的な主体を新たに生み、育てていることに。怠慢なこの国の政治家にとっては、幸か、不幸か。
MAKING THEIR VOICES HEARD
■声を響かせる
The English phrase “Fight the power” is the principal slogan adopted for a student demonstration staged in Tokyo’s Shinjuku district on May 3, Constitution Day, against the newly enacted state secrets protection law.
The slogan is “a little too radical, but probably OK because it is in English,” said one of the student organizers.
「『Ｆｉｇｈｔ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｗｅｒ』、これは権力と闘えって意味で、ちょっと過激なんすけど、まあ英語だから大丈夫かなと」
The 400 or so participants practiced chanting in chorus in a park where they gathered before taking to the streets. They took part in the demonstration as individuals, not as members of any organization, in response to calls on the Internet or invitations by friends to turn up for the rally.
憲法記念日に東京・新宿で行われた「特定秘密保護法に反対する学生デモ」。集合場所の公園で約４００人が声を合わせ、コールの練習を始めた。都内の大学生らが主催した、党派によらない個人参加のデモ。ネットや友人関係を通じて集まった。
As they started marching on the streets, led by a car equipped with a loudspeaker beating out a rhythm with heavy bass sounds, the demonstrators kept chanting, “No to the state secrets protection law” and “Protect the Constitution.” These rather stiff phrases, chanted in a rhythmic pace, echoed across Shinjuku.
出発。重低音のリズムを刻むサウンドカーを先頭に、繰り返される「特定秘密保護法反対」「憲法守れ」。堅苦しい言葉がうまくリズムに乗っかって、新宿の街にあふれ出していく。
Participating students took the microphone in turns.
大学生たちがマイクを握る。
“I feel happy about being born in Japan, where we can live freely in ways we like,” said one student. “But the state secrets protection law was rammed through the Diet in the face of opposition. As I was concerned that the Japan I love so much could be destroyed if nothing was done, I felt compelled to act.”
「自分らしく、自由に生きられる日本に生まれたことを幸せに思っています。でも、特定秘密保護法が反対を押し切って成立した。このままじゃ大好きな日本が壊れちゃうかもしれないって思ったら、動かずにはいられませんでした」
“I’m not ashamed of expressing my will to protect my freedom and rights,” said another. “And I believe in making ‘constant efforts’ to do so.”
「私は、私の自由と権利を守るために意思表示することを恥じません。そしてそのことこそが、私の『不断の努力』であることを信じます」
They all spoke clearly in their own words and from their hearts.
私。僕。俺。借り物でない、主語が明確な言葉がつながる。
Do they want to change their society? It would seem they are more interested in protecting their society.
社会を変えたい？
いや、伝わってくるのはむしろ、「守りたい」だ。
The way the controversial bill was railroaded through the Diet raised many doubts and questions in their minds.
強引な秘密法の採決に際し、胸の内に膨らんだ疑問。
They asked themselves what democracy really means. One tentative answer they came up with is that it means they need to keep thinking on their own without any fear of making mistakes and continuing to voice their doubts and questions if they think that something is wrong.
民主主義ってなんだ？
手繰り寄せた、当座の答え。
間違ってもいいから、自分の頭で考え続けること。おかしいと思ったら、声をあげること。
That is why they took to the streets and made their voices heard.
だから路上に繰り出し、響かせる。自分たちの声を。
“Tell me what democracy looks like?” one student shouted. “This is what democracy looks like!” responded the others.
「Ｔｅｌｌ ｍｅ ｗｈａｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｌｏｏｋｓ ｌｉｋｅ？（民主主義ってどんなの？）」のコール。
「Ｔｈｉｓ ｉｓ ｗｈａｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｌｏｏｋｓ ｌｉｋｅ！（これが民主主義だ！）」のレスポンス。
One scholar argues that, in a period of upheavals when people find it difficult to envision a bright future, they tend to cling to something by engaging in physical activities.
ある学者は言う。頭で考えても見通しをもてない動乱期には、人は身体を動かして何かをつかもうとするんです――。
The students are well aware of the harsh reality. They know society doesn’t change easily. But they also know they don’t have to give up. They are more focused on continuing, rather than winning their battle.
彼らは極めて自覚的だ。社会はそう簡単には変わらない。でも諦める必要はない。志向するのは「闘い」に「勝つ」ことよりも、闘い「続ける」ことだ。
CHANGE IS HAPPENING
■深く、緩やかに
Anti-nuclear demonstrators held their 100th rally in front of the prime minister’s office in Tokyo on the first Friday of May.
５月最初の金曜日に１００回目を迎えた、首相官邸前デモ。
The number of participants has fallen, and the enthusiasm of the regular event has waned. Instead, it has become part of the everyday lives of people still taking part in the event.
数は減り、熱気は失せ、そのぶんすっかり日常化している。
There are couples sitting on the lawn and eating rice balls and groups singing songs. They enjoy spending time in their own ways in areas around the prime minister’s office, which are “opened to the public.”
植え込みに座って、おにぎりを食べるカップル。歌をうたうグループ。「開放」された官邸周辺を思い思いに楽しんでいる。
Demonstrators have stuck to some basic principles, including keeping their acts peaceful, focusing on core messages and participation as individuals. Without the experiences accumulated through regular, uneventful anti-nuke rallies in front of the prime minister’s office and the wise strategies developed for this new type of demonstrations, there might not have been the waves of people protesting against the state secrets protection law in front of the Diet last December or the recent student rally in Shinjuku.
非暴力。訴えを絞る。個人参加。官邸前で積み上げられた日常と、新しいデモの「知恵」がなければ、昨年１２月に秘密法に反対する人々が国会前に押し寄せることも、学生たちのデモも、なかったかもしれない。
“Its strong roots are not visible/ But they are there even though they are invisible/ Invisible things exist,” Misuzu Kaneko says in her book, “Hoshi to tanpopo” (The star and the dandelion).
つよいその根は眼にみえぬ。
見えぬけれどもあるんだよ、
見えぬものでもあるんだよ。
（金子みすゞ「星とたんぽぽ」）
Like dandelions, these civic movements have deep roots in people’s daily lives. Like pieces of dandelion fluff, the voices of these people waft off and reach somewhere else. The fallen seeds take root at new places.
たんぽぽのように、日常に深く根を張り、種をつけた綿毛が風に乗って飛んでいく。それがどこかで、新たに根を張る。
On May 15, the Abe administration will take a step toward allowing Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense. Probably, many pieces of fluff will swirl up into the air again.
きょう、集団的自衛権の行使容認に向け、安倍政権が一歩を踏み出す。また多くの綿毛が、空に舞いゆくことだろう。
Society is changing, deeply, quietly and calmly.
社会は変わっている。
深く、静かに、緩やかに。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 15
EDITORIAL: Citizens taking a stand to protect democracy in Japan
路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち
The triple disaster that befell Japan in 2011 was the catalyst for profound reflection among citizens and calls for fundamental changes in our society.
The Great East Japan Earthquake generated towering tsunami that triggered meltdowns at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant and plunged the nation into a state of shock. Some people likened the catastrophe to a “seconddefeat in war.” Many Japanese took it upon themselves to try to engineer change in society.
変わらなければ。
変えなければ。
東日本大震災と東京電力福島第一原発事故を経験した２０１１年。「第二の敗戦」といった言葉も飛び交うなか、日本社会は深い自省と、根源的な変革を求める空気に満ちていた。
One visible manifestation of the reflective mood was a massive rally calling for an end to Japan’s reliance on nuclear power generation. It was held in Tokyo about six months after the calamity. An estimated 60,000 people attended the “Sayonara Genpatsu” (Good-bye to nuclear power generation) rally, according to the event’s organizers.
それを目に見える形で示したのが、震災から約半年後に東京で開かれた「さようなら原発」集会だ。主催者発表で６万人が参加。
In his address to the rally, Kenzaburo Oe, a Nobel laureate writer, stressed the importance of the gathering and demonstrations in general as a means for citizens to express their views. “What can we do? All we have are such rallies driven by the democratic spirit and demonstrations by citizens,” he said. Nearly three years have passed since then.
ノーベル賞作家・大江健三郎さんは訴えた。「何ができるか。私らにはこの民主主義の集会、市民のデモしかない」
あれから３年近くが経った。
ABE SOWS SEEDS
■首相がまく種
During this time, the Liberal Democratic Party returned to power. The LDP-led government has sought to restart idled nuclear reactors and revived the old-style policy of spending on massive public works projects.
自民党が政権に戻り、原発再稼働が推進され、大型公共事業が復活する。
The grim realization has dawned on many Japanese that they have failed to bring about change.
何も変えられなかった。
Some people have become disillusioned. Others have lost heart or simply grown weary.
冷めた人。折れた人。疲れた人。
There is no denying that the bitter sense of resignation that set in among the people, coupled with their deep disappointment at the performance of the previous government led by the Democratic Party of Japan, has provided much political capital for the Abe administration.
民主党政権への深い失望と相まって膨らんだ諦念（ていねん）が、安倍政権の政治的原資となってきたことは否めない。
A pillar of democracy is a belief in the need to have constructive, in-depth exchanges with people of opposing opinions.
反対意見に向き合い、議論を深める。民主制の根幹だ。
But Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears to believe quite the opposite. He seems to think that as the nation’s top leader, chosen through elections, he can have his own way and would be wasting his time listening to others' opinions.
しかし首相はどうやら、選挙で選ばれた、最高責任者の自分がやりたいようにやるのが政治で、反対意見なんか聞くだけ無駄だと考えているようだ。
This, then, explains the Abe administration's outrageous decision to seek an effective elimination of constitutional restrictions on Japan’s use of armed force through nothing more than a Cabinet decision.
憲法の縛りさえ、閣議決定で「ない」ことにしてしまおうという粗雑さ。
The Diet, which is dominated by the ruling parties, has been showing increasing signs of acting as a rubber stamp body in the face of the administration’s strong-arm approach to policymaking.
これに対し、与党が圧倒的議席をもつ国会は、単なる追認機関と化しつつある。
Are ruling party leaders aware that the prime minister’s heavy-handed tactics for pursuing his political agenda and the pitifully tame Diet are spawning and fostering a new breed of political actors who think and act on their own?
The question is whether this situation is fortunate or unfortunate for this nation’s negligent politicians.
気づいているだろうか。
首相の強権的な政治手法とふがいない国会のありようが、自ら思考し、行動する政治的な主体を新たに生み、育てていることに。怠慢なこの国の政治家にとっては、幸か、不幸か。
MAKING THEIR VOICES HEARD
■声を響かせる
The English phrase “Fight the power” is the principal slogan adopted for a student demonstration staged in Tokyo’s Shinjuku district on May 3, Constitution Day, against the newly enacted state secrets protection law.
The slogan is “a little too radical, but probably OK because it is in English,” said one of the student organizers.
「『Ｆｉｇｈｔ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｗｅｒ』、これは権力と闘えって意味で、ちょっと過激なんすけど、まあ英語だから大丈夫かなと」
The 400 or so participants practiced chanting in chorus in a park where they gathered before taking to the streets. They took part in the demonstration as individuals, not as members of any organization, in response to calls on the Internet or invitations by friends to turn up for the rally.
憲法記念日に東京・新宿で行われた「特定秘密保護法に反対する学生デモ」。集合場所の公園で約４００人が声を合わせ、コールの練習を始めた。都内の大学生らが主催した、党派によらない個人参加のデモ。ネットや友人関係を通じて集まった。
As they started marching on the streets, led by a car equipped with a loudspeaker beating out a rhythm with heavy bass sounds, the demonstrators kept chanting, “No to the state secrets protection law” and “Protect the Constitution.” These rather stiff phrases, chanted in a rhythmic pace, echoed across Shinjuku.
出発。重低音のリズムを刻むサウンドカーを先頭に、繰り返される「特定秘密保護法反対」「憲法守れ」。堅苦しい言葉がうまくリズムに乗っかって、新宿の街にあふれ出していく。
Participating students took the microphone in turns.
大学生たちがマイクを握る。
“I feel happy about being born in Japan, where we can live freely in ways we like,” said one student. “But the state secrets protection law was rammed through the Diet in the face of opposition. As I was concerned that the Japan I love so much could be destroyed if nothing was done, I felt compelled to act.”
「自分らしく、自由に生きられる日本に生まれたことを幸せに思っています。でも、特定秘密保護法が反対を押し切って成立した。このままじゃ大好きな日本が壊れちゃうかもしれないって思ったら、動かずにはいられませんでした」
“I’m not ashamed of expressing my will to protect my freedom and rights,” said another. “And I believe in making ‘constant efforts’ to do so.”
「私は、私の自由と権利を守るために意思表示することを恥じません。そしてそのことこそが、私の『不断の努力』であることを信じます」
They all spoke clearly in their own words and from their hearts.
