新規記事の投稿を行うことで、非表示にすることが可能です。
2010年12月31日
原爆が消した廣島
関連記事を毎日新聞英語版より引用します。
英語版しかありませんが、英文は平易です。
難しい単語が数箇所ありますが、辞書なしで全体の流れを読み取ってください。
田邊雅章（たなべまさあき）さんは広島原爆の被災者ですが、１５年ほど前にあるきっかけから、原爆の恐ろしさを後世に伝えようと決心しました。それで｢原爆が消した廣島｣という本を出版しました。
田邊雅章（たなべまさあき）さんの手法は普通の手法と違っていて、原爆投下前の広島爆心地の情景を、写真をもとに可能な限り再現することで、消された町の悲惨さ、原爆の恐ろしさを訴えています。
（スラチャイ記）
Masaaki Tanabe's works eloquently re-create the lives of those lost to the bomb
The best book I have read this year is "Genbaku ga Keshita Hiroshima" (Hiroshima that was annihilated by the atomic bomb), published by Bungei Shunju. I was attracted by the title, which uses an old character for "Hiroshima" and invokes the life of this town, which once flourished at the mouth of rivers flowing into the Seto Inland Sea.
The author of the book, Masaaki Tanabe, 73, is a renowned filmmaker. He has re-created the town that was at ground zero in his films, using state-of-the-art technology. This year, he completed a documentary film that elaborately re-enacted the Nakajima district located in the heart of Hiroshima, which was the city's leading entertainment quarter and, reduced to ashes, now hosts the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park.
Tanabe was born in what was then Sarugakucho, near where the Atomic Bomb Dome stands now. It was the end of 1937, when the Sino-Japanese War was turning into a quagmire. When Tanabe was a second-grade elementary school student, he lost his mother and brother to the atomic bomb, as well as his home, which was located at ground zero. When Tanabe returned home with his grandmother from an evacuation location in the countryside, he saw the aftermath of the bomb and was exposed to residual radiation. His father, who was a serviceman, became weak from radiation from the bomb and died on Aug. 15 in despair -- on the day Japan lost the war.
Tanabe worked his way through college to study filmmaking, and after graduation he started working for a newspaper company, where he was in charge of news films. He always stayed away from the A-bomb issues, even after he left the newspaper company and started working on his own.
However, an unexpected turning point came when he was 60. Some high school girls who seemed to be on a school trip to Hiroshima asked Tanabe to take their pictures in front of the A-bomb Dome.
While he looked through the finder of the camera -- and the high school girls gave peace signs and yelled cheerfully for the shot -- he noticed the site where the kitchen of his childhood home used to be, where his mother and brother supposedly died.
Those girls don't know what happened here, he thought, but he didn't blame them for that. The experience, however, led him to decide that he shouldn't run away from A-bomb issues any more. Re-creating what ground zero looked like before the bomb was his mission, he felt.
We have seen a number of films that portray the catastrophe that the A-bomb brought to the streets and people of Hiroshima. However, what are re-enacted in Tanabe's films are the ordinary lives of people in the town, filled with their various day-to-day emotions, as well the town's rhythm and atmosphere.
Tanabe visited people across the country that have affiliations with ground zero, traced their memories, and collected their photographs they had taken from before the atomic bombing. Many of the pictures are carried in the book, and they surely portray just the same innocent smiles as those of the high school girls who posed in front of the A-bomb Dome.
An interesting story that Tanabe gives is that a recreation of the town at ground zero made based on the recollections of former residents turned out to actually be twice as big as the real town, showing that human beings tend to remember the things they cherish as being larger and greater than they really were. Tanabe determined the actual width of each house's front based on the intervals between electricity poles taken in pictures from those days.
"I wanted to bring to film the lives of ordinary citizens up until just before the dropping of the atomic bomb," Tanabe writes in his book. I believe the description of the ordinary lives that were lost can tell the tale of terror of destruction and deprivation more eloquently than anything else.
This year saw a number of foreign dignitaries visiting Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and I hope the U.S. president will follow suit next year. When he visits Hiroshima, in addition to the casualty records, I also hope he will see what the old Hiroshima was like before its annihilation and compare it to the streets and people back in his home country. (By Kenji Tamaki, Expert Senior Writer)
(Mainichi Japan) December 30, 2010
2010年12月30日
鳩山邦夫
昨夜TBSの死刑制度の是非を議論する番組に鳩山邦夫元法務大臣が登場、言いたい放題で頭にきた。
こんな奴こそ裁判にかけて厳しく制裁を受けさせるべきだ。
怒りで血圧が上がってしまいました。
国民はだまされてはいけません。
公私混同、職権乱用の最たるものです。
趣味の蝶収集のために大使館職員が２名命を落とされています。
（スラチャイ）
鳩山邦夫元法務大臣が在任中フィリピンでご法度の蝶々探しに大使館員が参加。運悪くその中の一人が高圧電線にふれて死亡。それをアレンジした大使館員もその後（多分責任をとって）自殺という不幸な出来事があった。
↓
http://kiyoshimatforklog.cocolog-nifty.com/blog/2010/07/post-a536-1.html
cite from msn news,
鳩山邦夫氏が法相時、宮崎元死刑囚の死刑「執行すべきと指示」明かす
2010.12.30 00:33
幼女４人連続誘拐殺人事件で死刑執行された宮崎勤元死刑囚について、当時法相だった鳩山邦夫氏が、民放の収録番組で「最も凶悪な事案の一つと思うから、宮崎を執行すべきだと思うが、検討しろと私から指示した」と発言していたことが２９日、分かった。
毎日放送（大阪）が制作し、２９日夜にＴＢＳ系列で放送された情報番組で、死刑制度や検察の捜査の在り方などをめぐって国会議員や論客らが議論。鳩山氏の発言部分は今月２日に収録された。
番組の中で鳩山氏は宮崎元死刑囚について「ここまで非人間的というか、悪くなれる人間がいるんだなと。凶悪性にびっくり」「こんなやつ、生かしてたまるかと思う」などと発言。任期中の死刑執行についても「考えてみれば少なかったと反省している。３０〜４０人はしなくてはならなかったと反省している」と述べた。
小沢元代表：政倫審出席 離党圧力で方針転換
(Mainichi Japan) December 29, 2010
Under pressure to leave DPJ, Ozawa agrees to testify over scandal -- with conditions
小沢元代表：政倫審出席 離党圧力で方針転換
Ichiro Ozawa, former secretary-general and a political kingpin of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), has finally agreed to testify to a Diet ethics committee over a political funding scandal after mounting pressure to leave the party if he didn't, but he has shrewdly taken advantage of the situation to seek removal of a political opponent.
On Dec. 27, Prime Minister Naoto Kan made it clear that the DPJ would ask Ozawa to leave the party if he refused to appear before the ethics committee. Kan's statement forced Ozawa, who is facing indictment as early as the beginning of next year over the scandal, to move towards testifying.
民主党の小沢一郎元代表が衆院政治倫理審査会へ出席する意向を表明したのは、首相が２７日に小沢氏の「出処進退」に言及し、出席要請に応じない場合は離党勧告も含めて小沢氏を排除する姿勢を鮮明にしたためだ。年明けにも強制起訴を控え追い込まれた小沢氏は、出席に前向きな回答をせざるを得なくなった。
However, Ozawa took the opportunity to make a counter-attack, demanding that Kan dismiss Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshito Sengoku as a precondition for Ozawa's appearing at the committee. Kan has been under pressure from opposition parties to sack Sengoku after the opposition-controlled House of Councillors adopted a censure motion against the chief cabinet secretary.
だが一方で、野党から参院で問責決議を受けた仙谷由人官房長官の更迭を事実上条件として挙げ、政権の弱点を突いた。
The move by Ozawa takes advantage of indications by the prime minister that he would reshuffle his Cabinet -- even though that reshuffling was intended to accompany the addition of the Sunrise Party to a DPJ-led coalition administration, a deal which fell through.
首相がたちあがれ日本との連立工作に失敗しながら内閣改造を検討する姿勢を示した動きをとらえ、反撃に出た。
On the afternoon of Dec. 28, just before making the announcement that he would testify at the committee, Ozawa visited former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and stressed the need to sack Sengoku.
"For the Diet, the censure motion against Sengoku is the more serious problem, so the prime minister should respond properly to it," Ozawa was quoted as saying to Hatoyama, who agreed with him.
小沢氏は出席を表明する直前の２８日昼、東京・赤坂の鳩山由紀夫前首相を訪ね、「問責決議の方が国会審議にとって大きな問題だから、首相もしっかりやってもらわないといかんな」と告げた。
Ozawa and Hatoyama, both outside of the mainstream of the party, agreed that they will demand that the prime minister replace Sengoku with a pro-Ozawa legislator, saying it will be for the benefit of party unity.
鳩山氏は同意し、非主流派の２人はまず仙谷氏を更迭させ、内閣改造で小沢氏側の人物を登用する挙党態勢を求めることを確認した。
Azuma Koshiishi, head of the DPJ's caucus in the House of Councillors and close ally of Ozawa, is in step with the two. "If the prime minister wants to restore public trust in his administration, he should reshuffle the Cabinet," he told reporters.
小沢氏に近い輿石東参院議員会長も記者団に「内閣改造を、政権に信頼を取り戻す方法として考えているならそうした方がいい」と語り、足並みをそろえた。
政権の課題は来春の統一地方選と１１年度予算案だ。小沢氏は予算案成立と引き換えの政倫審出席もちらつかせ、証人喚問や離党勧告に進もうとする執行部をけん制した。一方で、首相が仙谷氏を更迭せず野党が審議拒否すれば、国会停滞の責任は首相にあるとして、小沢氏は政倫審に出席しない意向だ。
（この部分の英語版はありません。訳抜けです＾＾）
A point of contention is the timing of the testimony. Ozawa says he will only attend the ethics council if it is convened after the regular Diet session opens in January -- in other words, after Kan has made the decision of whether to sack Sengoku.
小沢氏が政倫審出席の条件に「国会開会後」を挙げているのも、まずは仙谷氏を更迭してから、という意味だ。
Kan, however, fearing that if he complied it would give the public the impression that he had bowed to pressure from Ozawa, strongly demanded on Dec. 28 that Ozawa attend the ethics council before the next Diet session convenes.
しかし、小沢氏の政倫審出席前に首相が仙谷氏を更迭すれば、首相が小沢氏に屈した形になる。だからこそ首相は２８日夕、小沢氏に国会前の政倫審出席を強く求めた。
On the night of Dec. 28, pro-Ozawa legislators, including Koshiishi, former Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Koji Matsui, and former DPJ Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Shinji Tarutoko met in Tokyo and were reportedly in agreement on using Ozawa's testimony to the ethics council as a bargaining chip to demand a reshuffling of the Cabinet. (By Takashi Sudo, Political News Department)
小沢氏に近い輿石氏、松井孝治前官房副長官、樽床伸二前国対委員長らは２８日夜、東京都内で会合を開いた。出席者によると「小沢氏の政倫審出席が有効なカードになるよう態勢を整えるべきだ」として、執行部側に内閣改造を求めることで一致した。【須藤孝】
毎日新聞 2010年12月29日 9時17分
Under pressure to leave DPJ, Ozawa agrees to testify over scandal -- with conditions
小沢元代表：政倫審出席 離党圧力で方針転換
Ichiro Ozawa, former secretary-general and a political kingpin of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), has finally agreed to testify to a Diet ethics committee over a political funding scandal after mounting pressure to leave the party if he didn't, but he has shrewdly taken advantage of the situation to seek removal of a political opponent.
On Dec. 27, Prime Minister Naoto Kan made it clear that the DPJ would ask Ozawa to leave the party if he refused to appear before the ethics committee. Kan's statement forced Ozawa, who is facing indictment as early as the beginning of next year over the scandal, to move towards testifying.
民主党の小沢一郎元代表が衆院政治倫理審査会へ出席する意向を表明したのは、首相が２７日に小沢氏の「出処進退」に言及し、出席要請に応じない場合は離党勧告も含めて小沢氏を排除する姿勢を鮮明にしたためだ。年明けにも強制起訴を控え追い込まれた小沢氏は、出席に前向きな回答をせざるを得なくなった。
However, Ozawa took the opportunity to make a counter-attack, demanding that Kan dismiss Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshito Sengoku as a precondition for Ozawa's appearing at the committee. Kan has been under pressure from opposition parties to sack Sengoku after the opposition-controlled House of Councillors adopted a censure motion against the chief cabinet secretary.
だが一方で、野党から参院で問責決議を受けた仙谷由人官房長官の更迭を事実上条件として挙げ、政権の弱点を突いた。
The move by Ozawa takes advantage of indications by the prime minister that he would reshuffle his Cabinet -- even though that reshuffling was intended to accompany the addition of the Sunrise Party to a DPJ-led coalition administration, a deal which fell through.
首相がたちあがれ日本との連立工作に失敗しながら内閣改造を検討する姿勢を示した動きをとらえ、反撃に出た。
On the afternoon of Dec. 28, just before making the announcement that he would testify at the committee, Ozawa visited former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and stressed the need to sack Sengoku.
"For the Diet, the censure motion against Sengoku is the more serious problem, so the prime minister should respond properly to it," Ozawa was quoted as saying to Hatoyama, who agreed with him.
小沢氏は出席を表明する直前の２８日昼、東京・赤坂の鳩山由紀夫前首相を訪ね、「問責決議の方が国会審議にとって大きな問題だから、首相もしっかりやってもらわないといかんな」と告げた。
Ozawa and Hatoyama, both outside of the mainstream of the party, agreed that they will demand that the prime minister replace Sengoku with a pro-Ozawa legislator, saying it will be for the benefit of party unity.
鳩山氏は同意し、非主流派の２人はまず仙谷氏を更迭させ、内閣改造で小沢氏側の人物を登用する挙党態勢を求めることを確認した。
Azuma Koshiishi, head of the DPJ's caucus in the House of Councillors and close ally of Ozawa, is in step with the two. "If the prime minister wants to restore public trust in his administration, he should reshuffle the Cabinet," he told reporters.
小沢氏に近い輿石東参院議員会長も記者団に「内閣改造を、政権に信頼を取り戻す方法として考えているならそうした方がいい」と語り、足並みをそろえた。
政権の課題は来春の統一地方選と１１年度予算案だ。小沢氏は予算案成立と引き換えの政倫審出席もちらつかせ、証人喚問や離党勧告に進もうとする執行部をけん制した。一方で、首相が仙谷氏を更迭せず野党が審議拒否すれば、国会停滞の責任は首相にあるとして、小沢氏は政倫審に出席しない意向だ。
（この部分の英語版はありません。訳抜けです＾＾）
A point of contention is the timing of the testimony. Ozawa says he will only attend the ethics council if it is convened after the regular Diet session opens in January -- in other words, after Kan has made the decision of whether to sack Sengoku.
小沢氏が政倫審出席の条件に「国会開会後」を挙げているのも、まずは仙谷氏を更迭してから、という意味だ。
Kan, however, fearing that if he complied it would give the public the impression that he had bowed to pressure from Ozawa, strongly demanded on Dec. 28 that Ozawa attend the ethics council before the next Diet session convenes.
しかし、小沢氏の政倫審出席前に首相が仙谷氏を更迭すれば、首相が小沢氏に屈した形になる。だからこそ首相は２８日夕、小沢氏に国会前の政倫審出席を強く求めた。
On the night of Dec. 28, pro-Ozawa legislators, including Koshiishi, former Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Koji Matsui, and former DPJ Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Shinji Tarutoko met in Tokyo and were reportedly in agreement on using Ozawa's testimony to the ethics council as a bargaining chip to demand a reshuffling of the Cabinet. (By Takashi Sudo, Political News Department)
小沢氏に近い輿石氏、松井孝治前官房副長官、樽床伸二前国対委員長らは２８日夜、東京都内で会合を開いた。出席者によると「小沢氏の政倫審出席が有効なカードになるよう態勢を整えるべきだ」として、執行部側に内閣改造を求めることで一致した。【須藤孝】
毎日新聞 2010年12月29日 9時17分
2010年12月29日
遺骨が問う戦後―過去に向き合い続ける
英語版の記事で英文の翻訳抜けがありました。
翻訳抜けの箇所を（ ）で示しておきます。
（スラチャイ）
2010/12/28
--The Asahi Shimbun Dec. 27
EDITORIAL: Search for war remains
遺骨が問う戦後―過去に向き合い続ける
The search for the remains of Japanese soldiers who died in the Pacific War is gaining momentum.
太平洋戦争の戦没者の遺骨収集事業が、動きだしている。
"We will check each and every grain of sand," Prime Minister Naoto Kan said after digging into the volcanic ash and soil of Iwo Jima, a fierce battleground between Japan and the United States.
「一粒一粒の砂まで確かめる」。先日、日米激戦の地、硫黄島で火山灰まじりの土を掘り返した菅直人首相は、こう誓った。
The remains of 13,000 Japanese soldiers have yet to be found on this island, but the prime minister's special task force has located a group burial ground based on information from American documents. A full-fledged excavation project is to begin.
この島では日本兵１万３千人分の遺骨が見つかっていないが、官邸の特命チームが米国資料をもとに集団埋葬地を特定。これから発掘作業が本格化する。
Kan stressed, "The country has a responsibility to bring the remains back home," and implied that he is eager to expand the search program to other battle zones.
首相は「遺骨帰還は国の責務」と強調し、他の戦域での収集の拡充にも意欲を見せた。
About 2.4 million Japanese died in Okinawa and in foreign lands during the war. The 65th year after the war is drawing to a close, yet the remains of only 1.26 million have returned home.
沖縄や海外での戦没者は計２４０万人。戦後６５年が暮れつつあるというのに、戻ってきた遺骨は１２６万柱にとどまっている。
Actually, there is no law that says "the country has a responsibility" to retrieve the remains. When the war ended, what is now the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare took over the unfinished administerial business of the Japanese military, and the ministry has conducted the search as part of an assistance program for families of the war dead.
実は、遺骨収集を「国の責務」と定めた法律はない。旧軍の残務整理を引き継いだ厚生労働省が、戦没者遺族の援護の一環で続けてきた。
For a while after the war, it was difficult to set foot on lands the Japanese military had once invaded. It was not until the late 1960s, after reparation payments to those governments had made progress, that official government teams could make repeated trips to those lands in search of the remains.
敗戦後しばらく、侵略した地に足を踏み入れるのは難しかった。政府が率いる遺骨収集団が盛んに赴くようになったのは、各国への賠償が進んだ１９６０年代末のこと。
Former war comrades would serve as guides for the families of the fallen as they made their way into the jungles. The rescue of Shoichi Yokoi, a Japanese soldier who had held out in Guam until 1972, gave the project momentum.
戦友が道案内し、遺族が肉親の最期を思いながら、密林にわけ入る。７２年、グアム島の残留兵横井庄一さん救出で関心が高まり、遺骨収集は一気に進んだという。
With Japan entering the Heisei Era starting in 1989, veterans and families have grown older. With fewer leads on possible locations of the remains, the project dwindled down.