私。僕。俺。借り物でない、主語が明確な言葉がつながる。
Do they want to change their society? It would seem they are more interested in protecting their society.
社会を変えたい？
いや、伝わってくるのはむしろ、「守りたい」だ。
The way the controversial bill was railroaded through the Diet raised many doubts and questions in their minds.
強引な秘密法の採決に際し、胸の内に膨らんだ疑問。
They asked themselves what democracy really means. One tentative answer they came up with is that it means they need to keep thinking on their own without any fear of making mistakes and continuing to voice their doubts and questions if they think that something is wrong.
民主主義ってなんだ？
手繰り寄せた、当座の答え。
間違ってもいいから、自分の頭で考え続けること。おかしいと思ったら、声をあげること。
That is why they took to the streets and made their voices heard.
だから路上に繰り出し、響かせる。自分たちの声を。
“Tell me what democracy looks like?” one student shouted. “This is what democracy looks like!” responded the others.
「Ｔｅｌｌ ｍｅ ｗｈａｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｌｏｏｋｓ ｌｉｋｅ？（民主主義ってどんなの？）」のコール。
「Ｔｈｉｓ ｉｓ ｗｈａｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｌｏｏｋｓ ｌｉｋｅ！（これが民主主義だ！）」のレスポンス。
One scholar argues that, in a period of upheavals when people find it difficult to envision a bright future, they tend to cling to something by engaging in physical activities.
ある学者は言う。頭で考えても見通しをもてない動乱期には、人は身体を動かして何かをつかもうとするんです――。
The students are well aware of the harsh reality. They know society doesn’t change easily. But they also know they don’t have to give up. They are more focused on continuing, rather than winning their battle.
彼らは極めて自覚的だ。社会はそう簡単には変わらない。でも諦める必要はない。志向するのは「闘い」に「勝つ」ことよりも、闘い「続ける」ことだ。
CHANGE IS HAPPENING
■深く、緩やかに
Anti-nuclear demonstrators held their 100th rally in front of the prime minister’s office in Tokyo on the first Friday of May.
５月最初の金曜日に１００回目を迎えた、首相官邸前デモ。
The number of participants has fallen, and the enthusiasm of the regular event has waned. Instead, it has become part of the everyday lives of people still taking part in the event.
数は減り、熱気は失せ、そのぶんすっかり日常化している。
There are couples sitting on the lawn and eating rice balls and groups singing songs. They enjoy spending time in their own ways in areas around the prime minister’s office, which are “opened to the public.”
植え込みに座って、おにぎりを食べるカップル。歌をうたうグループ。「開放」された官邸周辺を思い思いに楽しんでいる。
Demonstrators have stuck to some basic principles, including keeping their acts peaceful, focusing on core messages and participation as individuals. Without the experiences accumulated through regular, uneventful anti-nuke rallies in front of the prime minister’s office and the wise strategies developed for this new type of demonstrations, there might not have been the waves of people protesting against the state secrets protection law in front of the Diet last December or the recent student rally in Shinjuku.
非暴力。訴えを絞る。個人参加。官邸前で積み上げられた日常と、新しいデモの「知恵」がなければ、昨年１２月に秘密法に反対する人々が国会前に押し寄せることも、学生たちのデモも、なかったかもしれない。
“Its strong roots are not visible/ But they are there even though they are invisible/ Invisible things exist,” Misuzu Kaneko says in her book, “Hoshi to tanpopo” (The star and the dandelion).
つよいその根は眼にみえぬ。
見えぬけれどもあるんだよ、
見えぬものでもあるんだよ。
（金子みすゞ「星とたんぽぽ」）
Like dandelions, these civic movements have deep roots in people’s daily lives. Like pieces of dandelion fluff, the voices of these people waft off and reach somewhere else. The fallen seeds take root at new places.
たんぽぽのように、日常に深く根を張り、種をつけた綿毛が風に乗って飛んでいく。それがどこかで、新たに根を張る。
On May 15, the Abe administration will take a step toward allowing Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense. Probably, many pieces of fluff will swirl up into the air again.
きょう、集団的自衛権の行使容認に向け、安倍政権が一歩を踏み出す。また多くの綿毛が、空に舞いゆくことだろう。
Society is changing, deeply, quietly and calmly.
社会は変わっている。
深く、静かに、緩やかに。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 15
路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち
May 15, 2014
EDITORIAL: Citizens taking a stand to protect democracy in Japan
路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち
The triple disaster that befell Japan in 2011 was the catalyst for profound reflection among citizens and calls for
fundamental changes in our society.
The Great East Japan Earthquake generated towering tsunami that triggered meltdowns at the Fukushima No. 1
nuclear power plant and plunged the nation into a state of shock. Some people likened the catastrophe to a “second
defeat in war.” Many Japanese took it upon themselves to try to engineer change in society.
変わらなければ。
変えなければ。
東日本大震災と東京電力福島第一原発事故を経験した２０１１年。「第二の敗戦」といった言葉も飛び交うなか、日本社会は深い
自省と、根源的な変革を求める空気に満ちていた。
One visible manifestation of the reflective mood was a massive rally calling for an end to Japan’s reliance on nuclear
power generation. It was held in Tokyo about six months after the calamity. An estimated 60,000 people attended the
“Sayonara Genpatsu” (Good-bye to nuclear power generation) rally, according to the event’s organizers.
それを目に見える形で示したのが、震災から約半年後に東京で開かれた「さようなら原発」集会だ。主催者発表で６万人が参加。
In his address to the rally, Kenzaburo Oe, a Nobel laureate writer, stressed the importance of the gathering and
demonstrations in general as a means for citizens to express their views. “What can we do? All we have are such
rallies driven by the democratic spirit and demonstrations by citizens,” he said. Nearly three years have passed since
then.
ノーベル賞作家・大江健三郎さんは訴えた。「何ができるか。私らにはこの民主主義の集会、市民のデモしかない」
あれから３年近くが経った。
ABE SOWS SEEDS
■首相がまく種
During this time, the Liberal Democratic Party returned to power. The LDP-led government has sought to restart idled
nuclear reactors and revived the old-style policy of spending on massive public works projects.
自民党が政権に戻り、原発再稼働が推進され、大型公共事業が復活する。
The grim realization has dawned on many Japanese that they have failed to bring about change.
何も変えられなかった。
Some people have become disillusioned. Others have lost heart or simply grown weary.
冷めた人。折れた人。疲れた人。
There is no denying that the bitter sense of resignation that set in among the people, coupled with their deep
disappointment at the performance of the previous government led by the Democratic Party of Japan, has provided
much political capital for the Abe administration.
民主党政権への深い失望と相まって膨らんだ諦念（ていねん）が、安倍政権の政治的原資となってきたことは否めない。
A pillar of democracy is a belief in the need to have constructive, in-depth exchanges with people of opposing
opinions.
反対意見に向き合い、議論を深める。民主制の根幹だ。
But Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears to believe quite the opposite. He seems to think that as the nation’s top
leader, chosen through elections, he can have his own way and would be wasting his time listening to others'
opinions.
しかし首相はどうやら、選挙で選ばれた、最高責任者の自分がやりたいようにやるのが政治で、反対意見なんか聞くだけ無駄だと考えて
いるようだ。
This, then, explains the Abe administration's outrageous decision to seek an effective elimination of constitutional
restrictions on Japan’s use of armed force through nothing more than a Cabinet decision.
憲法の縛りさえ、閣議決定で「ない」ことにしてしまおうという粗雑さ。
The Diet, which is dominated by the ruling parties, has been showing increasing signs of acting as a rubber stamp
body in the face of the administration’s strong-arm approach to policymaking.
これに対し、与党が圧倒的議席をもつ国会は、単なる追認機関と化しつつある。
Are ruling party leaders aware that the prime minister’s heavy-handed tactics for pursuing his political agenda and
the pitifully tame Diet are spawning and fostering a new breed of political actors who think and act on their own?
The question is whether this situation is fortunate or unfortunate for this nation’s negligent politicians.
気づいているだろうか。
首相の強権的な政治手法とふがいない国会のありようが、自ら思考し、行動する政治的な主体を新たに生み、育てていることに。怠
慢なこの国の政治家にとっては、幸か、不幸か。
MAKING THEIR VOICES HEARD
■声を響かせる
The English phrase “Fight the power” is the principal slogan adopted for a student demonstration staged in Tokyo’s
Shinjuku district on May 3, Constitution Day, against the newly enacted state secrets protection law.
The slogan is “a little too radical, but probably OK because it is in English,” said one of the student organizers.
「『Ｆｉｇｈｔ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｗｅｒ』、これは権力と闘えって意味で、ちょっと過激なんすけど、まあ英語だから大丈夫かなと」
The 400 or so participants practiced chanting in chorus in a park where they gathered before taking to the streets.
They took part in the demonstration as individuals, not as members of any organization, in response to calls on the
Internet or invitations by friends to turn up for the rally.
憲法記念日に東京・新宿で行われた「特定秘密保護法に反対する学生デモ」。集合場所の公園で約４００人が声を合わせ、コール
の練習を始めた。都内の大学生らが主催した、党派によらない個人参加のデモ。ネットや友人関係を通じて集まった。
As they started marching on the streets, led by a car equipped with a loudspeaker beating out a rhythm with heavy
bass sounds, the demonstrators kept chanting, “No to the state secrets protection law” and “Protect the Constitution.”
These rather stiff phrases, chanted in a rhythmic pace, echoed across Shinjuku.
出発。重低音のリズムを刻むサウンドカーを先頭に、繰り返される「特定秘密保護法反対」「憲法守れ」。堅苦しい言葉がうまくリズム
に乗っかって、新宿の街にあふれ出していく。
Participating students took the microphone in turns.
大学生たちがマイクを握る。
“I feel happy about being born in Japan, where we can live freely in ways we like,” said one student. “But the state
secrets protection law was rammed through the Diet in the face of opposition. As I was concerned that the Japan I
love so much could be destroyed if nothing was done, I felt compelled to act.”
「自分らしく、自由に生きられる日本に生まれたことを幸せに思っています。でも、特定秘密保護法が反対を押し切って成立した。この
ままじゃ大好きな日本が壊れちゃうかもしれないって思ったら、動かずにはいられませんでした」
“I’m not ashamed of expressing my will to protect my freedom and rights,” said another. “And I believe in making
‘constant efforts’ to do so.”
「私は、私の自由と権利を守るために意思表示することを恥じません。そしてそのことこそが、私の『不断の努力』であることを信じます」
They all spoke clearly in their own words and from their hearts.
私。僕。俺。借り物でない、主語が明確な言葉がつながる。
Do they want to change their society? It would seem they are more interested in protecting their society.
社会を変えたい？
いや、伝わってくるのはむしろ、「守りたい」だ。
The way the controversial bill was railroaded through the Diet raised many doubts and questions in their minds.
強引な秘密法の採決に際し、胸の内に膨らんだ疑問。
They asked themselves what democracy really means. One tentative answer they came up with is that it means they
need to keep thinking on their own without any fear of making mistakes and continuing to voice their doubts and
questions if they think that something is wrong.
民主主義ってなんだ？
手繰り寄せた、当座の答え。
間違ってもいいから、自分の頭で考え続けること。おかしいと思ったら、声をあげること。
That is why they took to the streets and made their voices heard.
だから路上に繰り出し、響かせる。自分たちの声を。
“Tell me what democracy looks like?” one student shouted. “This is what democracy looks like!” responded the others.
「Ｔｅｌｌ ｍｅ ｗｈａｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｌｏｏｋｓ ｌｉｋｅ？（民主主義ってどんなの？）」のコール。
「Ｔｈｉｓ ｉｓ ｗｈａｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｌｏｏｋｓ ｌｉｋｅ！（これが民主主義だ！）」のレスポンス。
One scholar argues that, in a period of upheavals when people find it difficult to envision a bright future, they tend to
cling to something by engaging in physical activities.
ある学者は言う。頭で考えても見通しをもてない動乱期には、人は身体を動かして何かをつかもうとするんです――。
The students are well aware of the harsh reality. They know society doesn’t change easily. But they also know they
don’t have to give up. They are more focused on continuing, rather than winning their battle.
彼らは極めて自覚的だ。社会はそう簡単には変わらない。でも諦める必要はない。志向するのは「闘い」に「勝つ」ことよりも、闘い「続
ける」ことだ。
CHANGE IS HAPPENING
■深く、緩やかに
Anti-nuclear demonstrators held their 100th rally in front of the prime minister’s office in Tokyo on the first Friday of
May.
５月最初の金曜日に１００回目を迎えた、首相官邸前デモ。
The number of participants has fallen, and the enthusiasm of the regular event has waned. Instead, it has become
part of the everyday lives of people still taking part in the event.
数は減り、熱気は失せ、そのぶんすっかり日常化している。
There are couples sitting on the lawn and eating rice balls and groups singing songs. They enjoy spending time in
their own ways in areas around the prime minister’s office, which are “opened to the public.”