平成に入り、戦友や遺族は高齢となった。遺骨のありそうな場所の情報は減り、事業は先細りになる。
Starting four years ago, parts of the recovery project were commissioned to private groups, but there have been rumors that some of the bones that an NPO had collected in the Philippines might include those of local people. Some have suggested perhaps it was time to draw the project to a close.
４年前からは一部で民間団体への委託が始まったが、フィリピンではＮＰＯ法人が集めた骨に現地の人のものが混ざっている疑いが指摘されている。そろそろ幕引きを、という声も出ていた。
Kan had shown interest in this matter since his days in the opposition. We would like to believe that his involvement is not for the sake of his administration's popularity, but that he is truly committed to the recovery project in the numerous former battlegrounds.
菅首相は、野党時代からこの問題に関心を持ってきた。思いつきの政権浮揚策ではなく、本気で各地での収集に取り組もうとしていると信じたい。
If so, is it not time to consider moving beyond the usual framework of assisting the families and paying tribute to the deceased?
だとしたら、従来の遺族援護や慰霊といった枠組みを越え、遺骨収集のあり方を考え直すときではないか。
In the future, the recovery project should involve more young people, including student volunteers.
（収集の正確さや効率を期すのは当然だ。） 今後の担い手は学生ボランティアなど、若い人にも広げるべきだろう。
Perhaps the recovery project can be continued as a process of contemplation and soul-searching; a process for us to think and question why people were mobilized by the state and had to die in such places, only to be left there. It can be turned into an opportunity for us to learn the horrors of war, to learn from the mistakes of the past, and discover means of reconciliation.
国家に動員された人たちが、なぜこんな所で命を落とし、放置されねばならなかったのか。戦争の悲惨さと、反省を学び、和解の手がかりとする。そんな営みとして続けられないか。
For example, of the 520,000 Japanese casualties of war in the Philippines, the remains of 370,000 have returned home. But when we search for the remains of Japanese soldiers, we must not forget that more than 1 million Philippine civilians were killed.
たとえば５２万人が戦死したフィリピンには、３７万人分の遺骨が残る。しかしあの戦争では、１００万人を超すフィリピン民間人が犠牲になっている。日本兵の最期を捜すときには、そのことを忘れてはなるまい。
In China and North Korea, the search for remains, let alone their recovery, is still difficult. The remains include those of the soldiers who were originally from lands Japan colonized. Seoul is demanding Tokyo return the remains of those forcibly taken to Japan.
中国や国交のない北朝鮮では、いまだに遺骨調査さえ難しい。兵士には旧植民地出身者も含まれる。韓国政府からは、日本各地に強制連行された人の骨を返せと、求められてもいる。
The bones are silent, but from the dark they continue to question how Japan dealt with the aftermath of war. The important thing is to constantly face up to the past.
物言わぬ骨たちが、暗闇からこの国の戦後処理を問うている。大切なのは過去に向き合い続ける姿勢である。
翻訳抜けの箇所を（ ）で示しておきます。
（スラチャイ）
2010/12/28
--The Asahi Shimbun Dec. 27
EDITORIAL: Search for war remains
遺骨が問う戦後―過去に向き合い続ける
The search for the remains of Japanese soldiers who died in the Pacific War is gaining momentum.
太平洋戦争の戦没者の遺骨収集事業が、動きだしている。
"We will check each and every grain of sand," Prime Minister Naoto Kan said after digging into the volcanic ash and soil of Iwo Jima, a fierce battleground between Japan and the United States.
「一粒一粒の砂まで確かめる」。先日、日米激戦の地、硫黄島で火山灰まじりの土を掘り返した菅直人首相は、こう誓った。
The remains of 13,000 Japanese soldiers have yet to be found on this island, but the prime minister's special task force has located a group burial ground based on information from American documents. A full-fledged excavation project is to begin.
この島では日本兵１万３千人分の遺骨が見つかっていないが、官邸の特命チームが米国資料をもとに集団埋葬地を特定。これから発掘作業が本格化する。
Kan stressed, "The country has a responsibility to bring the remains back home," and implied that he is eager to expand the search program to other battle zones.
首相は「遺骨帰還は国の責務」と強調し、他の戦域での収集の拡充にも意欲を見せた。
About 2.4 million Japanese died in Okinawa and in foreign lands during the war. The 65th year after the war is drawing to a close, yet the remains of only 1.26 million have returned home.
沖縄や海外での戦没者は計２４０万人。戦後６５年が暮れつつあるというのに、戻ってきた遺骨は１２６万柱にとどまっている。
Actually, there is no law that says "the country has a responsibility" to retrieve the remains. When the war ended, what is now the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare took over the unfinished administerial business of the Japanese military, and the ministry has conducted the search as part of an assistance program for families of the war dead.
実は、遺骨収集を「国の責務」と定めた法律はない。旧軍の残務整理を引き継いだ厚生労働省が、戦没者遺族の援護の一環で続けてきた。
For a while after the war, it was difficult to set foot on lands the Japanese military had once invaded. It was not until the late 1960s, after reparation payments to those governments had made progress, that official government teams could make repeated trips to those lands in search of the remains.
敗戦後しばらく、侵略した地に足を踏み入れるのは難しかった。政府が率いる遺骨収集団が盛んに赴くようになったのは、各国への賠償が進んだ１９６０年代末のこと。
Former war comrades would serve as guides for the families of the fallen as they made their way into the jungles. The rescue of Shoichi Yokoi, a Japanese soldier who had held out in Guam until 1972, gave the project momentum.
戦友が道案内し、遺族が肉親の最期を思いながら、密林にわけ入る。７２年、グアム島の残留兵横井庄一さん救出で関心が高まり、遺骨収集は一気に進んだという。
With Japan entering the Heisei Era starting in 1989, veterans and families have grown older. With fewer leads on possible locations of the remains, the project dwindled down.
平成に入り、戦友や遺族は高齢となった。遺骨のありそうな場所の情報は減り、事業は先細りになる。
Starting four years ago, parts of the recovery project were commissioned to private groups, but there have been rumors that some of the bones that an NPO had collected in the Philippines might include those of local people. Some have suggested perhaps it was time to draw the project to a close.
４年前からは一部で民間団体への委託が始まったが、フィリピンではＮＰＯ法人が集めた骨に現地の人のものが混ざっている疑いが指摘されている。そろそろ幕引きを、という声も出ていた。
Kan had shown interest in this matter since his days in the opposition. We would like to believe that his involvement is not for the sake of his administration's popularity, but that he is truly committed to the recovery project in the numerous former battlegrounds.
菅首相は、野党時代からこの問題に関心を持ってきた。思いつきの政権浮揚策ではなく、本気で各地での収集に取り組もうとしていると信じたい。
If so, is it not time to consider moving beyond the usual framework of assisting the families and paying tribute to the deceased?
だとしたら、従来の遺族援護や慰霊といった枠組みを越え、遺骨収集のあり方を考え直すときではないか。
In the future, the recovery project should involve more young people, including student volunteers.
（収集の正確さや効率を期すのは当然だ。） 今後の担い手は学生ボランティアなど、若い人にも広げるべきだろう。
Perhaps the recovery project can be continued as a process of contemplation and soul-searching; a process for us to think and question why people were mobilized by the state and had to die in such places, only to be left there. It can be turned into an opportunity for us to learn the horrors of war, to learn from the mistakes of the past, and discover means of reconciliation.
国家に動員された人たちが、なぜこんな所で命を落とし、放置されねばならなかったのか。戦争の悲惨さと、反省を学び、和解の手がかりとする。そんな営みとして続けられないか。
For example, of the 520,000 Japanese casualties of war in the Philippines, the remains of 370,000 have returned home. But when we search for the remains of Japanese soldiers, we must not forget that more than 1 million Philippine civilians were killed.
たとえば５２万人が戦死したフィリピンには、３７万人分の遺骨が残る。しかしあの戦争では、１００万人を超すフィリピン民間人が犠牲になっている。日本兵の最期を捜すときには、そのことを忘れてはなるまい。
In China and North Korea, the search for remains, let alone their recovery, is still difficult. The remains include those of the soldiers who were originally from lands Japan colonized. Seoul is demanding Tokyo return the remains of those forcibly taken to Japan.
中国や国交のない北朝鮮では、いまだに遺骨調査さえ難しい。兵士には旧植民地出身者も含まれる。韓国政府からは、日本各地に強制連行された人の骨を返せと、求められてもいる。
The bones are silent, but from the dark they continue to question how Japan dealt with the aftermath of war. The important thing is to constantly face up to the past.
物言わぬ骨たちが、暗闇からこの国の戦後処理を問うている。大切なのは過去に向き合い続ける姿勢である。
2010年12月28日
警察資料流出 対応の遅れが被害拡大招いた
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Dec. 28, 2010)
MPD's delayed response worsened info leak damage
警察資料流出 対応の遅れが被害拡大招いた（12月27日付・読売社説）
The Metropolitan Police Department eventually admitted last week that some of its internal documents on investigations into international terrorism were leaked onto the Internet--nearly two months after the leak was revealed.
発覚から２か月近くもたって、警視庁が、ネット上に流出した国際テロ捜査に関する資料を内部文書と認めた。
In the meantime, the MPD failed to take necessary action, allowing the online spread of personal information such as names and addresses of informants to continue. A senior MPD officer apologized over the matter, saying, "It's extremely regrettable." But the MPD bears heavy responsibility for having worsened the leak damage.
この間、必要な対応を怠ってきたため、「捜査協力者」らの実名や住所などの個人情報がネット上で拡散を続けた。警視庁幹部は「極めて遺憾で申し訳ない」と謝罪したが、被害拡大を招いた責任は極めて重大である。
Investigative authorities must take all possible measures to ensure the safety of those whose personal data were leaked as well as conduct thorough investigations to determine who leaked the information online in the first place.
警察当局は個人情報をさらされている被害者の安全確保に万全を期すとともに、徹底捜査で流出元を突き止めねばならない。
The leaked data included information provided by foreign investigative organizations. The MPD had adamantly refused to admit the leaked information was part of its internal data because it feared it would lose confidence abroad if it referred to the attribution or genuineness of leaked data.
流出資料には外国捜査機関からの情報が含まれていた。資料の帰属や真偽を語ると、国際的な信用を失うとの理由から、警視庁はこれまで内部文書と認めることをかたくなに拒んできた。
Because of this, the MPD could not even file a complaint when a book carrying the leaked data, including personal information, was published. Faced with mounting criticism over the department's stance of sticking to its position to save face as an organization, the MPD probably had no alternative but to admit the leak of its internal information and apologize.
このため、個人情報を含む流出資料をそのまま掲載した本が出版されても、抗議すらできなかった。組織としてのメンツにこだわる警察の姿勢に批判が高まったことを受けて、流出を認め、謝罪せざるを得なくなったのだろう。
===
No leniency for colleagues
Although pointing out the possibility that the leaked information includes some belonging to its Public Security Bureau, the MPD has avoided specifying which data came from the bureau. The MPD could have acknowledged this much immediately after the leak of the data came to light.
ただ、流出資料の中に警視庁公安部の情報が含まれている可能性がある、と認めながら、個別にどの資料が内部文書にあたるかの特定は避けている。この程度の説明であれば、流出直後でも十分可能だったはずだ。
In any case, the bureau's sloppy administration of data was also revealed.
公安部の情報管理のずさんさも明らかになってきた。
The leaked information is believed to have been compiled by the bureau's Third Foreign Affairs Division, which is in charge of investigations into international terrorism. Personal computers for common use by division personnel reportedly included some from which information can be taken easily with the use of a private-use external memory device.
流出した捜査資料は、国際テロ捜査を担当する公安部外事３課で作成されたとみられている。課内にある共用パソコンには、私用の外部記憶媒体で容易に情報を取り出せるものがあったという。
The MPD has been questioning about 400 members, including some current and past members of the division. The investigation should be conducted strictly without leniency for colleagues.
警視庁は外事３課に在籍した職員ら４００人から事情を聞いている。身内への甘さを排した厳正な捜査が必要だ。
The MPD has investigated the case on suspicion of obstructing police business through fraudulent means. But the allegation should be switched to a breach of confidentiality in violation of the Local Civil Service Law.
これまでは、資料流出が警察の警備業務に支障を生じさせたという偽計業務妨害容疑で捜査してきたが、流出行為そのものを問う地方公務員法の守秘義務違反に容疑を切り替えるべきである。
===
A way to regain confidence
The Public Security Bureau, in many cases, has narrowed down lists of suspects based on the information collected from informants. Therefore, the information thus gathered is highly confidential. Extreme care should be taken in its handling.
公安部では捜査協力者から集めた情報を基に容疑者を絞り込むことが多いだけに、情報の機密性は格段に高い。その取り扱いには細心の注意が求められる。
We live in an era in which international cyberterrorism is rampant. Without improvements to prevent leaks of investigative information, it would be difficult for the domestic investigative authorities to regain the confidence of their foreign counterparts.
ネット上で国境を越えたサイバーテロが頻発する時代である。捜査情報が流出する状態を改善しない限り、海外の捜査機関の信頼を回復することは難しいだろう。
In the process of promptly reexamining its information management system, the MPD must fully secure the confidentiality of electronic information as well as enhance its ability to investigate cybercrimes.
情報管理態勢を早急に見直す中で、電子情報の機密保持を徹底するとともに、ネット犯罪への捜査能力を高める必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Dec. 27, 2010)
（2010年12月27日01時27分 読売新聞）
MPD's delayed response worsened info leak damage
警察資料流出 対応の遅れが被害拡大招いた（12月27日付・読売社説）
The Metropolitan Police Department eventually admitted last week that some of its internal documents on investigations into international terrorism were leaked onto the Internet--nearly two months after the leak was revealed.
発覚から２か月近くもたって、警視庁が、ネット上に流出した国際テロ捜査に関する資料を内部文書と認めた。
In the meantime, the MPD failed to take necessary action, allowing the online spread of personal information such as names and addresses of informants to continue. A senior MPD officer apologized over the matter, saying, "It's extremely regrettable." But the MPD bears heavy responsibility for having worsened the leak damage.
この間、必要な対応を怠ってきたため、「捜査協力者」らの実名や住所などの個人情報がネット上で拡散を続けた。警視庁幹部は「極めて遺憾で申し訳ない」と謝罪したが、被害拡大を招いた責任は極めて重大である。
Investigative authorities must take all possible measures to ensure the safety of those whose personal data were leaked as well as conduct thorough investigations to determine who leaked the information online in the first place.
警察当局は個人情報をさらされている被害者の安全確保に万全を期すとともに、徹底捜査で流出元を突き止めねばならない。
The leaked data included information provided by foreign investigative organizations. The MPD had adamantly refused to admit the leaked information was part of its internal data because it feared it would lose confidence abroad if it referred to the attribution or genuineness of leaked data.
流出資料には外国捜査機関からの情報が含まれていた。資料の帰属や真偽を語ると、国際的な信用を失うとの理由から、警視庁はこれまで内部文書と認めることをかたくなに拒んできた。
Because of this, the MPD could not even file a complaint when a book carrying the leaked data, including personal information, was published. Faced with mounting criticism over the department's stance of sticking to its position to save face as an organization, the MPD probably had no alternative but to admit the leak of its internal information and apologize.
このため、個人情報を含む流出資料をそのまま掲載した本が出版されても、抗議すらできなかった。組織としてのメンツにこだわる警察の姿勢に批判が高まったことを受けて、流出を認め、謝罪せざるを得なくなったのだろう。
===
No leniency for colleagues
Although pointing out the possibility that the leaked information includes some belonging to its Public Security Bureau, the MPD has avoided specifying which data came from the bureau. The MPD could have acknowledged this much immediately after the leak of the data came to light.
ただ、流出資料の中に警視庁公安部の情報が含まれている可能性がある、と認めながら、個別にどの資料が内部文書にあたるかの特定は避けている。この程度の説明であれば、流出直後でも十分可能だったはずだ。
In any case, the bureau's sloppy administration of data was also revealed.
公安部の情報管理のずさんさも明らかになってきた。
The leaked information is believed to have been compiled by the bureau's Third Foreign Affairs Division, which is in charge of investigations into international terrorism. Personal computers for common use by division personnel reportedly included some from which information can be taken easily with the use of a private-use external memory device.
流出した捜査資料は、国際テロ捜査を担当する公安部外事３課で作成されたとみられている。課内にある共用パソコンには、私用の外部記憶媒体で容易に情報を取り出せるものがあったという。
The MPD has been questioning about 400 members, including some current and past members of the division. The investigation should be conducted strictly without leniency for colleagues.
警視庁は外事３課に在籍した職員ら４００人から事情を聞いている。身内への甘さを排した厳正な捜査が必要だ。
The MPD has investigated the case on suspicion of obstructing police business through fraudulent means. But the allegation should be switched to a breach of confidentiality in violation of the Local Civil Service Law.
これまでは、資料流出が警察の警備業務に支障を生じさせたという偽計業務妨害容疑で捜査してきたが、流出行為そのものを問う地方公務員法の守秘義務違反に容疑を切り替えるべきである。
===
A way to regain confidence
The Public Security Bureau, in many cases, has narrowed down lists of suspects based on the information collected from informants. Therefore, the information thus gathered is highly confidential. Extreme care should be taken in its handling.
公安部では捜査協力者から集めた情報を基に容疑者を絞り込むことが多いだけに、情報の機密性は格段に高い。その取り扱いには細心の注意が求められる。
We live in an era in which international cyberterrorism is rampant. Without improvements to prevent leaks of investigative information, it would be difficult for the domestic investigative authorities to regain the confidence of their foreign counterparts.
ネット上で国境を越えたサイバーテロが頻発する時代である。捜査情報が流出する状態を改善しない限り、海外の捜査機関の信頼を回復することは難しいだろう。
In the process of promptly reexamining its information management system, the MPD must fully secure the confidentiality of electronic information as well as enhance its ability to investigate cybercrimes.
情報管理態勢を早急に見直す中で、電子情報の機密保持を徹底するとともに、ネット犯罪への捜査能力を高める必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Dec. 27, 2010)
（2010年12月27日01時27分 読売新聞）
2010年12月27日
新核軍縮条約―多国間の削減へ踏み出せ
2010/12/25
--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 24
EDITORIAL: New nuclear disarmament treaty
新核軍縮条約―多国間の削減へ踏み出せ
A new nuclear disarmament treaty aimed at reducing U.S. and Russian strategic nuclear weapons has taken a major step toward validation. The U.S. Senate, which had been reluctant to pass and ratify it, finally approved it eight months after it was signed.
米ロの戦略核兵器を減らす新核軍縮条約が、発効へと大きく前進した。批准承認を渋っていた米議会上院が、条約調印から８カ月たってようやく可決にたどりついた。
With no prospects for the treaty to take effect, U.S. President Barack Obama's initiative for "a world without nuclear weapons" could have lost its footing. It is significant that the Senate approved it at the last moment and did not allow the initiative aimed at abolishing nuclear weapons to fall apart.