植え込みに座って、おにぎりを食べるカップル。歌をうたうグループ。「開放」された官邸周辺を思い思いに楽しんでいる。
Demonstrators have stuck to some basic principles, including keeping their acts peaceful, focusing on core messages
and participation as individuals. Without the experiences accumulated through regular, uneventful anti-nuke rallies in
front of the prime minister’s office and the wise strategies developed for this new type of demonstrations, there might
not have been the waves of people protesting against the state secrets protection law in front of the Diet last
December or the recent student rally in Shinjuku.
非暴力。訴えを絞る。個人参加。官邸前で積み上げられた日常と、新しいデモの「知恵」がなければ、昨年１２月に秘密法に反対す
る人々が国会前に押し寄せることも、学生たちのデモも、なかったかもしれない。
“Its strong roots are not visible/ But they are there even though they are invisible/ Invisible things exist,” Misuzu
Kaneko says in her book, “Hoshi to tanpopo” (The star and the dandelion).
つよいその根は眼にみえぬ。
見えぬけれどもあるんだよ、
見えぬものでもあるんだよ。
（金子みすゞ「星とたんぽぽ」）
Like dandelions, these civic movements have deep roots in people’s daily lives. Like pieces of dandelion fluff, the
voices of these people waft off and reach somewhere else. The fallen seeds take root at new places.
たんぽぽのように、日常に深く根を張り、種をつけた綿毛が風に乗って飛んでいく。それがどこかで、新たに根を張る。
On May 15, the Abe administration will take a step toward allowing Japan to exercise its right to collective self-
defense. Probably, many pieces of fluff will swirl up into the air again.
きょう、集団的自衛権の行使容認に向け、安倍政権が一歩を踏み出す。また多くの綿毛が、空に舞いゆくことだろう。
Society is changing, deeply, quietly and calmly.
社会は変わっている。
深く、静かに、緩やかに。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 15
EDITORIAL: Citizens taking a stand to protect democracy in Japan
路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち
The triple disaster that befell Japan in 2011 was the catalyst for profound reflection among citizens and calls for
fundamental changes in our society.
The Great East Japan Earthquake generated towering tsunami that triggered meltdowns at the Fukushima No. 1
nuclear power plant and plunged the nation into a state of shock. Some people likened the catastrophe to a “second
defeat in war.” Many Japanese took it upon themselves to try to engineer change in society.
変わらなければ。
変えなければ。
東日本大震災と東京電力福島第一原発事故を経験した２０１１年。「第二の敗戦」といった言葉も飛び交うなか、日本社会は深い
自省と、根源的な変革を求める空気に満ちていた。
One visible manifestation of the reflective mood was a massive rally calling for an end to Japan’s reliance on nuclear
power generation. It was held in Tokyo about six months after the calamity. An estimated 60,000 people attended the
“Sayonara Genpatsu” (Good-bye to nuclear power generation) rally, according to the event’s organizers.
それを目に見える形で示したのが、震災から約半年後に東京で開かれた「さようなら原発」集会だ。主催者発表で６万人が参加。
In his address to the rally, Kenzaburo Oe, a Nobel laureate writer, stressed the importance of the gathering and
demonstrations in general as a means for citizens to express their views. “What can we do? All we have are such
rallies driven by the democratic spirit and demonstrations by citizens,” he said. Nearly three years have passed since
then.
ノーベル賞作家・大江健三郎さんは訴えた。「何ができるか。私らにはこの民主主義の集会、市民のデモしかない」
あれから３年近くが経った。
ABE SOWS SEEDS
■首相がまく種
During this time, the Liberal Democratic Party returned to power. The LDP-led government has sought to restart idled
nuclear reactors and revived the old-style policy of spending on massive public works projects.
自民党が政権に戻り、原発再稼働が推進され、大型公共事業が復活する。
The grim realization has dawned on many Japanese that they have failed to bring about change.
何も変えられなかった。
Some people have become disillusioned. Others have lost heart or simply grown weary.
冷めた人。折れた人。疲れた人。
There is no denying that the bitter sense of resignation that set in among the people, coupled with their deep
disappointment at the performance of the previous government led by the Democratic Party of Japan, has provided
much political capital for the Abe administration.
民主党政権への深い失望と相まって膨らんだ諦念（ていねん）が、安倍政権の政治的原資となってきたことは否めない。
A pillar of democracy is a belief in the need to have constructive, in-depth exchanges with people of opposing
opinions.
反対意見に向き合い、議論を深める。民主制の根幹だ。
But Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears to believe quite the opposite. He seems to think that as the nation’s top
leader, chosen through elections, he can have his own way and would be wasting his time listening to others'
opinions.
しかし首相はどうやら、選挙で選ばれた、最高責任者の自分がやりたいようにやるのが政治で、反対意見なんか聞くだけ無駄だと考えて
いるようだ。
This, then, explains the Abe administration's outrageous decision to seek an effective elimination of constitutional
restrictions on Japan’s use of armed force through nothing more than a Cabinet decision.
憲法の縛りさえ、閣議決定で「ない」ことにしてしまおうという粗雑さ。
The Diet, which is dominated by the ruling parties, has been showing increasing signs of acting as a rubber stamp
body in the face of the administration’s strong-arm approach to policymaking.
これに対し、与党が圧倒的議席をもつ国会は、単なる追認機関と化しつつある。
Are ruling party leaders aware that the prime minister’s heavy-handed tactics for pursuing his political agenda and
the pitifully tame Diet are spawning and fostering a new breed of political actors who think and act on their own?
The question is whether this situation is fortunate or unfortunate for this nation’s negligent politicians.
気づいているだろうか。
首相の強権的な政治手法とふがいない国会のありようが、自ら思考し、行動する政治的な主体を新たに生み、育てていることに。怠
慢なこの国の政治家にとっては、幸か、不幸か。
MAKING THEIR VOICES HEARD
■声を響かせる
The English phrase “Fight the power” is the principal slogan adopted for a student demonstration staged in Tokyo’s
Shinjuku district on May 3, Constitution Day, against the newly enacted state secrets protection law.
The slogan is “a little too radical, but probably OK because it is in English,” said one of the student organizers.
「『Ｆｉｇｈｔ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｗｅｒ』、これは権力と闘えって意味で、ちょっと過激なんすけど、まあ英語だから大丈夫かなと」
The 400 or so participants practiced chanting in chorus in a park where they gathered before taking to the streets.
They took part in the demonstration as individuals, not as members of any organization, in response to calls on the
Internet or invitations by friends to turn up for the rally.
憲法記念日に東京・新宿で行われた「特定秘密保護法に反対する学生デモ」。集合場所の公園で約４００人が声を合わせ、コール
の練習を始めた。都内の大学生らが主催した、党派によらない個人参加のデモ。ネットや友人関係を通じて集まった。
As they started marching on the streets, led by a car equipped with a loudspeaker beating out a rhythm with heavy
bass sounds, the demonstrators kept chanting, “No to the state secrets protection law” and “Protect the Constitution.”
These rather stiff phrases, chanted in a rhythmic pace, echoed across Shinjuku.
出発。重低音のリズムを刻むサウンドカーを先頭に、繰り返される「特定秘密保護法反対」「憲法守れ」。堅苦しい言葉がうまくリズム
に乗っかって、新宿の街にあふれ出していく。
Participating students took the microphone in turns.
大学生たちがマイクを握る。
“I feel happy about being born in Japan, where we can live freely in ways we like,” said one student. “But the state
secrets protection law was rammed through the Diet in the face of opposition. As I was concerned that the Japan I
love so much could be destroyed if nothing was done, I felt compelled to act.”
「自分らしく、自由に生きられる日本に生まれたことを幸せに思っています。でも、特定秘密保護法が反対を押し切って成立した。この
ままじゃ大好きな日本が壊れちゃうかもしれないって思ったら、動かずにはいられませんでした」
“I’m not ashamed of expressing my will to protect my freedom and rights,” said another. “And I believe in making
‘constant efforts’ to do so.”
「私は、私の自由と権利を守るために意思表示することを恥じません。そしてそのことこそが、私の『不断の努力』であることを信じます」
They all spoke clearly in their own words and from their hearts.
私。僕。俺。借り物でない、主語が明確な言葉がつながる。
Do they want to change their society? It would seem they are more interested in protecting their society.
社会を変えたい？
いや、伝わってくるのはむしろ、「守りたい」だ。
The way the controversial bill was railroaded through the Diet raised many doubts and questions in their minds.
強引な秘密法の採決に際し、胸の内に膨らんだ疑問。
They asked themselves what democracy really means. One tentative answer they came up with is that it means they
need to keep thinking on their own without any fear of making mistakes and continuing to voice their doubts and
questions if they think that something is wrong.
民主主義ってなんだ？
手繰り寄せた、当座の答え。
間違ってもいいから、自分の頭で考え続けること。おかしいと思ったら、声をあげること。
That is why they took to the streets and made their voices heard.
だから路上に繰り出し、響かせる。自分たちの声を。
“Tell me what democracy looks like?” one student shouted. “This is what democracy looks like!” responded the others.
「Ｔｅｌｌ ｍｅ ｗｈａｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｌｏｏｋｓ ｌｉｋｅ？（民主主義ってどんなの？）」のコール。
「Ｔｈｉｓ ｉｓ ｗｈａｔ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ ｌｏｏｋｓ ｌｉｋｅ！（これが民主主義だ！）」のレスポンス。
One scholar argues that, in a period of upheavals when people find it difficult to envision a bright future, they tend to
cling to something by engaging in physical activities.
ある学者は言う。頭で考えても見通しをもてない動乱期には、人は身体を動かして何かをつかもうとするんです――。
The students are well aware of the harsh reality. They know society doesn’t change easily. But they also know they
don’t have to give up. They are more focused on continuing, rather than winning their battle.
彼らは極めて自覚的だ。社会はそう簡単には変わらない。でも諦める必要はない。志向するのは「闘い」に「勝つ」ことよりも、闘い「続
ける」ことだ。
CHANGE IS HAPPENING
■深く、緩やかに
Anti-nuclear demonstrators held their 100th rally in front of the prime minister’s office in Tokyo on the first Friday of
May.
５月最初の金曜日に１００回目を迎えた、首相官邸前デモ。
The number of participants has fallen, and the enthusiasm of the regular event has waned. Instead, it has become
part of the everyday lives of people still taking part in the event.
数は減り、熱気は失せ、そのぶんすっかり日常化している。
There are couples sitting on the lawn and eating rice balls and groups singing songs. They enjoy spending time in
their own ways in areas around the prime minister’s office, which are “opened to the public.”
植え込みに座って、おにぎりを食べるカップル。歌をうたうグループ。「開放」された官邸周辺を思い思いに楽しんでいる。
Demonstrators have stuck to some basic principles, including keeping their acts peaceful, focusing on core messages
and participation as individuals. Without the experiences accumulated through regular, uneventful anti-nuke rallies in
front of the prime minister’s office and the wise strategies developed for this new type of demonstrations, there might
not have been the waves of people protesting against the state secrets protection law in front of the Diet last
December or the recent student rally in Shinjuku.
非暴力。訴えを絞る。個人参加。官邸前で積み上げられた日常と、新しいデモの「知恵」がなければ、昨年１２月に秘密法に反対す
る人々が国会前に押し寄せることも、学生たちのデモも、なかったかもしれない。
“Its strong roots are not visible/ But they are there even though they are invisible/ Invisible things exist,” Misuzu
Kaneko says in her book, “Hoshi to tanpopo” (The star and the dandelion).
つよいその根は眼にみえぬ。
見えぬけれどもあるんだよ、
見えぬものでもあるんだよ。
（金子みすゞ「星とたんぽぽ」）
Like dandelions, these civic movements have deep roots in people’s daily lives. Like pieces of dandelion fluff, the
voices of these people waft off and reach somewhere else. The fallen seeds take root at new places.
たんぽぽのように、日常に深く根を張り、種をつけた綿毛が風に乗って飛んでいく。それがどこかで、新たに根を張る。
On May 15, the Abe administration will take a step toward allowing Japan to exercise its right to collective self-
defense. Probably, many pieces of fluff will swirl up into the air again.
きょう、集団的自衛権の行使容認に向け、安倍政権が一歩を踏み出す。また多くの綿毛が、空に舞いゆくことだろう。
Society is changing, deeply, quietly and calmly.
社会は変わっている。
深く、静かに、緩やかに。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 15
2014年05月16日
ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ
May 14, 2014
EDITORIAL: China must not be allowed to put NPT regime at risk
ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ
The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) requires the world’s nuclear states to strive in earnest for nuclear disarmament. Unless this requirement is fulfilled, the treaty itself, which prohibits non-nuclear countries from possessing nuclear weapons, could collapse. When that happens, the world will be a dangerous place for all countries, irrespective of whether they have nuclear capabilities.