発効のめどがたたないままだと、オバマ大統領が打ち出した「核のない世界」への構想が根本から揺らぎかねなかった。土俵際で踏みとどまって、核ゼロに向かう構想を崩壊させなかったことの意義は大きい。
The development should provide momentum for the United States to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty that President Obama mentioned in his April 2009 "Prague speech" and to strike a treaty on banning production of weapons-grade fissionable materials. Nuclear powers are also urged to step up their efforts for disarmament without delay.
これを弾みにして、昨年４月の「プラハ演説」で示した包括的核実験禁止条約（ＣＴＢＴ）の米国での批准、兵器用核分裂性物質の生産禁止に関する条約交渉の開始、核保有国によるさらなる軍縮などを、一刻も早く前進させるべきである。
In particular, we wish to make a request on future nuclear disarmament.
とくに、今後の核軍縮について注文をつけておきたい。
The United States and Russia are required to reduce the number of strategic nuclear warheads to 1,550 or fewer within seven years from the time the treaty takes effect. But even this figure means the two countries would still possess enormous capability to destroy civilization.
米ロは、新条約の発効から７年以内に、戦略核弾頭を双方１５５０発以下まで減らす。だがこの数でさえ、過剰な殺戮（さつりく）能力が残ることに変わりない。
Instead of seven years, the countries should hasten negotiations for the treaty to cut the number of nuclear warheads to 1,000 or fewer. If possible, the next nuclear disarmament treaty should take effect before the next Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty review conference slated for 2015.
文明破壊の危険から脱するために、この期限を待たずに１千発以下に減らす条約交渉を急ぐべきだ。できれば、２０１５年にある次回の核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）再検討会議までに、次の核軍縮条約を発効させたい。
It is also important to sound out consultations with nuclear powers other than the United States and Russia.
米ロ以外の核保有国との協議をさぐることも大事だ。
China has maintained the stance that the United States and Russia should take the lead in nuclear disarmament.
中国は「米ロ核軍縮が先だ」との立場をとり続けてきた。
However, if prospects for each of the two countries to possess 1,000 nuclear warheads or fewer become likely, even China would no longer be able to escape the disarmament administration. Rather, it should positively propose multilateral consultations.
だが、米ロ双方の１千発以下の時代が見えてくれば、もはや中国も核軍備管理から逃げられない。むしろ積極的に多国間の協議について提案すべきだろう。
In particular, in Asia, the United States, China and related countries need to discuss how the regional arms control and security framework ought to be so as not to trigger an arms race in conventional forces.
とくにアジアでは、核軍縮が通常戦力の軍拡を引き起こすことがないように、地域的な軍備管理、安全保障の枠組みのあり方を米中や関係国で協議していく必要がある。
As a country that suffered atomic bombings, Japan has an important role to appeal to other countries and present a new initiative. We must also not forget that it would also benefit Japan's own security.
それを呼びかけ、新たな構想を示すのは、被爆国である日本の重要な役割だろう。それが日本の安全保障に資することも忘れてはならない。
For the new treaty to take effect, ratification by Russia is indispensable. Russia's nuclear missiles are rapidly aging. Without the treaty, the cost of renewing them will weigh heavily on the country. In that sense, the treaty is also reasonable for Russia and should be ratified as soon as possible.
今回の新条約の発効には、ロシアの批准が欠かせない。条約がなければ、急速に老朽化が進む核ミサイルの更新費用が大きな財政負担になる。ロシアにも理にかなう条約だ。早期に批准すべきである。
Former U.S. secretaries of state and defense of the former Republican administration have expressed their support for the new treaty one after another. Despite such circumstances, the approval had been put off because there is strong reluctance within the Republican Party to help Obama score a point.
新条約には米国の共和党政権期の元国務長官、元国防長官たちが相次いで支持を表明してきた。それなのに承認が先延ばしされたのは、共和党内にオバマ大統領の得点になることに協力したくない空気が強いからだ。
Unless Washington advances nuclear disarmament, its position to call for the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons would weaken and directly affect the security of the United States and its allies.
核軍縮を進めぬ限り、核不拡散を主張する米国の足場は弱まる。それは、米国や同盟国の安全保障問題に直結する。
The Republican Party's stance of dragging nuclear disarmament due to its partisan interests makes light of the will of many countries that aim at "a world without nuclear weapons" under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. We strongly urge the Republican Party to reflect on its behavior.
党派的な利害で足を引っ張る共和党の姿勢は、ＮＰＴの下で「核のない世界」に向かう多くの国の意思を軽視するものだ。強く反省を促したい。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 24
EDITORIAL: New nuclear disarmament treaty
新核軍縮条約―多国間の削減へ踏み出せ
A new nuclear disarmament treaty aimed at reducing U.S. and Russian strategic nuclear weapons has taken a major step toward validation. The U.S. Senate, which had been reluctant to pass and ratify it, finally approved it eight months after it was signed.
米ロの戦略核兵器を減らす新核軍縮条約が、発効へと大きく前進した。批准承認を渋っていた米議会上院が、条約調印から８カ月たってようやく可決にたどりついた。
With no prospects for the treaty to take effect, U.S. President Barack Obama's initiative for "a world without nuclear weapons" could have lost its footing. It is significant that the Senate approved it at the last moment and did not allow the initiative aimed at abolishing nuclear weapons to fall apart.
発効のめどがたたないままだと、オバマ大統領が打ち出した「核のない世界」への構想が根本から揺らぎかねなかった。土俵際で踏みとどまって、核ゼロに向かう構想を崩壊させなかったことの意義は大きい。
The development should provide momentum for the United States to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty that President Obama mentioned in his April 2009 "Prague speech" and to strike a treaty on banning production of weapons-grade fissionable materials. Nuclear powers are also urged to step up their efforts for disarmament without delay.
これを弾みにして、昨年４月の「プラハ演説」で示した包括的核実験禁止条約（ＣＴＢＴ）の米国での批准、兵器用核分裂性物質の生産禁止に関する条約交渉の開始、核保有国によるさらなる軍縮などを、一刻も早く前進させるべきである。
In particular, we wish to make a request on future nuclear disarmament.
とくに、今後の核軍縮について注文をつけておきたい。
The United States and Russia are required to reduce the number of strategic nuclear warheads to 1,550 or fewer within seven years from the time the treaty takes effect. But even this figure means the two countries would still possess enormous capability to destroy civilization.
米ロは、新条約の発効から７年以内に、戦略核弾頭を双方１５５０発以下まで減らす。だがこの数でさえ、過剰な殺戮（さつりく）能力が残ることに変わりない。
Instead of seven years, the countries should hasten negotiations for the treaty to cut the number of nuclear warheads to 1,000 or fewer. If possible, the next nuclear disarmament treaty should take effect before the next Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty review conference slated for 2015.
文明破壊の危険から脱するために、この期限を待たずに１千発以下に減らす条約交渉を急ぐべきだ。できれば、２０１５年にある次回の核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）再検討会議までに、次の核軍縮条約を発効させたい。
It is also important to sound out consultations with nuclear powers other than the United States and Russia.
米ロ以外の核保有国との協議をさぐることも大事だ。
China has maintained the stance that the United States and Russia should take the lead in nuclear disarmament.
中国は「米ロ核軍縮が先だ」との立場をとり続けてきた。
However, if prospects for each of the two countries to possess 1,000 nuclear warheads or fewer become likely, even China would no longer be able to escape the disarmament administration. Rather, it should positively propose multilateral consultations.
だが、米ロ双方の１千発以下の時代が見えてくれば、もはや中国も核軍備管理から逃げられない。むしろ積極的に多国間の協議について提案すべきだろう。
In particular, in Asia, the United States, China and related countries need to discuss how the regional arms control and security framework ought to be so as not to trigger an arms race in conventional forces.
とくにアジアでは、核軍縮が通常戦力の軍拡を引き起こすことがないように、地域的な軍備管理、安全保障の枠組みのあり方を米中や関係国で協議していく必要がある。
As a country that suffered atomic bombings, Japan has an important role to appeal to other countries and present a new initiative. We must also not forget that it would also benefit Japan's own security.
それを呼びかけ、新たな構想を示すのは、被爆国である日本の重要な役割だろう。それが日本の安全保障に資することも忘れてはならない。
For the new treaty to take effect, ratification by Russia is indispensable. Russia's nuclear missiles are rapidly aging. Without the treaty, the cost of renewing them will weigh heavily on the country. In that sense, the treaty is also reasonable for Russia and should be ratified as soon as possible.
今回の新条約の発効には、ロシアの批准が欠かせない。条約がなければ、急速に老朽化が進む核ミサイルの更新費用が大きな財政負担になる。ロシアにも理にかなう条約だ。早期に批准すべきである。
Former U.S. secretaries of state and defense of the former Republican administration have expressed their support for the new treaty one after another. Despite such circumstances, the approval had been put off because there is strong reluctance within the Republican Party to help Obama score a point.
新条約には米国の共和党政権期の元国務長官、元国防長官たちが相次いで支持を表明してきた。それなのに承認が先延ばしされたのは、共和党内にオバマ大統領の得点になることに協力したくない空気が強いからだ。
Unless Washington advances nuclear disarmament, its position to call for the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons would weaken and directly affect the security of the United States and its allies.
核軍縮を進めぬ限り、核不拡散を主張する米国の足場は弱まる。それは、米国や同盟国の安全保障問題に直結する。
The Republican Party's stance of dragging nuclear disarmament due to its partisan interests makes light of the will of many countries that aim at "a world without nuclear weapons" under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. We strongly urge the Republican Party to reflect on its behavior.
党派的な利害で足を引っ張る共和党の姿勢は、ＮＰＴの下で「核のない世界」に向かう多くの国の意思を軽視するものだ。強く反省を促したい。
2010年12月26日
来年度予算案 辻褄合わせはもう限界だ
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Dec. 26, 2010)
Fiscal 2011 budget fails to address key issues
来年度予算案 辻褄合わせはもう限界だ（12月25日付・読売社説）
The Cabinet approved a record 92.41 trillion yen fiscal 2011 budget at its meeting on Friday.
２０１１年度予算案が２４日、閣議決定された。総額９２兆４１００億円は過去最大である。
The Finance Ministry probably would like to engage in a bit of old-style wordplay to read the total figure as "kuni yoi," meaning "country in good condition," as the digit 9 can be read as "ku," 2 as "ni," 4 as "yo" and 1 as "i."
かつて恒例だった数字の語呂合わせをすれば、財務省なら「国、良い」とでも言いたいところだろう。
However, if one looks at the severe reality of the budget, which depends on debt, such an optimistic assessment would be unwarranted.
だが、借金頼みのお寒い内容を見れば、そんな甘い評価など到底出来まい。
This is the second budget compilation since the Democratic Party of Japan-led administration was established last year. However, the administration of Prime Minister Naoto Kan does not have any effective measures to cope with the revenue shortfall. Instead, it only shows its determination to continue its unreasonable handout policies.
昨年の政権交代以来、民主党政権による予算編成は２度目だ。しかし、菅内閣は財源不足に抜本的な手を打たず、無理なバラマキ政策を継続する意思を示した。
In such a situation, it is impossible to escape from the nation's chronic state of deficits. Looking at this budget, this is certainly the last time the DPJ-led administration will be able to make ends meet by unreasonably using bonds to balance revenue and expenditures. Many citizens must feel anxious now.
これでは赤字体質も改善しようがない。歳入と歳出の辻褄(つじつま)合わせもいよいよ限界だと、多くの国民が不安を感じる予算になった。
44 tril. yen govt bond issue set
◆国債発行は依然４４兆円◆
The outstanding feature of the fiscal 2001 budget is 28.7 trillion yen in social security-related costs, exceeding half of general expenditures. Debt-servicing costs came to 21.5 trillion yen.
１１年度予算案の歳出は、社会保障関係費が２８・７兆円と、一般歳出全体の半分を超えたのが目を引く。国債の償還や利払いに充てる国債費は２１・５兆円である。
On the revenue side, tax income will be 40.9 trillion yen, up more than 3 trillion yen from the initial fiscal 2010 budget. It regained the 40-trillion yen mark for the first time in two years.
一方の歳入面。税収は１０年度当初より３兆円以上増えて４０・９兆円と、４０兆円台を回復する。
However, nontax revenue comes to only 7.2 trillion yen, even if the so-called buried treasure of reserve funds in special accounts is frantically scooped up.
だが、税外収入は、埋蔵金を必死にかき集めても７・２兆円にとどまる。
As a result, the revenue shortfall is covered by issuance of government bonds worth a hefty 44.3 trillion yen, almost identical to the amount in the 2010 budget, which was the largest-ever issuance in an initial budget.
結局、歳入の不足分は、当初予算として最も多かった１０年度とほぼ同じ、４４・３兆円もの国債を出して賄う。
It will be the second year in a row that government bond issuance exceeds tax revenue. For the latest budget, the government depends on bonds for 48 percent of its revenue. What on earth does the government think about this abnormal situation?
国債発行額が税収を超えるのは２年連続だ。歳入の国債依存度は４８％にのぼる。この異常な事態を政府はどう捉えているのか。
"We met the target of capping bond issuance at [about] 44 trillion yen," Finance Minister Yoshihiko Noda emphasized.
野田財務相は「国債発行の上限を４４兆円とする目標は守られた」と強調する。
Indeed, the target is stipulated in the fiscal management strategy the government compiled in June.
確かにこの目標は、政府が今年６月にまとめた財政運営戦略に盛り込まれている。
However, it is utter nonsense to make the largest-ever issuance the upper limit. More reasonably, the government should aim at reducing the amount.
だが、過去最大の発行額を上限とすること自体がナンセンスだ。削減を目指すのが筋だろう。
The fiscal management strategy also aims at achieving a surplus in the primary balance in state and local finances by fiscal 2020.
財政運営戦略には、国と地方の基礎的財政収支（プライマリーバランス）を２０２０年度までに黒字化するという目標もある。
If this is the goal of fiscal rehabilitation, the fiscal 2011 budget should have been the first step toward that end, but the government stumbled at this initial step.
これを財政再建の最終着地点とするなら、まず１１年度予算で大きく改善の一歩を踏み出さねばならないが、最初からつまずいた。
Consumption tax issue evaded
◆消費税から逃げたツケ◆
This was arguably the result of the Kan administration's procrastination in raising the consumption tax rate. In inaugurating his administration in June, Kan emphasized the need to raise the consumption tax rate. And in this summer's House of Councillors election, he even touched upon the possibility of raising the current rate of 5 percent to 10 percent.
それも、菅内閣が消費税率の引き上げを先送りしたツケといえよう。菅首相は、６月の就任に当たり、消費税率引き上げの必要性を訴え、夏の参院選では税率１０％に言及した。
It was probably because he realized the need for fiscal rehabilitation as he attended international conferences as the finance minister and studied fiscal matters until immediately before assuming the prime minister's post. As the leader of the nation, his raising the issue of the need to increase the consumption tax is proper.
首相になる直前まで、財務相として国際会議などに出席し、財政再建の必要性に目覚めたからだろう。これは国の指導者として、当然の姿勢である。
However, he was criticized by opposition parties when he abruptly proposed a discussion of the consumption tax issue. Even within the DPJ, many opposed the move because it would put the party at a disadvantage in the election. Kan then cooled his rhetoric on the matter considerably. After the party's huge defeat in the upper house election, he rarely touched upon the issue. We quite regret his change of attitude.
だが、発言に唐突感があったことなどで野党から批判され、民主党内からも「選挙対策上、マイナス」との反発を受けると、一気にトーンダウンした。参院選敗北後は、ほとんど触れなくなった。極めて遺憾である。
The factor that made the confusion in budget compilation complete was an obsession with the DPJ's manifesto for last year's House of Representatives election. A prime example of this is an increase in the amount of child-rearing allowances.
予算編成の迷走に輪をかけたのが、民主党の政権公約（マニフェスト）へのこだわりだ。子ども手当の増額がその象徴といえる。
Currently, a monthly payment of 13,000 yen per child is given to families with children. Because the DPJ manifesto stipulates 26,000 yen per child a month, the government will increase the monthly amount by 7,000 yen per child younger than 3 years old to bring the payments closer to the full amount. This will require about 210 billion yen in revenue in fiscal 2011.
子ども手当は現在、月１万３０００円支給されている。政権公約では月２万６０００円としているため、政府は満額に近づけようと、３歳未満を対象に月７０００円増額する。必要な財源は来年度２１００億円に上る。
In addition, the administration included funding in the budget for policies related to its election pledges for such things as making expressways toll-free and income compensation for individual farmers. Such actions are unbelievable, considering the government's lack of revenue sources.
このほか、高速道路無料化や農家の戸別所得補償など、公約関連項目は、予算を上積みしている。財源がないというのに、理解しがたい対応である。
The government has decided to increase taxes for high-income earners to mainly secure revenue for programs with increased budgets. This is a problem.
政府は、これら増額分の財源確保などのため、高所得層への増税を決めた。これは問題だ。
High-income earners support the Japanese economy, and their consumer confidence is high. Targeting them may invite a drain of talented people to foreign countries, for instance, which would work against the aims of the government. The government should immediately withdraw the tax hike plan.
日本経済を支え、消費意欲も高い高所得層をねらい撃ちすれば、人材の海外流出などを招いて、逆効果になりかねない。こうした増税は撤回すべきである。
When the government decides on recommendations for social security reforms, which were discussed concurrently with the budget compilation, it is highly likely to avoid any reform accompanied by an increased burden to taxpayers for such programs as health care for the aged and nursing care insurance.
一方、予算編成と同時に進められた社会保障改革では、高齢者医療や介護保険で、負担増を伴う改正が、軒並み退けられる見通しとなっている。
The DPJ backed away from drastic reform ahead of the nationwide local elections next spring to avoid inviting a fierce reaction from voters. This is a shameful action for a ruling party.
来春の統一地方選を前に、有権者の反発を恐れて民主党の腰が引けてしまった。政権党として情けない限りだ。
Fiscal 2011 budget fails to address key issues
来年度予算案 辻褄合わせはもう限界だ（12月25日付・読売社説）
The Cabinet approved a record 92.41 trillion yen fiscal 2011 budget at its meeting on Friday.
２０１１年度予算案が２４日、閣議決定された。総額９２兆４１００億円は過去最大である。
The Finance Ministry probably would like to engage in a bit of old-style wordplay to read the total figure as "kuni yoi," meaning "country in good condition," as the digit 9 can be read as "ku," 2 as "ni," 4 as "yo" and 1 as "i."
かつて恒例だった数字の語呂合わせをすれば、財務省なら「国、良い」とでも言いたいところだろう。
However, if one looks at the severe reality of the budget, which depends on debt, such an optimistic assessment would be unwarranted.