核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）は核保有国に、軍縮への誠実な取り組みを義務づけている。その義務が果たされないと、他の国の核保有を禁じるＮＰＴ体制は崩れかねない。そんな世界は非核国だけでなく、核保有国さえも危うくする。
Yet, the attitude of the nuclear states makes us doubt that they have any serious interest in averting that sort of global crisis.
にもかかわらず、核保有国の態度を見ていると、そうした世界の危機を本気で回避しようとしているのか、疑わしくなる。
The third session in New York of the Preparatory Committee for the 2015 Review Conference of the Parties to the NPT closed on May 9 with no results to speak of. The committee failed to narrow the gap between non-nuclear countries and the five NTP-approved nuclear states--the United States, Russia, Britain, France and China.
来年のＮＰＴ再検討会議に向けた準備委員会は、めぼしい成果がないまま閉幕した。核軍縮の進め方をめぐり、ＮＰＴで核保有を認められている米ロ英仏中の５カ国と、非核保有国の溝が埋まらなかった。
Based on an agreement reached at the last NPT Review Conference in 2010, the five nuclear states issued written reports for the first time on disarmament trends. The United States, Britain and France stressed that their nuclear capabilities are now way below the levels they were during the Cold War era. But none of them indicated a road map for ending their reliance on nuclear weapons.
４年前の前回再検討会議での合意に基づき、５カ国は初めて、軍縮の動向を文書で報告した。米英仏は冷戦期より大幅に減らしたと強調したが、各国とも核依存から方向転換する道筋は示さなかった。
China and Russia did not even disclose the numbers of nuclear warheads in their possession.
中国とロシアは核弾頭の保有数すら明らかにしなかった。
The outcome could not have been more disappointing. The nuclear states ought to reawaken to their grave responsibilities.
あまりに不十分な内容というしかない。重い責任を改めて自覚すべきである。
Our only hope now lies with U.S. President Barack Obama, who has called for a world free of nuclear weapons despite the fact that his country is the world’s most powerful nuclear state.
期待したいのは、最強の保有国でありながら、「核なき世界」を掲げるオバマ大統領だ。
A U.S. representative who delivered a speech at the session showed an understanding of the inhumanity of nuclear weapons for the first time. This was a notable change, even though the United States does not support the Nuclear Weapons Convention proposed by non-nuclear nations.
準備委で演説した米国代表は、核の非人道性に初めて理解を示した。多くの非核国が求める禁止条約まで支持してはいないが、注目すべき変化である。
The third Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons will be held in Vienna in December. As an ally of the United States and the only country that has been attacked with nuclear weapons, Japan should urge the United States to participate in this conference.
今年１２月、非人道性を議題とする３回目の国際会議がウィーンで開かれる。被爆国であり、同盟国でもある日本から、米国に参加を働きかけてはどうか。
Last July, Obama called for negotiated arms reduction with Russia, proposing to further reduce their agreed-upon strategic nuclear weapons capabilities by one-third to around 1,000 warheads. But U.S.-Russia relations have since deteriorated over the Ukraine crisis and other issues, leaving the talks schedule up in the air.
オバマ大統領は昨年６月、戦略核を現行の米ロ条約の水準からさらに３分の１減らし、１千発程度にする交渉を提案した。ただ、ウクライナ問題などでロシアとの関係は冷え込み、交渉開始のめどは立たない。
Since the United States far outpowers Russia in conventional weapons, it should still be able to maintain its deterrence power even if it reduces its strategic nuclear weapons. This is actually what we would like the United States to do voluntarily, and then urge Russia to follow suit. And for Russia, which is having problems with its aging nuclear system, this would not be a bad deal.
通常戦力で圧倒する米国が先に戦略核をもっと削減しても、抑止力は維持できるだろう。米国が自主的に減らし、ロシアに同調を促してはどうか。核システムの老朽化に悩むロシアにも、悪い取引ではないはずだ。
China, which refuses to disclose its nuclear capabilities, could pose a risk to the maintenance of the NPT regime in the days ahead. But if the United States and Russia forge ahead with further nuclear disarmament at Obama’s initiative, China will become increasingly unable to have its way.
核戦力の実態を明らかにしない中国が今後、ＮＰＴ体制を維持していくうえで、リスク要因になる恐れもある。オバマ政権の主導で米ロがいっそうの軍縮に踏み込めば、中国の自分勝手はますます通用しなくなる。
The time has come for Obama to strongly urge China to stop making empty promises and take action for disarmament.
口では軍縮努力を繰り返す中国に、行動で示すよう強く求める時期にきている。
Obama’s approval ratings are not getting any better at home. But he must stand his ground if he really intends to establish a solid path toward a nuclear-free world.
オバマ大統領の支持率は低迷しているが、核ゼロへの流れを確かなものにするには、今が正念場である。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 14
EDITORIAL: China must not be allowed to put NPT regime at risk
ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ
The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) requires the world’s nuclear states to strive in earnest for nuclear disarmament. Unless this requirement is fulfilled, the treaty itself, which prohibits non-nuclear countries from possessing nuclear weapons, could collapse. When that happens, the world will be a dangerous place for all countries, irrespective of whether they have nuclear capabilities.
核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）は核保有国に、軍縮への誠実な取り組みを義務づけている。その義務が果たされないと、他の国の核保有を禁じるＮＰＴ体制は崩れかねない。そんな世界は非核国だけでなく、核保有国さえも危うくする。
Yet, the attitude of the nuclear states makes us doubt that they have any serious interest in averting that sort of global crisis.
にもかかわらず、核保有国の態度を見ていると、そうした世界の危機を本気で回避しようとしているのか、疑わしくなる。
The third session in New York of the Preparatory Committee for the 2015 Review Conference of the Parties to the NPT closed on May 9 with no results to speak of. The committee failed to narrow the gap between non-nuclear countries and the five NTP-approved nuclear states--the United States, Russia, Britain, France and China.
来年のＮＰＴ再検討会議に向けた準備委員会は、めぼしい成果がないまま閉幕した。核軍縮の進め方をめぐり、ＮＰＴで核保有を認められている米ロ英仏中の５カ国と、非核保有国の溝が埋まらなかった。
Based on an agreement reached at the last NPT Review Conference in 2010, the five nuclear states issued written reports for the first time on disarmament trends. The United States, Britain and France stressed that their nuclear capabilities are now way below the levels they were during the Cold War era. But none of them indicated a road map for ending their reliance on nuclear weapons.
４年前の前回再検討会議での合意に基づき、５カ国は初めて、軍縮の動向を文書で報告した。米英仏は冷戦期より大幅に減らしたと強調したが、各国とも核依存から方向転換する道筋は示さなかった。
China and Russia did not even disclose the numbers of nuclear warheads in their possession.
中国とロシアは核弾頭の保有数すら明らかにしなかった。
The outcome could not have been more disappointing. The nuclear states ought to reawaken to their grave responsibilities.
あまりに不十分な内容というしかない。重い責任を改めて自覚すべきである。
Our only hope now lies with U.S. President Barack Obama, who has called for a world free of nuclear weapons despite the fact that his country is the world’s most powerful nuclear state.
期待したいのは、最強の保有国でありながら、「核なき世界」を掲げるオバマ大統領だ。
A U.S. representative who delivered a speech at the session showed an understanding of the inhumanity of nuclear weapons for the first time. This was a notable change, even though the United States does not support the Nuclear Weapons Convention proposed by non-nuclear nations.
準備委で演説した米国代表は、核の非人道性に初めて理解を示した。多くの非核国が求める禁止条約まで支持してはいないが、注目すべき変化である。
The third Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons will be held in Vienna in December. As an ally of the United States and the only country that has been attacked with nuclear weapons, Japan should urge the United States to participate in this conference.
今年１２月、非人道性を議題とする３回目の国際会議がウィーンで開かれる。被爆国であり、同盟国でもある日本から、米国に参加を働きかけてはどうか。
Last July, Obama called for negotiated arms reduction with Russia, proposing to further reduce their agreed-upon strategic nuclear weapons capabilities by one-third to around 1,000 warheads. But U.S.-Russia relations have since deteriorated over the Ukraine crisis and other issues, leaving the talks schedule up in the air.
オバマ大統領は昨年６月、戦略核を現行の米ロ条約の水準からさらに３分の１減らし、１千発程度にする交渉を提案した。ただ、ウクライナ問題などでロシアとの関係は冷え込み、交渉開始のめどは立たない。
Since the United States far outpowers Russia in conventional weapons, it should still be able to maintain its deterrence power even if it reduces its strategic nuclear weapons. This is actually what we would like the United States to do voluntarily, and then urge Russia to follow suit. And for Russia, which is having problems with its aging nuclear system, this would not be a bad deal.
通常戦力で圧倒する米国が先に戦略核をもっと削減しても、抑止力は維持できるだろう。米国が自主的に減らし、ロシアに同調を促してはどうか。核システムの老朽化に悩むロシアにも、悪い取引ではないはずだ。
China, which refuses to disclose its nuclear capabilities, could pose a risk to the maintenance of the NPT regime in the days ahead. But if the United States and Russia forge ahead with further nuclear disarmament at Obama’s initiative, China will become increasingly unable to have its way.
核戦力の実態を明らかにしない中国が今後、ＮＰＴ体制を維持していくうえで、リスク要因になる恐れもある。オバマ政権の主導で米ロがいっそうの軍縮に踏み込めば、中国の自分勝手はますます通用しなくなる。
The time has come for Obama to strongly urge China to stop making empty promises and take action for disarmament.
口では軍縮努力を繰り返す中国に、行動で示すよう強く求める時期にきている。
Obama’s approval ratings are not getting any better at home. But he must stand his ground if he really intends to establish a solid path toward a nuclear-free world.
オバマ大統領の支持率は低迷しているが、核ゼロへの流れを確かなものにするには、今が正念場である。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 14
ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ
May 14, 2014
EDITORIAL: China must not be allowed to put NPT regime at risk
ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ
The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) requires the world’s nuclear states to strive in earnest
for nuclear disarmament. Unless this requirement is fulfilled, the treaty itself, which prohibits non-nuclear countries
from possessing nuclear weapons, could collapse. When that happens, the world will be a dangerous place for all
countries, irrespective of whether they have nuclear capabilities.
核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）は核保有国に、軍縮への誠実な取り組みを義務づけている。その義務が果たされないと、他の国の核保有を
禁じるＮＰＴ体制は崩れかねない。そんな世界は非核国だけでなく、核保有国さえも危うくする。
Yet, the attitude of the nuclear states makes us doubt that they have any serious interest in averting that sort of
global crisis.
にもかかわらず、核保有国の態度を見ていると、そうした世界の危機を本気で回避しようとしているのか、疑わしくなる。
The third session in New York of the Preparatory Committee for the 2015 Review Conference of the Parties to the NPT
closed on May 9 with no results to speak of. The committee failed to narrow the gap between non-nuclear countries
and the five NTP-approved nuclear states--the United States, Russia, Britain, France and China.
来年のＮＰＴ再検討会議に向けた準備委員会は、めぼしい成果がないまま閉幕した。核軍縮の進め方をめぐり、ＮＰＴで核保有を認
められている米ロ英仏中の５カ国と、非核保有国の溝が埋まらなかった。
Based on an agreement reached at the last NPT Review Conference in 2010, the five nuclear states issued written
reports for the first time on disarmament trends. The United States, Britain and France stressed that their nuclear
capabilities are now way below the levels they were during the Cold War era. But none of them indicated a road map
for ending their reliance on nuclear weapons.
４年前の前回再検討会議での合意に基づき、５カ国は初めて、軍縮の動向を文書で報告した。米英仏は冷戦期より大幅に減らし
たと強調したが、各国とも核依存から方向転換する道筋は示さなかった。
China and Russia did not even disclose the numbers of nuclear warheads in their possession.
中国とロシアは核弾頭の保有数すら明らかにしなかった。
The outcome could not have been more disappointing. The nuclear states ought to reawaken to their grave
responsibilities.
あまりに不十分な内容というしかない。重い責任を改めて自覚すべきである。
Our only hope now lies with U.S. President Barack Obama, who has called for a world free of nuclear weapons
despite the fact that his country is the world’s most powerful nuclear state.
期待したいのは、最強の保有国でありながら、「核なき世界」を掲げるオバマ大統領だ。
A U.S. representative who delivered a speech at the session showed an understanding of the inhumanity of nuclear
weapons for the first time. This was a notable change, even though the United States does not support the Nuclear
Weapons Convention proposed by non-nuclear nations.
準備委で演説した米国代表は、核の非人道性に初めて理解を示した。多くの非核国が求める禁止条約まで支持してはいないが、
注目すべき変化である。
The third Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons will be held in Vienna in December. As an ally
of the United States and the only country that has been attacked with nuclear weapons, Japan should urge the
United States to participate in this conference.
今年１２月、非人道性を議題とする３回目の国際会議がウィーンで開かれる。被爆国であり、同盟国でもある日本から、米国に参加
を働きかけてはどうか。
Last July, Obama called for negotiated arms reduction with Russia, proposing to further reduce their agreed-upon
strategic nuclear weapons capabilities by one-third to around 1,000 warheads. But U.S.-Russia relations have since
deteriorated over the Ukraine crisis and other issues, leaving the talks schedule up in the air.
オバマ大統領は昨年６月、戦略核を現行の米ロ条約の水準からさらに３分の１減らし、１千発程度にする交渉を提案した。ただ、ウク
ライナ問題などでロシアとの関係は冷え込み、交渉開始のめどは立たない。
Since the United States far outpowers Russia in conventional weapons, it should still be able to maintain its
deterrence power even if it reduces its strategic nuclear weapons. This is actually what we would like the United
States to do voluntarily, and then urge Russia to follow suit. And for Russia, which is having problems with its aging
nuclear system, this would not be a bad deal.
通常戦力で圧倒する米国が先に戦略核をもっと削減しても、抑止力は維持できるだろう。米国が自主的に減らし、ロシアに同調を促
してはどうか。核システムの老朽化に悩むロシアにも、悪い取引ではないはずだ。
China, which refuses to disclose its nuclear capabilities, could pose a risk to the maintenance of the NPT regime in the
days ahead. But if the United States and Russia forge ahead with further nuclear disarmament at Obama’s initiative,
China will become increasingly unable to have its way.
核戦力の実態を明らかにしない中国が今後、ＮＰＴ体制を維持していくうえで、リスク要因になる恐れもある。オバマ政権の主導で米
ロがいっそうの軍縮に踏み込めば、中国の自分勝手はますます通用しなくなる。
The time has come for Obama to strongly urge China to stop making empty promises and take action for
disarmament.
口では軍縮努力を繰り返す中国に、行動で示すよう強く求める時期にきている。
Obama’s approval ratings are not getting any better at home. But he must stand his ground if he really intends to
establish a solid path toward a nuclear-free world.
オバマ大統領の支持率は低迷しているが、核ゼロへの流れを確かなものにするには、今が正念場である。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 14
EDITORIAL: China must not be allowed to put NPT regime at risk
ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ
The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) requires the world’s nuclear states to strive in earnest
for nuclear disarmament. Unless this requirement is fulfilled, the treaty itself, which prohibits non-nuclear countries
from possessing nuclear weapons, could collapse. When that happens, the world will be a dangerous place for all
countries, irrespective of whether they have nuclear capabilities.
核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）は核保有国に、軍縮への誠実な取り組みを義務づけている。その義務が果たされないと、他の国の核保有を
禁じるＮＰＴ体制は崩れかねない。そんな世界は非核国だけでなく、核保有国さえも危うくする。
Yet, the attitude of the nuclear states makes us doubt that they have any serious interest in averting that sort of
global crisis.
にもかかわらず、核保有国の態度を見ていると、そうした世界の危機を本気で回避しようとしているのか、疑わしくなる。
The third session in New York of the Preparatory Committee for the 2015 Review Conference of the Parties to the NPT
closed on May 9 with no results to speak of. The committee failed to narrow the gap between non-nuclear countries
and the five NTP-approved nuclear states--the United States, Russia, Britain, France and China.
来年のＮＰＴ再検討会議に向けた準備委員会は、めぼしい成果がないまま閉幕した。核軍縮の進め方をめぐり、ＮＰＴで核保有を認
められている米ロ英仏中の５カ国と、非核保有国の溝が埋まらなかった。
Based on an agreement reached at the last NPT Review Conference in 2010, the five nuclear states issued written
reports for the first time on disarmament trends. The United States, Britain and France stressed that their nuclear
capabilities are now way below the levels they were during the Cold War era. But none of them indicated a road map
for ending their reliance on nuclear weapons.
４年前の前回再検討会議での合意に基づき、５カ国は初めて、軍縮の動向を文書で報告した。米英仏は冷戦期より大幅に減らし
たと強調したが、各国とも核依存から方向転換する道筋は示さなかった。
China and Russia did not even disclose the numbers of nuclear warheads in their possession.
中国とロシアは核弾頭の保有数すら明らかにしなかった。
The outcome could not have been more disappointing. The nuclear states ought to reawaken to their grave
responsibilities.
あまりに不十分な内容というしかない。重い責任を改めて自覚すべきである。
Our only hope now lies with U.S. President Barack Obama, who has called for a world free of nuclear weapons
despite the fact that his country is the world’s most powerful nuclear state.
期待したいのは、最強の保有国でありながら、「核なき世界」を掲げるオバマ大統領だ。
A U.S. representative who delivered a speech at the session showed an understanding of the inhumanity of nuclear
weapons for the first time. This was a notable change, even though the United States does not support the Nuclear
Weapons Convention proposed by non-nuclear nations.
準備委で演説した米国代表は、核の非人道性に初めて理解を示した。多くの非核国が求める禁止条約まで支持してはいないが、
注目すべき変化である。
The third Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons will be held in Vienna in December. As an ally
of the United States and the only country that has been attacked with nuclear weapons, Japan should urge the
United States to participate in this conference.
今年１２月、非人道性を議題とする３回目の国際会議がウィーンで開かれる。被爆国であり、同盟国でもある日本から、米国に参加
を働きかけてはどうか。
Last July, Obama called for negotiated arms reduction with Russia, proposing to further reduce their agreed-upon
strategic nuclear weapons capabilities by one-third to around 1,000 warheads. But U.S.-Russia relations have since
deteriorated over the Ukraine crisis and other issues, leaving the talks schedule up in the air.
オバマ大統領は昨年６月、戦略核を現行の米ロ条約の水準からさらに３分の１減らし、１千発程度にする交渉を提案した。ただ、ウク
ライナ問題などでロシアとの関係は冷え込み、交渉開始のめどは立たない。
Since the United States far outpowers Russia in conventional weapons, it should still be able to maintain its
deterrence power even if it reduces its strategic nuclear weapons. This is actually what we would like the United
States to do voluntarily, and then urge Russia to follow suit. And for Russia, which is having problems with its aging
nuclear system, this would not be a bad deal.
通常戦力で圧倒する米国が先に戦略核をもっと削減しても、抑止力は維持できるだろう。米国が自主的に減らし、ロシアに同調を促
してはどうか。核システムの老朽化に悩むロシアにも、悪い取引ではないはずだ。
China, which refuses to disclose its nuclear capabilities, could pose a risk to the maintenance of the NPT regime in the
days ahead. But if the United States and Russia forge ahead with further nuclear disarmament at Obama’s initiative,
China will become increasingly unable to have its way.
核戦力の実態を明らかにしない中国が今後、ＮＰＴ体制を維持していくうえで、リスク要因になる恐れもある。オバマ政権の主導で米
ロがいっそうの軍縮に踏み込めば、中国の自分勝手はますます通用しなくなる。
The time has come for Obama to strongly urge China to stop making empty promises and take action for
disarmament.
口では軍縮努力を繰り返す中国に、行動で示すよう強く求める時期にきている。
Obama’s approval ratings are not getting any better at home. But he must stand his ground if he really intends to
establish a solid path toward a nuclear-free world.
オバマ大統領の支持率は低迷しているが、核ゼロへの流れを確かなものにするには、今が正念場である。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 14
2014年05月15日
（社説）銀輪都市東京 「クルマ脳」を改める
May 13, 2014
EDITORIAL: Tokyo given great opportunity to become more bicycle-friendly
（社説）銀輪都市東京 「クルマ脳」を改める
The bicycle is the most useful tool for making society less dependent on cars.
自転車は脱クルマの切り札である。
Children, adults and elderly people can use bicycles to improve mobility. Bicycles help to reduce greenhouse gas emissions that cause global warming and offer an effective way to get around when public transportation is disrupted by earthquakes and other natural disasters.
子どもから高齢者までみんなが乗れる。温暖化や帰宅困難者の対策になり、健康にも良い。
Cycling is also good for the health.
Given the aging of the nation’s driving population, the use of bicycles should be promoted as a safer alternative to automobiles.
ドライバーの高齢化を考えても、車から自転車への乗りかえを進めた方が安心だ。
Tokyo Governor Yoichi Masuzoe has pledged to reduce the daily flow of cars into central Tokyo as part of the metropolitan government’s efforts to prepare the city for the 2020 Summer Olympics. Masuzoe has also promised to make the capital a more bicycle-friendly city.
２０２０年東京五輪に向け、都心に流れ込む車を減らす。自転車で動きやすい街にする。舛添要一知事はそう掲げる。
London was also said to be lagging behind many other major cities around the world in terms of cycle-friendliness. However, London established many bicycle lanes, using the opportunity offered by hosting the 2012 Olympics.
ロンドンも遅れていると言われていたが、五輪を機に自転車レーン整備が急速に進んだ。
Tokyo also has a great opportunity to promote bicycle transportation in the six years until the 2020 sports event. The Japanese capital should lead other local governments by making the shift from cars to bicycles.
東京もこの６年が好機だ。首都から自転車シフトを進めて、全国に広げたい。
The big challenge is taking effective measures to reduce accidents involving bicycles.
それには事故対策が重要だ。
Roads in Japan are much safer today than during the period of rapid economic growth, when the term “traffic war” was used to describe the dangers on the streets. But the percentage of pedestrians and cyclists in all traffic fatalities in Japan remains far higher than the ratios in other industrialized nations.
交通戦争と呼ばれた高度成長期を思えば、日本の道路はずいぶん安全になった。それでも他の先進国に比べると、事故の死者に占める歩行者と自転車の割合は突出して高い。
Also alarming is that accidents between cyclists and pedestrians have increased by 14 percent over the past decade in Japan, while the number of all traffic accidents has declined by one-third.
自転車対歩行者の事故の増加も気になる。交通事故全体が１０年前の３分の２に減るなかで１４％増えている。
In some lawsuits, cyclists have been ordered to pay tens of millions of yen in damages for causing accidents that have killed or seriously injured pedestrians.
死亡や障害を負わせる事故を起こして数千万円の賠償判決を受けた例もある。
The law requires cyclists to ride close to the left side of the road, in principle. But many cyclists still use sidewalks, mainly to avoid the terror of riding on roadways with honking cars speeding past.
自転車は原則として車道の左側を、と法に明記されていても歩道走行はなかなか無くならない。自転車のすぐ横を車が警笛を鳴らして走り去る。そんな車道には怖くて下りにくい。
The environment for cycling on streets should be improved significantly, with priority placed on the safety of vulnerable road users.
まず、自転車が車道を安全に走れる環境を整えよう。何より「弱者優先」の徹底が大切だ。
Many people tend to think that bicycle lanes will never gain ground in Japan because the roads are generally narrower.
日本は道幅が狭いから自転車レーンが広がらない。
“That’s a typical way of thinking that reflects the deep-rooted car-first mentality among people steeped in a car-oriented culture,” says Shigeki Kobayashi, who heads a nonprofit organization devoted to promoting the use of bicycles. “Why would you give the priority to cars in the allocation of space on narrow roads?”
そう考えがちだが、自転車活用を推進するＮＰＯの小林成基理事長は言う。「それは車優先の染みついたクルマ脳の発想です。なんで道幅が狭くても車の取り分から先に考えるんですか？」
We need to reconsider the priorities of road use. Pedestrians should come first, followed by public transportation vehicles and bicycles. Private cars should be last on the priority list.
まず歩く人。次に公共交通と自転車。最後に私有車。道路を使う優先順位を見直そう。
One effective way to make motorists recognize the principle that cyclists should ride on roads is to create specially painted bicycle-only lanes.
自転車は、車道を走るもの。ドライバーにそう認識させるために効果的なのは、車道上に色を塗って自転車の通り道を示すことだ。
An experiment conducted in Tokyo by the transport ministry and other organizations showed that bike lanes sharply reduce the number of cyclists riding on sidewalks. Still, many cyclists are afraid to use roadways even with lanes designated for bicycles.
国土交通省などが都内で試みた実験では、歩道走行は大きく減った。
それでもやはり車道は怖い。そう思う人も多いだろう。
It is important to note that most accidents between bicycles and cars occur at intersections.
ただ、自転車と車の事故の大半は交差点で起きている。
Cyclists who enter intersections on the road are more clearly visible to drivers than cyclists who suddenly dart into intersections from sidewalks.
歩道から突然交差点に出るより、初めから車道を走る方が、車から見えるから安全と言われる。
Stricter speed limits should be imposed on streets in central parts of Tokyo. Businesses and shopping districts should be required to offer more bicycle parking spaces so that footpaths are not clogged with illegally parked bikes.
中心市街地は車の速度制限をもっと厳しくすべきだし、違法駐輪で歩道をふさがないよう企業や商店街に駐輪場を増やすべきだ。
And cyclists must never forget the principle that pedestrians have the right of way.