だが、借金頼みのお寒い内容を見れば、そんな甘い評価など到底出来まい。
This is the second budget compilation since the Democratic Party of Japan-led administration was established last year. However, the administration of Prime Minister Naoto Kan does not have any effective measures to cope with the revenue shortfall. Instead, it only shows its determination to continue its unreasonable handout policies.
昨年の政権交代以来、民主党政権による予算編成は２度目だ。しかし、菅内閣は財源不足に抜本的な手を打たず、無理なバラマキ政策を継続する意思を示した。
In such a situation, it is impossible to escape from the nation's chronic state of deficits. Looking at this budget, this is certainly the last time the DPJ-led administration will be able to make ends meet by unreasonably using bonds to balance revenue and expenditures. Many citizens must feel anxious now.
これでは赤字体質も改善しようがない。歳入と歳出の辻褄(つじつま)合わせもいよいよ限界だと、多くの国民が不安を感じる予算になった。
44 tril. yen govt bond issue set
◆国債発行は依然４４兆円◆
The outstanding feature of the fiscal 2001 budget is 28.7 trillion yen in social security-related costs, exceeding half of general expenditures. Debt-servicing costs came to 21.5 trillion yen.
１１年度予算案の歳出は、社会保障関係費が２８・７兆円と、一般歳出全体の半分を超えたのが目を引く。国債の償還や利払いに充てる国債費は２１・５兆円である。
On the revenue side, tax income will be 40.9 trillion yen, up more than 3 trillion yen from the initial fiscal 2010 budget. It regained the 40-trillion yen mark for the first time in two years.
一方の歳入面。税収は１０年度当初より３兆円以上増えて４０・９兆円と、４０兆円台を回復する。
However, nontax revenue comes to only 7.2 trillion yen, even if the so-called buried treasure of reserve funds in special accounts is frantically scooped up.
だが、税外収入は、埋蔵金を必死にかき集めても７・２兆円にとどまる。
As a result, the revenue shortfall is covered by issuance of government bonds worth a hefty 44.3 trillion yen, almost identical to the amount in the 2010 budget, which was the largest-ever issuance in an initial budget.
結局、歳入の不足分は、当初予算として最も多かった１０年度とほぼ同じ、４４・３兆円もの国債を出して賄う。
It will be the second year in a row that government bond issuance exceeds tax revenue. For the latest budget, the government depends on bonds for 48 percent of its revenue. What on earth does the government think about this abnormal situation?
国債発行額が税収を超えるのは２年連続だ。歳入の国債依存度は４８％にのぼる。この異常な事態を政府はどう捉えているのか。
"We met the target of capping bond issuance at [about] 44 trillion yen," Finance Minister Yoshihiko Noda emphasized.
野田財務相は「国債発行の上限を４４兆円とする目標は守られた」と強調する。
Indeed, the target is stipulated in the fiscal management strategy the government compiled in June.
確かにこの目標は、政府が今年６月にまとめた財政運営戦略に盛り込まれている。
However, it is utter nonsense to make the largest-ever issuance the upper limit. More reasonably, the government should aim at reducing the amount.
だが、過去最大の発行額を上限とすること自体がナンセンスだ。削減を目指すのが筋だろう。
The fiscal management strategy also aims at achieving a surplus in the primary balance in state and local finances by fiscal 2020.
財政運営戦略には、国と地方の基礎的財政収支（プライマリーバランス）を２０２０年度までに黒字化するという目標もある。
If this is the goal of fiscal rehabilitation, the fiscal 2011 budget should have been the first step toward that end, but the government stumbled at this initial step.
これを財政再建の最終着地点とするなら、まず１１年度予算で大きく改善の一歩を踏み出さねばならないが、最初からつまずいた。
Consumption tax issue evaded
◆消費税から逃げたツケ◆
This was arguably the result of the Kan administration's procrastination in raising the consumption tax rate. In inaugurating his administration in June, Kan emphasized the need to raise the consumption tax rate. And in this summer's House of Councillors election, he even touched upon the possibility of raising the current rate of 5 percent to 10 percent.
それも、菅内閣が消費税率の引き上げを先送りしたツケといえよう。菅首相は、６月の就任に当たり、消費税率引き上げの必要性を訴え、夏の参院選では税率１０％に言及した。
It was probably because he realized the need for fiscal rehabilitation as he attended international conferences as the finance minister and studied fiscal matters until immediately before assuming the prime minister's post. As the leader of the nation, his raising the issue of the need to increase the consumption tax is proper.
首相になる直前まで、財務相として国際会議などに出席し、財政再建の必要性に目覚めたからだろう。これは国の指導者として、当然の姿勢である。
However, he was criticized by opposition parties when he abruptly proposed a discussion of the consumption tax issue. Even within the DPJ, many opposed the move because it would put the party at a disadvantage in the election. Kan then cooled his rhetoric on the matter considerably. After the party's huge defeat in the upper house election, he rarely touched upon the issue. We quite regret his change of attitude.
だが、発言に唐突感があったことなどで野党から批判され、民主党内からも「選挙対策上、マイナス」との反発を受けると、一気にトーンダウンした。参院選敗北後は、ほとんど触れなくなった。極めて遺憾である。
The factor that made the confusion in budget compilation complete was an obsession with the DPJ's manifesto for last year's House of Representatives election. A prime example of this is an increase in the amount of child-rearing allowances.
予算編成の迷走に輪をかけたのが、民主党の政権公約（マニフェスト）へのこだわりだ。子ども手当の増額がその象徴といえる。
Currently, a monthly payment of 13,000 yen per child is given to families with children. Because the DPJ manifesto stipulates 26,000 yen per child a month, the government will increase the monthly amount by 7,000 yen per child younger than 3 years old to bring the payments closer to the full amount. This will require about 210 billion yen in revenue in fiscal 2011.
子ども手当は現在、月１万３０００円支給されている。政権公約では月２万６０００円としているため、政府は満額に近づけようと、３歳未満を対象に月７０００円増額する。必要な財源は来年度２１００億円に上る。
In addition, the administration included funding in the budget for policies related to its election pledges for such things as making expressways toll-free and income compensation for individual farmers. Such actions are unbelievable, considering the government's lack of revenue sources.
このほか、高速道路無料化や農家の戸別所得補償など、公約関連項目は、予算を上積みしている。財源がないというのに、理解しがたい対応である。
The government has decided to increase taxes for high-income earners to mainly secure revenue for programs with increased budgets. This is a problem.
政府は、これら増額分の財源確保などのため、高所得層への増税を決めた。これは問題だ。
High-income earners support the Japanese economy, and their consumer confidence is high. Targeting them may invite a drain of talented people to foreign countries, for instance, which would work against the aims of the government. The government should immediately withdraw the tax hike plan.
日本経済を支え、消費意欲も高い高所得層をねらい撃ちすれば、人材の海外流出などを招いて、逆効果になりかねない。こうした増税は撤回すべきである。
When the government decides on recommendations for social security reforms, which were discussed concurrently with the budget compilation, it is highly likely to avoid any reform accompanied by an increased burden to taxpayers for such programs as health care for the aged and nursing care insurance.
一方、予算編成と同時に進められた社会保障改革では、高齢者医療や介護保険で、負担増を伴う改正が、軒並み退けられる見通しとなっている。
The DPJ backed away from drastic reform ahead of the nationwide local elections next spring to avoid inviting a fierce reaction from voters. This is a shameful action for a ruling party.