自転車に乗る人も歩行者優先を忘れてはならない。
We hope the Tokyo Olympics will catalyze a radical change of the car-oriented transport culture in this nation.
強い者勝ちの街を変えるきっかけに五輪がなればいい。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 12
EDITORIAL: Tokyo given great opportunity to become more bicycle-friendly
（社説）銀輪都市東京 「クルマ脳」を改める
The bicycle is the most useful tool for making society less dependent on cars.
自転車は脱クルマの切り札である。
Children, adults and elderly people can use bicycles to improve mobility. Bicycles help to reduce greenhouse gas emissions that cause global warming and offer an effective way to get around when public transportation is disrupted by earthquakes and other natural disasters.
子どもから高齢者までみんなが乗れる。温暖化や帰宅困難者の対策になり、健康にも良い。
Cycling is also good for the health.
Given the aging of the nation’s driving population, the use of bicycles should be promoted as a safer alternative to automobiles.
ドライバーの高齢化を考えても、車から自転車への乗りかえを進めた方が安心だ。
Tokyo Governor Yoichi Masuzoe has pledged to reduce the daily flow of cars into central Tokyo as part of the metropolitan government’s efforts to prepare the city for the 2020 Summer Olympics. Masuzoe has also promised to make the capital a more bicycle-friendly city.
２０２０年東京五輪に向け、都心に流れ込む車を減らす。自転車で動きやすい街にする。舛添要一知事はそう掲げる。
London was also said to be lagging behind many other major cities around the world in terms of cycle-friendliness. However, London established many bicycle lanes, using the opportunity offered by hosting the 2012 Olympics.
ロンドンも遅れていると言われていたが、五輪を機に自転車レーン整備が急速に進んだ。
Tokyo also has a great opportunity to promote bicycle transportation in the six years until the 2020 sports event. The Japanese capital should lead other local governments by making the shift from cars to bicycles.
東京もこの６年が好機だ。首都から自転車シフトを進めて、全国に広げたい。
The big challenge is taking effective measures to reduce accidents involving bicycles.
それには事故対策が重要だ。
Roads in Japan are much safer today than during the period of rapid economic growth, when the term “traffic war” was used to describe the dangers on the streets. But the percentage of pedestrians and cyclists in all traffic fatalities in Japan remains far higher than the ratios in other industrialized nations.
交通戦争と呼ばれた高度成長期を思えば、日本の道路はずいぶん安全になった。それでも他の先進国に比べると、事故の死者に占める歩行者と自転車の割合は突出して高い。
Also alarming is that accidents between cyclists and pedestrians have increased by 14 percent over the past decade in Japan, while the number of all traffic accidents has declined by one-third.
自転車対歩行者の事故の増加も気になる。交通事故全体が１０年前の３分の２に減るなかで１４％増えている。
In some lawsuits, cyclists have been ordered to pay tens of millions of yen in damages for causing accidents that have killed or seriously injured pedestrians.
死亡や障害を負わせる事故を起こして数千万円の賠償判決を受けた例もある。
The law requires cyclists to ride close to the left side of the road, in principle. But many cyclists still use sidewalks, mainly to avoid the terror of riding on roadways with honking cars speeding past.
自転車は原則として車道の左側を、と法に明記されていても歩道走行はなかなか無くならない。自転車のすぐ横を車が警笛を鳴らして走り去る。そんな車道には怖くて下りにくい。
The environment for cycling on streets should be improved significantly, with priority placed on the safety of vulnerable road users.
まず、自転車が車道を安全に走れる環境を整えよう。何より「弱者優先」の徹底が大切だ。
Many people tend to think that bicycle lanes will never gain ground in Japan because the roads are generally narrower.
日本は道幅が狭いから自転車レーンが広がらない。
“That’s a typical way of thinking that reflects the deep-rooted car-first mentality among people steeped in a car-oriented culture,” says Shigeki Kobayashi, who heads a nonprofit organization devoted to promoting the use of bicycles. “Why would you give the priority to cars in the allocation of space on narrow roads?”
そう考えがちだが、自転車活用を推進するＮＰＯの小林成基理事長は言う。「それは車優先の染みついたクルマ脳の発想です。なんで道幅が狭くても車の取り分から先に考えるんですか？」
We need to reconsider the priorities of road use. Pedestrians should come first, followed by public transportation vehicles and bicycles. Private cars should be last on the priority list.
まず歩く人。次に公共交通と自転車。最後に私有車。道路を使う優先順位を見直そう。
One effective way to make motorists recognize the principle that cyclists should ride on roads is to create specially painted bicycle-only lanes.
自転車は、車道を走るもの。ドライバーにそう認識させるために効果的なのは、車道上に色を塗って自転車の通り道を示すことだ。
An experiment conducted in Tokyo by the transport ministry and other organizations showed that bike lanes sharply reduce the number of cyclists riding on sidewalks. Still, many cyclists are afraid to use roadways even with lanes designated for bicycles.
国土交通省などが都内で試みた実験では、歩道走行は大きく減った。
それでもやはり車道は怖い。そう思う人も多いだろう。
It is important to note that most accidents between bicycles and cars occur at intersections.
ただ、自転車と車の事故の大半は交差点で起きている。
Cyclists who enter intersections on the road are more clearly visible to drivers than cyclists who suddenly dart into intersections from sidewalks.
歩道から突然交差点に出るより、初めから車道を走る方が、車から見えるから安全と言われる。
Stricter speed limits should be imposed on streets in central parts of Tokyo. Businesses and shopping districts should be required to offer more bicycle parking spaces so that footpaths are not clogged with illegally parked bikes.
中心市街地は車の速度制限をもっと厳しくすべきだし、違法駐輪で歩道をふさがないよう企業や商店街に駐輪場を増やすべきだ。
And cyclists must never forget the principle that pedestrians have the right of way.
自転車に乗る人も歩行者優先を忘れてはならない。
We hope the Tokyo Olympics will catalyze a radical change of the car-oriented transport culture in this nation.
強い者勝ちの街を変えるきっかけに五輪がなればいい。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 12
2014年05月14日
原発と火山―噴火の脅威を直視せよ
May 12, 2014
EDITORIAL: Threat posed by volcanic eruptions to nuclear plants must be carefully examined
原発と火山―噴火の脅威を直視せよ
Now is the time to rethink the risk of operating nuclear power plants in Japan, which is one of the most volcanically active countries in the world.
日本は世界有数の火山国である。そこに原発を抱えるリスクを、改めて熟考すべきときだ。
Kyushu Electric Power Co. is currently aiming to restart the operations of idled reactors in its Sendai nuclear power plant in Kagoshima Prefecture. However, in the Nuclear Regulation Authority's inspection process on whether to permit the restarts, the possible consequences of volcanic eruptions in surrounding areas is attracting attention.
九州電力が再稼働をめざす川内（せんだい）原発（鹿児島県）の審査で、周辺火山の噴火の影響がクローズアップされている。
Based on the new safety standards worked out in 2013, the NRA is examining the threat posed by eruptions and the effectiveness of measures to deal with them. To tell the truth, it is the first time that Japan has seriously evaluated the safety of nuclear power plants from the standpoint of the danger posed by volcanoes.
昨年できた新規制基準に基づき、原子力規制委員会が噴火の影響や対策の有効性を検討している。原発の安全性を火山との関係で本格的にチェックするのは、実はこれが初めてだ。
In the March 2011 accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, people in charge had to reflect on the insufficient measures to deal with tsunami. However, disasters at nuclear power plants could be caused not only by tsunami but also by volcanic eruptions and even terrorists. Given the seriousness of disasters caused by these factors, it is a matter of course to think seriously about the risks posed by them, which have been made light of so far.
福島第一原発の事故で、津波対策の遅れが大きな反省材料になった。津波に限ったことではない。事故の深刻さを踏まえれば、噴火やテロなど従来軽視されてきたリスクも真剣に考えるのは当然である。
The new safety standards require electric power companies to consider possible influences from volcanoes located within a radius of 160 kilometers from nuclear power plants. Therefore, Kyushu Electric examined the effects of eruptions from 39 volcanoes. As a result, it concluded that it is sufficient to take measures based on the assumption that ash from Sakurajima volcano in Kagoshima Prefecture would accumulate in the compound of the Sendai nuclear power plant to a height of up to 15 centimeters.
新基準は１６０キロ以内の火山の検討を求めており、九電は３９の火山の影響を評価した。その結果、桜島の火山灰が敷地に最大１５センチ積もる想定で対策をとれば十分とした。
As one of the measures, the utility will stockpile fuel for emergency generators in preparation for a situation in which power transmission lines were severed due to the weight of volcanic ash. Another measure is that it will clean filters for air ventilation equipment or emergency generators or replace the filters with new ones if they become clogged.
火山灰の重みで送電線が切れた時に備えて非常用発電機の燃料を備蓄したり、換気設備や非常用発電機のフィルターの目詰まりに掃除や交換で対処したりするという。
However, will those measures really work given the possibility that accumulation of volcanic ash to a height of only several millimeters will seriously impede workers and vehicles? If the intake of water to cool nuclear reactors is also impeded, the reactors will be immediately plunged into dangerous situations.
しかし、数ミリの降灰で人や物の移動が難しくなる恐れが指摘される。対策は実際に機能するだろうか。原子炉を冷やす水の取り込みに支障が出れば、たちまち原発は危険な状態に陥る。
The influences from these mid-scale eruptions must be fully examined as realistic threats.
こうした中規模の噴火の影響は、現実的な脅威として十分に検討されなければならない。
It is more difficult to assess risks from catastrophic eruptions whose frequency of occurrence is low.
頻度が低い破局的噴火のリスクは、判断がさらに難しい。
In those eruptions, the pyroclastic flow, which consists of hot gas and rock, travels more than 100 kilometers, causing devastating damage in surrounding areas. In the areas around the Sendai nuclear power plant, there are several calderas, or bowl-shaped depressions, that were formed by the collapse of land caused by catastrophic eruptions.
高温の火山噴出物が火山ガスと一体となって広がる火砕流が半径１００キロ以上も流れ、破滅的な被害を出す。川内原発の周辺には破局的噴火で山が陥没したカルデラ地形が複数ある。
Kyushu Electric assessed that, given those calderas, catastrophic eruptions have occurred at an interval of about 60,000 to 90,000 years. Based on the assessment, it says, “Not much time has passed since the latest catastrophic eruption occurred. Therefore, the possibility is extremely low that the next catastrophic eruption will take place within the coming several decades when the nuclear power plant is operating. There will be no problems if we continuously monitor the signs of eruptions.”
九電は、カルデラをまとめて破局的噴火が約６万〜９万年間隔で起こっていると評価。「最新の破局的噴火からあまり時間がたっていないので、原発が運用される数十年のうちに次の破局的噴火に見舞われる可能性は十分低い。予兆を継続的に監視すれば大丈夫」と主張する。
However, some experts offer contrasting views, saying that forecasts of the intervals of eruptions are not reliable and that it is uncertain whether the signs of an eruption can really be foretold.
これに対し火山学者らは「こうした噴火間隔の推測には疑問がある」「予兆が観測できるか分からない」と反論する。
Nuclear power plants are not the only facilities that would suffer devastating damage from catastrophic eruptions. If those nuclear plants are destroyed, however, radioactive materials will continue to be scattered throughout the world. It is a challenge not only for the Sendai nuclear power plant but also for many other nuclear power plants in Japan.
破局的噴火で壊滅的打撃を受けるのは原発だけではない。だが、原発が破壊されれば放射性物質は世界にまき散らされ続ける。川内に限らず、日本の多くの原発に共通する難題だ。
Methods to assess the possible impact of eruptions have yet to be established in the world. The NRA bears responsibility for conveying the potential consequences, including the limits of human knowledge as to forecasting eruptions, to the public in an easy-to-understand manner.
噴火の影響評価手法は世界的にも確立していない。規制委には火山噴火をめぐる人知の限界も含めて、国民にわかりやすく説明する責任がある。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 11
EDITORIAL: Threat posed by volcanic eruptions to nuclear plants must be carefully examined
原発と火山―噴火の脅威を直視せよ
Now is the time to rethink the risk of operating nuclear power plants in Japan, which is one of the most volcanically active countries in the world.
日本は世界有数の火山国である。そこに原発を抱えるリスクを、改めて熟考すべきときだ。
Kyushu Electric Power Co. is currently aiming to restart the operations of idled reactors in its Sendai nuclear power plant in Kagoshima Prefecture. However, in the Nuclear Regulation Authority's inspection process on whether to permit the restarts, the possible consequences of volcanic eruptions in surrounding areas is attracting attention.
九州電力が再稼働をめざす川内（せんだい）原発（鹿児島県）の審査で、周辺火山の噴火の影響がクローズアップされている。
Based on the new safety standards worked out in 2013, the NRA is examining the threat posed by eruptions and the effectiveness of measures to deal with them. To tell the truth, it is the first time that Japan has seriously evaluated the safety of nuclear power plants from the standpoint of the danger posed by volcanoes.
昨年できた新規制基準に基づき、原子力規制委員会が噴火の影響や対策の有効性を検討している。原発の安全性を火山との関係で本格的にチェックするのは、実はこれが初めてだ。
In the March 2011 accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, people in charge had to reflect on the insufficient measures to deal with tsunami. However, disasters at nuclear power plants could be caused not only by tsunami but also by volcanic eruptions and even terrorists. Given the seriousness of disasters caused by these factors, it is a matter of course to think seriously about the risks posed by them, which have been made light of so far.
福島第一原発の事故で、津波対策の遅れが大きな反省材料になった。津波に限ったことではない。事故の深刻さを踏まえれば、噴火やテロなど従来軽視されてきたリスクも真剣に考えるのは当然である。
The new safety standards require electric power companies to consider possible influences from volcanoes located within a radius of 160 kilometers from nuclear power plants. Therefore, Kyushu Electric examined the effects of eruptions from 39 volcanoes. As a result, it concluded that it is sufficient to take measures based on the assumption that ash from Sakurajima volcano in Kagoshima Prefecture would accumulate in the compound of the Sendai nuclear power plant to a height of up to 15 centimeters.
新基準は１６０キロ以内の火山の検討を求めており、九電は３９の火山の影響を評価した。その結果、桜島の火山灰が敷地に最大１５センチ積もる想定で対策をとれば十分とした。
As one of the measures, the utility will stockpile fuel for emergency generators in preparation for a situation in which power transmission lines were severed due to the weight of volcanic ash. Another measure is that it will clean filters for air ventilation equipment or emergency generators or replace the filters with new ones if they become clogged.
火山灰の重みで送電線が切れた時に備えて非常用発電機の燃料を備蓄したり、換気設備や非常用発電機のフィルターの目詰まりに掃除や交換で対処したりするという。
However, will those measures really work given the possibility that accumulation of volcanic ash to a height of only several millimeters will seriously impede workers and vehicles? If the intake of water to cool nuclear reactors is also impeded, the reactors will be immediately plunged into dangerous situations.
しかし、数ミリの降灰で人や物の移動が難しくなる恐れが指摘される。対策は実際に機能するだろうか。原子炉を冷やす水の取り込みに支障が出れば、たちまち原発は危険な状態に陥る。
The influences from these mid-scale eruptions must be fully examined as realistic threats.
こうした中規模の噴火の影響は、現実的な脅威として十分に検討されなければならない。
It is more difficult to assess risks from catastrophic eruptions whose frequency of occurrence is low.
頻度が低い破局的噴火のリスクは、判断がさらに難しい。
In those eruptions, the pyroclastic flow, which consists of hot gas and rock, travels more than 100 kilometers, causing devastating damage in surrounding areas. In the areas around the Sendai nuclear power plant, there are several calderas, or bowl-shaped depressions, that were formed by the collapse of land caused by catastrophic eruptions.
高温の火山噴出物が火山ガスと一体となって広がる火砕流が半径１００キロ以上も流れ、破滅的な被害を出す。川内原発の周辺には破局的噴火で山が陥没したカルデラ地形が複数ある。
Kyushu Electric assessed that, given those calderas, catastrophic eruptions have occurred at an interval of about 60,000 to 90,000 years. Based on the assessment, it says, “Not much time has passed since the latest catastrophic eruption occurred. Therefore, the possibility is extremely low that the next catastrophic eruption will take place within the coming several decades when the nuclear power plant is operating. There will be no problems if we continuously monitor the signs of eruptions.”
九電は、カルデラをまとめて破局的噴火が約６万〜９万年間隔で起こっていると評価。「最新の破局的噴火からあまり時間がたっていないので、原発が運用される数十年のうちに次の破局的噴火に見舞われる可能性は十分低い。予兆を継続的に監視すれば大丈夫」と主張する。
However, some experts offer contrasting views, saying that forecasts of the intervals of eruptions are not reliable and that it is uncertain whether the signs of an eruption can really be foretold.
これに対し火山学者らは「こうした噴火間隔の推測には疑問がある」「予兆が観測できるか分からない」と反論する。
Nuclear power plants are not the only facilities that would suffer devastating damage from catastrophic eruptions. If those nuclear plants are destroyed, however, radioactive materials will continue to be scattered throughout the world. It is a challenge not only for the Sendai nuclear power plant but also for many other nuclear power plants in Japan.
破局的噴火で壊滅的打撃を受けるのは原発だけではない。だが、原発が破壊されれば放射性物質は世界にまき散らされ続ける。川内に限らず、日本の多くの原発に共通する難題だ。
Methods to assess the possible impact of eruptions have yet to be established in the world. The NRA bears responsibility for conveying the potential consequences, including the limits of human knowledge as to forecasting eruptions, to the public in an easy-to-understand manner.
噴火の影響評価手法は世界的にも確立していない。規制委には火山噴火をめぐる人知の限界も含めて、国民にわかりやすく説明する責任がある。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 11
2014年05月12日
タイ首相失職 混乱を助長する憲法裁の判断
The Yomiuri Shimbun 8:55 pm, May 09, 2014
Ouster of Yingluck does nothing to open path out of Thailand’s chaos
タイ首相失職 混乱を助長する憲法裁の判断
Thailand’s prime minister has been driven from her post. And no hint of a path out of the chaos of Thailand’s drawn-out political turmoil has yet emerged.
タイの首相が失職に追い込まれた。長引く政治の混迷を脱する道筋は全く見えない。
The Southeast Asian country’s Constitutional Court handed down a verdict Wednesday finding that Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra had intervened illegally in personnel affairs involving the head of the secretariat of the National Security Council in 2011, in order to promote a relative to the position of chief of the Royal Thai Police, and that her behavior was unconstitutional.
タイの憲法裁判所は７日、インラック首相が、親族を国家警察長官に登用するために、国家安全保障会議事務局長の人事に不当に介入したことが、憲法違反にあたるとする判決を言い渡した。
Because of the highest court’s ruling, Yingluck has been stripped of her office. Nine members of her Cabinet who were in office at the time of the personnel affairs issue were ordered by the court to step down. Deputy Prime Minister Niwatthamrong Boonsongpaisan, one of the remaining 24 ministers, has been appointed acting prime minister.
これによって、インラック氏は失職した。人事の閣議決定に加わった閣僚９人も失職し、残った２４閣僚のうち、ニワットタムロン副首相が首相代行に決まった。
The House of Representatives, the lower chamber of the Thai National Assembly, has remained dissolved after the results of a February general election were pronounced null and void by the Constitutional Court. In the absence of both a prime minister and a functioning lower house, Thailand as a state is in a critical situation.
タイの下院は、２月に行われた総選挙が、憲法裁によって「無効」と判断されたために、解散したままになっている。首相も下院議員も不在という、国家として危機的な状況である。
In Thailand, forces supporting former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, Yingluck’s elder brother, have been locked in fierce rivalry with those who oppose him.
タイでは、インラック氏の兄であるタクシン元首相を支持する勢力と、それに反対する勢力が激しく対立している。
The pro-Thaksin camp, which draws its support mainly from the poor and from farmers in populous rural areas, has won every general election in recent years. The anti-Thaksin bloc has a larger share of bureaucrats and other empowered elites, as well as support from the urban middle class.
タクシン派は、人口の多い貧困層や農民を基盤とし、近年の総選挙では連勝中だ。反タクシン派には、官僚など実権を握るエリート層や都市中間層が多い。
Groups opposing Thaksin have staged repeated and vehement anti-government demonstrations since last year, with the aim of toppling the Yingluck administration.
反タクシン派は昨年来、インラック政権打倒を目指し、激しいデモを繰り返してきた。
Economy badly damaged
This most recent case was brought before the Constitutional Court by a group including members of the upper house of the Thai parliament, where the anti-Thaksin bloc holds great sway. There can be no doubt that the anti-Thaksin forces, facing no chance of winning an electoral victory, have resorted to judicial tactics to force the prime minister from office.
今回の裁判は、反タクシン派の影響が強い上院の議員らが訴えたものだ。選挙では勝ち目がないとみて、法的な手段によって、首相を辞職に追い込むための戦術だったのは明らかだ。
The Constitutional Court has issued harsh decisions against successive pro-Thaksin administrations. And this latest ruling is clearly in line with the will of anti-Thaksin groups, but it can also be said that this outcome has served only to plunge Thailand deeper into political chaos.
憲法裁は、これまで、歴代のタクシン派政権に厳しい判決を出してきた。今回の判決も、反タクシン派の求めに沿ったもので、結果的に混迷を深めたと言えよう。
The crux of the problem is that nothing has appeared that might help lead the country toward a resolution of its ongoing imbroglios and impasses.
問題なのは、事態の打開策が全く見えないことである。
Under the leadership of the acting prime minister, the Cabinet is set to hold a fresh general election, currently scheduled for July 20.
首相代行の率いる内閣は、７月２０日のやり直し総選挙を予定通り実施する方針だ。
Anti-Thaksin forces are demanding that an interim government be established without an election, and stand poised to continue with anti-government demonstrations, indicating as well that they are likely to repeat in July their boycott of the previous election. There also are fears of violent clashes with the pro-Thaksin forces. Each camp is strongly urged to restrain itself and to avoid becoming mired in violence.
だが、選挙を経ない暫定政権樹立を訴える反タクシン派は、デモを続ける構えで、再び選挙妨害を行うことも示唆している。タクシン派との衝突も誘発しかねない。各派には自制が求められる。
The prolonged political turmoil has exerted further strain on the Thai economy. The country’s tourism industry is suffering an ongoing slump, and a chill hangs over domestic consumption. One estimate warns that the Thai economy for this year may see negative growth for the first time since 2009. Japanese capital investment, which has helped boost Thailand’s economy, is also under threat.
混乱の長期化は、経済に一層の悪影響を与えている。観光業は不振で、消費も冷え込み、今年は２００９年以来のマイナス成長になるとの予測もある。成長を支えてきた日系企業の投資の減少につながる可能性も否定できない。
Under the circumstances, the political heft of Thailand, a nation that has played a leading role in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, is bound to shrink further. It is imperative for Thailand to escape this crisis in its political system and return to normality as soon as possible.
これまで主導的役割を演じてきた東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）内部での政治的発言力も、低下する一方だろう。一刻も早い政治の正常化が必要だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 9, 2014)
Ouster of Yingluck does nothing to open path out of Thailand’s chaos
タイ首相失職 混乱を助長する憲法裁の判断
Thailand’s prime minister has been driven from her post. And no hint of a path out of the chaos of Thailand’s drawn-out political turmoil has yet emerged.
タイの首相が失職に追い込まれた。長引く政治の混迷を脱する道筋は全く見えない。
The Southeast Asian country’s Constitutional Court handed down a verdict Wednesday finding that Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra had intervened illegally in personnel affairs involving the head of the secretariat of the National Security Council in 2011, in order to promote a relative to the position of chief of the Royal Thai Police, and that her behavior was unconstitutional.
タイの憲法裁判所は７日、インラック首相が、親族を国家警察長官に登用するために、国家安全保障会議事務局長の人事に不当に介入したことが、憲法違反にあたるとする判決を言い渡した。
Because of the highest court’s ruling, Yingluck has been stripped of her office. Nine members of her Cabinet who were in office at the time of the personnel affairs issue were ordered by the court to step down. Deputy Prime Minister Niwatthamrong Boonsongpaisan, one of the remaining 24 ministers, has been appointed acting prime minister.
これによって、インラック氏は失職した。人事の閣議決定に加わった閣僚９人も失職し、残った２４閣僚のうち、ニワットタムロン副首相が首相代行に決まった。
The House of Representatives, the lower chamber of the Thai National Assembly, has remained dissolved after the results of a February general election were pronounced null and void by the Constitutional Court. In the absence of both a prime minister and a functioning lower house, Thailand as a state is in a critical situation.
タイの下院は、２月に行われた総選挙が、憲法裁によって「無効」と判断されたために、解散したままになっている。首相も下院議員も不在という、国家として危機的な状況である。
In Thailand, forces supporting former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, Yingluck’s elder brother, have been locked in fierce rivalry with those who oppose him.
タイでは、インラック氏の兄であるタクシン元首相を支持する勢力と、それに反対する勢力が激しく対立している。
The pro-Thaksin camp, which draws its support mainly from the poor and from farmers in populous rural areas, has won every general election in recent years. The anti-Thaksin bloc has a larger share of bureaucrats and other empowered elites, as well as support from the urban middle class.
タクシン派は、人口の多い貧困層や農民を基盤とし、近年の総選挙では連勝中だ。反タクシン派には、官僚など実権を握るエリート層や都市中間層が多い。
Groups opposing Thaksin have staged repeated and vehement anti-government demonstrations since last year, with the aim of toppling the Yingluck administration.
反タクシン派は昨年来、インラック政権打倒を目指し、激しいデモを繰り返してきた。
Economy badly damaged
This most recent case was brought before the Constitutional Court by a group including members of the upper house of the Thai parliament, where the anti-Thaksin bloc holds great sway. There can be no doubt that the anti-Thaksin forces, facing no chance of winning an electoral victory, have resorted to judicial tactics to force the prime minister from office.
今回の裁判は、反タクシン派の影響が強い上院の議員らが訴えたものだ。選挙では勝ち目がないとみて、法的な手段によって、首相を辞職に追い込むための戦術だったのは明らかだ。
The Constitutional Court has issued harsh decisions against successive pro-Thaksin administrations. And this latest ruling is clearly in line with the will of anti-Thaksin groups, but it can also be said that this outcome has served only to plunge Thailand deeper into political chaos.
憲法裁は、これまで、歴代のタクシン派政権に厳しい判決を出してきた。今回の判決も、反タクシン派の求めに沿ったもので、結果的に混迷を深めたと言えよう。
The crux of the problem is that nothing has appeared that might help lead the country toward a resolution of its ongoing imbroglios and impasses.
問題なのは、事態の打開策が全く見えないことである。
Under the leadership of the acting prime minister, the Cabinet is set to hold a fresh general election, currently scheduled for July 20.
首相代行の率いる内閣は、７月２０日のやり直し総選挙を予定通り実施する方針だ。
Anti-Thaksin forces are demanding that an interim government be established without an election, and stand poised to continue with anti-government demonstrations, indicating as well that they are likely to repeat in July their boycott of the previous election. There also are fears of violent clashes with the pro-Thaksin forces. Each camp is strongly urged to restrain itself and to avoid becoming mired in violence.
だが、選挙を経ない暫定政権樹立を訴える反タクシン派は、デモを続ける構えで、再び選挙妨害を行うことも示唆している。タクシン派との衝突も誘発しかねない。各派には自制が求められる。
The prolonged political turmoil has exerted further strain on the Thai economy. The country’s tourism industry is suffering an ongoing slump, and a chill hangs over domestic consumption. One estimate warns that the Thai economy for this year may see negative growth for the first time since 2009. Japanese capital investment, which has helped boost Thailand’s economy, is also under threat.
混乱の長期化は、経済に一層の悪影響を与えている。観光業は不振で、消費も冷え込み、今年は２００９年以来のマイナス成長になるとの予測もある。成長を支えてきた日系企業の投資の減少につながる可能性も否定できない。
Under the circumstances, the political heft of Thailand, a nation that has played a leading role in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, is bound to shrink further. It is imperative for Thailand to escape this crisis in its political system and return to normality as soon as possible.
これまで主導的役割を演じてきた東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）内部での政治的発言力も、低下する一方だろう。一刻も早い政治の正常化が必要だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 9, 2014)
2014年05月10日
ＮＨＫ会長―これで信頼保てるのか
May 08, 2014
EDITORIAL: Momii’s behavior undermining NHK’s credibility
ＮＨＫ会長―これで信頼保てるのか
As a public and nonprofit entity, Japan Broadcasting Corp. (NHK) should operate solely for the well-being of the public and outside the realm of government control. That is why NHK’s operations are financed by viewing fees paid by the public.
営利を目的とせず、国家の統制から自立して、公共の福祉のために放送事業を行う。だから視聴者が、受信料を払って支える。公共放送のＮＨＫとは、そんな存在である。
The job of the president is to supervise and manage its operations. But the current president, Katsuto Momii, has been behaving in a way that raises serious questions about NHK’s credibility.
その業務を統括して管理するのが会長である。なのに、会長自身が、公共放送の信頼に関わる言動を続けている。
Momii triggered renewed controversy April 30 during a meeting of the NHK Executive Board, which he used to criticize a news program on the concerns of elderly citizens over the April 1 rise in the consumption tax rate.
“It is not news if you only say that a tax hike caused anxiety,” he said, arguing that the program should also refer to discussions among policymakers on measures to ease the added financial burden on low-income earners.
４月３０日の理事会でのこと。籾井勝人会長が、消費増税に不安を抱える人を取材したニュース番組について、「困ったというだけではニュースにならない」といった趣旨の発言をし、同じ番組の中で、低所得者への負担軽減策の議論も取り上げるべきだと主張した。
Efforts by the media to present different views about issues in their reports should be welcomed. The Broadcast Law stipulates that programs aired by NHK or any other broadcasters should be “politically fair.” The law also says that when dealing with contentious issues, broadcasters should try to “clarify disputed points from as many different angles as possible.”
報道の際、異なる見方を紹介するのは歓迎すべきことだ。放送法も、ＮＨＫに限らず放送番組は「政治的に公平であること」「意見が対立している問題については、できるだけ多くの角度から論点を明らかにすること」と定めている。
But the widely accepted legal interpretation of these provisions is that whether news coverage of contentious issues is balanced should be judged on the basis of all related programs aired by a broadcaster, not on each single program.
だが、異論とのバランスは、放送される番組全体で判断するという法解釈が一般的だ。個々の番組だけで考えねばならないということではない。
Even though the board members stressed they are trying hard to report different viewpoints through various programs, Momii would not be convinced.
理事たちが「いろいろな観点を、様々な機会をとらえて報道している」と説明しても会長は納得しなかったという。
As the person responsible for NHK’s programs, its president may sometimes find it necessary to get involved in debate over the content of specific programs.
責任者として、番組の内容に関する議論に会長が加わることもあるだろう。
In his inaugural news conference in January, however, Momii made remarks that indicated his support of the government’s policies.
だが籾井氏は１月の就任会見で、政府に寄り添うような発言をした。
He later retracted the comments, saying he had expressed his “personal views” in public. He also tried to reassure viewers by promising that NHK’s programs would not be based on his opinions. But he has yet to admit that his ideas are inappropriate, given his position as the top official of a public broadcaster.
「公式の場で個人的な見解を述べた」と撤回し、「私の見解を放送に反映することはない」としたが、公共放送に携わる者として考え違いだったとは認めていない。
Imagine what would happen if such a person started meddling in news programs on the government’s policies. This prospect raises concerns that NHK may not be able to properly perform its journalistic role of monitoring and checking government behavior. This would give rise to suspicions that NHK finds it difficult to broadcast programs that are critical of the government because of concerns about ruffling Momii’s feathers.
その籾井氏が政策に関わるニュースに注文をつければ、どうなるか。権力を監視するジャーナリズムの役割が十分に果たせるのかといった疑問も浮かぶ。会長の意向を忖度（そんたく）し、政府に批判的な報道がしにくくなるのではないかとの不信感も出てくるだろう。
Momii has also resorted to strong-arm tactics in personnel affairs.
会長は人事でも、強引な手法を重ねている。
Soon after he took the top job at NHK, he forced all members of the Executive Board to submit undated letters of resignation.
就任早々、日付のない辞表を理事に提出させた。
In the personnel reshuffle of executive board members in late April, Momii urged two general managing directors, who had just been reappointed in February, to resign for no specific reasons.
４月下旬の理事人事では、２月に再任したばかりの専務理事２人に特段の理由なく辞任を迫った。
When seeking consent for personnel changes from the Board of Governors, the upper-ranked decision-making body, Momii also refrained from disclosing his plan until the last moment on grounds the information could be leaked.
人事案は「情報が漏れる恐れがある」と、意思決定権を持つ経営委員会に直前まで示さず、同意を求めた。
When a governor asked the president to explain his decision for changing the responsibilities of some managing directors, Momii just simply said these were matters that are the “sole prerogative of the president.”
理事の担当替えなどで説明を求めた経営委員には、「会長の専権だ」と応じた。
We cannot help wondering how much consideration he gives to the feelings of people who pay viewing fees to NHK in the belief that a public broadcaster is necessary for the good of society.
公共放送は必要と期待しながら受信料を払う人たちの思いを、どれほど、くみとっているのだろうか。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 8
EDITORIAL: Momii’s behavior undermining NHK’s credibility
ＮＨＫ会長―これで信頼保てるのか
As a public and nonprofit entity, Japan Broadcasting Corp. (NHK) should operate solely for the well-being of the public and outside the realm of government control. That is why NHK’s operations are financed by viewing fees paid by the public.
営利を目的とせず、国家の統制から自立して、公共の福祉のために放送事業を行う。だから視聴者が、受信料を払って支える。公共放送のＮＨＫとは、そんな存在である。
The job of the president is to supervise and manage its operations. But the current president, Katsuto Momii, has been behaving in a way that raises serious questions about NHK’s credibility.
その業務を統括して管理するのが会長である。なのに、会長自身が、公共放送の信頼に関わる言動を続けている。
Momii triggered renewed controversy April 30 during a meeting of the NHK Executive Board, which he used to criticize a news program on the concerns of elderly citizens over the April 1 rise in the consumption tax rate.
“It is not news if you only say that a tax hike caused anxiety,” he said, arguing that the program should also refer to discussions among policymakers on measures to ease the added financial burden on low-income earners.
４月３０日の理事会でのこと。籾井勝人会長が、消費増税に不安を抱える人を取材したニュース番組について、「困ったというだけではニュースにならない」といった趣旨の発言をし、同じ番組の中で、低所得者への負担軽減策の議論も取り上げるべきだと主張した。
Efforts by the media to present different views about issues in their reports should be welcomed. The Broadcast Law stipulates that programs aired by NHK or any other broadcasters should be “politically fair.” The law also says that when dealing with contentious issues, broadcasters should try to “clarify disputed points from as many different angles as possible.”
報道の際、異なる見方を紹介するのは歓迎すべきことだ。放送法も、ＮＨＫに限らず放送番組は「政治的に公平であること」「意見が対立している問題については、できるだけ多くの角度から論点を明らかにすること」と定めている。
But the widely accepted legal interpretation of these provisions is that whether news coverage of contentious issues is balanced should be judged on the basis of all related programs aired by a broadcaster, not on each single program.
だが、異論とのバランスは、放送される番組全体で判断するという法解釈が一般的だ。個々の番組だけで考えねばならないということではない。
Even though the board members stressed they are trying hard to report different viewpoints through various programs, Momii would not be convinced.
理事たちが「いろいろな観点を、様々な機会をとらえて報道している」と説明しても会長は納得しなかったという。
As the person responsible for NHK’s programs, its president may sometimes find it necessary to get involved in debate over the content of specific programs.
責任者として、番組の内容に関する議論に会長が加わることもあるだろう。
In his inaugural news conference in January, however, Momii made remarks that indicated his support of the government’s policies.
だが籾井氏は１月の就任会見で、政府に寄り添うような発言をした。
He later retracted the comments, saying he had expressed his “personal views” in public. He also tried to reassure viewers by promising that NHK’s programs would not be based on his opinions. But he has yet to admit that his ideas are inappropriate, given his position as the top official of a public broadcaster.
「公式の場で個人的な見解を述べた」と撤回し、「私の見解を放送に反映することはない」としたが、公共放送に携わる者として考え違いだったとは認めていない。
Imagine what would happen if such a person started meddling in news programs on the government’s policies. This prospect raises concerns that NHK may not be able to properly perform its journalistic role of monitoring and checking government behavior. This would give rise to suspicions that NHK finds it difficult to broadcast programs that are critical of the government because of concerns about ruffling Momii’s feathers.
その籾井氏が政策に関わるニュースに注文をつければ、どうなるか。権力を監視するジャーナリズムの役割が十分に果たせるのかといった疑問も浮かぶ。会長の意向を忖度（そんたく）し、政府に批判的な報道がしにくくなるのではないかとの不信感も出てくるだろう。
Momii has also resorted to strong-arm tactics in personnel affairs.
会長は人事でも、強引な手法を重ねている。
Soon after he took the top job at NHK, he forced all members of the Executive Board to submit undated letters of resignation.
就任早々、日付のない辞表を理事に提出させた。
In the personnel reshuffle of executive board members in late April, Momii urged two general managing directors, who had just been reappointed in February, to resign for no specific reasons.
４月下旬の理事人事では、２月に再任したばかりの専務理事２人に特段の理由なく辞任を迫った。
When seeking consent for personnel changes from the Board of Governors, the upper-ranked decision-making body, Momii also refrained from disclosing his plan until the last moment on grounds the information could be leaked.
人事案は「情報が漏れる恐れがある」と、意思決定権を持つ経営委員会に直前まで示さず、同意を求めた。
When a governor asked the president to explain his decision for changing the responsibilities of some managing directors, Momii just simply said these were matters that are the “sole prerogative of the president.”
理事の担当替えなどで説明を求めた経営委員には、「会長の専権だ」と応じた。
We cannot help wondering how much consideration he gives to the feelings of people who pay viewing fees to NHK in the belief that a public broadcaster is necessary for the good of society.
公共放送は必要と期待しながら受信料を払う人たちの思いを、どれほど、くみとっているのだろうか。
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 8