来春の統一地方選を前に、有権者の反発を恐れて民主党の腰が引けてしまった。政権党として情けない限りだ。
2010年12月25日
クリスマスプレゼント＾＾
スラチャイは現在7カ国語を同時に学習中です。
お金はあまりありませんが、それでも語学学習への熱い思いは冷めることがありません。
アジアの比較言語学はスラチャイの長年の夢でした。
タイ語とラオス語の学習者にスラチャイ手作りの辞書をプレゼントします。
エクセルで作った単語のデータベースですが、検索は極めて素早く行えます。
すべてエクセルのxls形式で掲載してありますので、学習者は自分のPCに保存すれば自由に使えます。
発音の記号を自分で追加するのもよい練習となるでしょう。
新しい単語を自分のデータ−ベースに追加して行けば貴重な資料となります。
タイ語、ラオス語学習は最初が肝心です。
毎日、母音、子音の表を参照しながら辞書の発音を確認して行けば１週間ほどで文字が読めるようになります。
健闘を祈ります。
●タイ日辞書（改訂版）
エクセルを使用し、１０年前に作成したスラチャイ手作りのタイ日辞書データベースです。
スラチャイが現在使っている最新版です＾＾。
発音記号付きで、子音文字、母音文字の一覧表を添付しました。
http://srachai.web.fc2.com/thai-jap_dic.html
●日タイ辞書（改訂版）
エクセルを使用し、１０年前に作成したスラチャイ手作りの日タイ日辞書データベースです。
スラチャイが現在使っている最新版です＾＾。
発音記号付きで、子音文字、母音文字の一覧表を添付しました。
http://srachai.web.fc2.com/jap-thai_dic.html
●ラオ日辞書
エクセルを使用したスラチャイ作成のラオ日辞書データベースです。
発音記号付きで、子音文字、母音文字の一覧表を添付しました。
http://srachai.web.fc2.com/lao-jap_dic.html
●日ラオ辞書
エクセルを使用したスラチャイ作成の日ラオ辞書データベースです。
発音記号付きで、子音文字、母音文字の一覧表を添付しました。
http://srachai.web.fc2.com/jap-lao_dic.html
お金はあまりありませんが、それでも語学学習への熱い思いは冷めることがありません。
アジアの比較言語学はスラチャイの長年の夢でした。
タイ語とラオス語の学習者にスラチャイ手作りの辞書をプレゼントします。
エクセルで作った単語のデータベースですが、検索は極めて素早く行えます。
すべてエクセルのxls形式で掲載してありますので、学習者は自分のPCに保存すれば自由に使えます。
発音の記号を自分で追加するのもよい練習となるでしょう。
新しい単語を自分のデータ−ベースに追加して行けば貴重な資料となります。
タイ語、ラオス語学習は最初が肝心です。
毎日、母音、子音の表を参照しながら辞書の発音を確認して行けば１週間ほどで文字が読めるようになります。
健闘を祈ります。
●タイ日辞書（改訂版）
エクセルを使用し、１０年前に作成したスラチャイ手作りのタイ日辞書データベースです。
スラチャイが現在使っている最新版です＾＾。
発音記号付きで、子音文字、母音文字の一覧表を添付しました。
http://srachai.web.fc2.com/thai-jap_dic.html
●日タイ辞書（改訂版）
エクセルを使用し、１０年前に作成したスラチャイ手作りの日タイ日辞書データベースです。
スラチャイが現在使っている最新版です＾＾。
発音記号付きで、子音文字、母音文字の一覧表を添付しました。
http://srachai.web.fc2.com/jap-thai_dic.html
●ラオ日辞書
エクセルを使用したスラチャイ作成のラオ日辞書データベースです。
発音記号付きで、子音文字、母音文字の一覧表を添付しました。
http://srachai.web.fc2.com/lao-jap_dic.html
●日ラオ辞書
エクセルを使用したスラチャイ作成の日ラオ辞書データベースです。
発音記号付きで、子音文字、母音文字の一覧表を添付しました。
http://srachai.web.fc2.com/jap-lao_dic.html
あなどれない中国の外交力
(Mainichi Japan) December 24, 2010
China's boycott diplomacy ugly but effective
木語：外交力で「大使は不在」＝金子秀敏
＜ｍｏｋｕ−ｇｏ＞
Mainichi Shimbun staff writer Mayumi Otani, who covered the Nobel Prize award ceremony this year, angrily said, "The Chinese government's behavior was ugly." She refers to pressure China applied to its allies to boycott the ceremony because the Nobel Peace Prize would be awarded to Chinese anti-government activist Liu Xiaobo, and 17 countries refused to send representatives to the ceremony. (Mainichi Shimbun Dec. 20 morning edition -- from Norway)
ノーベル平和賞の授賞式を取材した本紙、大谷麻由美記者が「中国政府の振る舞いはダサかった」と怒っている。あの平和賞ボイコット外交のことである。反政府活動家、劉暁波氏に平和賞が贈られるとあって、中国政府が授賞式に出席しないよう圧力をかけ、１７カ国が欠席した。（２０日朝刊「Ｆｒｏｍノルウェー」）
Like Otani, I remember most Japanese journalists and newspapers criticized China's action as arrogant with the only exception being Bangkok-based journalist Makoto Suzuki. (The Sankei Shimbun Dec. 15 morning edition) He analyzed China's boycott diplomacy from the viewpoint of Southeast Asia.
どの新聞も、大谷記者と同様、中国は横暴だと非難していたように思う。例外はバンコク在住のジャーナリスト、鈴木真氏である（１５日産経新聞朝刊）。中国のボイコット外交を「東南アジア」という物さしで測っている。するとなにが見えるだろうか。
Suzuki pointed out that of the 10 member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Thailand was the only country that sent a representative to the award ceremony as far as he confirmed. However, a minister at the Thai Embassy attended it on behalf of the ambassador, who the embassy said was staying in his home country.
鈴木氏は言う−−東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）１０カ国のうち、平和賞授賞式に参加したことが確認できたのはタイ１国だけ。そのタイも大使は「本国に帰国中」で公使が出た。
The Indonesian ambassador was also absent from the ceremony for the same reason, while the Philippine ambassador also failed to be present because the ceremony did not fit his schedule. Even Vietnam, which is in dispute with China over sovereignty issues in the South China Sea, criticized presenting the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu on the grounds that the prize should not be used for political purposes. However, it is too naive to insist that Japan should join hands with ASEAN in an attempt to counter China.
インドネシアの大使も「本国に帰国中」で欠席。フィリピンは大使の「日程が合わず」欠席したという。中国と南シナ海で主権紛争のあるベトナムは「政治目的に利用すべきではない」と劉氏への授賞を批判した。だから、日本とＡＳＥＡＮが手を結び、中国と対抗すべきだというような議論は空論である−−。
Regardless of whether its behavior was ugly, China did score diplomatic points through its boycott diplomacy. This is the reality of Asia.
ダサかろうがどうだろうが中国はボイコット外交でこれだけのポイントを挙げた。これがアジアの現実である。
It raises the question why does China have such strong diplomatic power? This is apparently because the free trade agreement (FTA) between China and ASEAN came into effect on Jan. 1, 2010. China and ASEAN have been integrated into a single market and the amounts of goods and services traded in these areas sharply increased, improving the economic conditions of Southeast Asia.
では、なぜ中国はこれほどの外交力を持っているのか。今年の１月１日、中国とＡＳＥＡＮの自由貿易協定（ＦＴＡ）が発効したからだろう。中国と東南アジアが一つのマーケットになり、物流が急増して、東南アジアの景気が良くなった。
As their economic relations have become closer, China and ASEAN tend to avoid political conflicts. Philippine news organizations criticized the ambassador's absence from the ceremony, but politicians in ASEAN member countries share the view that they will gain nothing if they anger China.
経済的に接近すれば政治的関係も対立を避けるようになる。フィリピンではマスコミが大使欠席を批判したが、政界からは「中国を怒らせて得はない」という本音が漏れている。
Shortly before the award ceremony, a high-ranking Philippine military officer visited China and held talks on the purchase of Chinese-made weapons. ASEAN member countries fear anti-government guerrillas within their respective territories more than the threat posed by China.
授賞式の直前、フィリピン軍首脳が訪中して中国製武器の買い付け交渉をしている。中国の脅威より国内の反政府ゲリラのほうが怖いのだ。
The United States is now pressing forward with a plan to form the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement in a bid to counter the China-ASEAN FTA. Washington is now trying to increase its presence in the Asian market, but struggling to make up for its late start.
中国ＡＳＥＡＮのＦＴＡに対抗して、米国が推進しているのが環太平洋パートナーシップ協定（ＴＰＰ）である。アジア市場で巻き返しを狙っているが、出遅れた。
In the South China Sea where China is steadily increasing its military presence, the United States is soliciting ASEAN to build up a framework to counter the threat posed by China, but ASEAN is unlikely to comply. China's boycott diplomacy was certainly ugly. However, the brass-knuckles aggressiveness of its diplomacy should not be underestimated. (By Hidetoshi Kaneko, Expert Senior Writer)
中国が着々と軍事的プレゼンスを高めている南シナ海では、米国はＡＳＥＡＮと中国の脅威に対抗する枠組みを作ろうとしている。しかし、ＡＳＥＡＮは簡単に乗らない。中国のノーベル平和賞授賞式ボイコット外交は、確かにダサい。しかしダサいほどがむしゃらな外交力は侮れない。（専門編集委員）
毎日新聞 2010年12月23日 東京朝刊
China's boycott diplomacy ugly but effective
木語：外交力で「大使は不在」＝金子秀敏
＜ｍｏｋｕ−ｇｏ＞
Mainichi Shimbun staff writer Mayumi Otani, who covered the Nobel Prize award ceremony this year, angrily said, "The Chinese government's behavior was ugly." She refers to pressure China applied to its allies to boycott the ceremony because the Nobel Peace Prize would be awarded to Chinese anti-government activist Liu Xiaobo, and 17 countries refused to send representatives to the ceremony. (Mainichi Shimbun Dec. 20 morning edition -- from Norway)
ノーベル平和賞の授賞式を取材した本紙、大谷麻由美記者が「中国政府の振る舞いはダサかった」と怒っている。あの平和賞ボイコット外交のことである。反政府活動家、劉暁波氏に平和賞が贈られるとあって、中国政府が授賞式に出席しないよう圧力をかけ、１７カ国が欠席した。（２０日朝刊「Ｆｒｏｍノルウェー」）
Like Otani, I remember most Japanese journalists and newspapers criticized China's action as arrogant with the only exception being Bangkok-based journalist Makoto Suzuki. (The Sankei Shimbun Dec. 15 morning edition) He analyzed China's boycott diplomacy from the viewpoint of Southeast Asia.
どの新聞も、大谷記者と同様、中国は横暴だと非難していたように思う。例外はバンコク在住のジャーナリスト、鈴木真氏である（１５日産経新聞朝刊）。中国のボイコット外交を「東南アジア」という物さしで測っている。するとなにが見えるだろうか。
Suzuki pointed out that of the 10 member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Thailand was the only country that sent a representative to the award ceremony as far as he confirmed. However, a minister at the Thai Embassy attended it on behalf of the ambassador, who the embassy said was staying in his home country.
鈴木氏は言う−−東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）１０カ国のうち、平和賞授賞式に参加したことが確認できたのはタイ１国だけ。そのタイも大使は「本国に帰国中」で公使が出た。
The Indonesian ambassador was also absent from the ceremony for the same reason, while the Philippine ambassador also failed to be present because the ceremony did not fit his schedule. Even Vietnam, which is in dispute with China over sovereignty issues in the South China Sea, criticized presenting the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu on the grounds that the prize should not be used for political purposes. However, it is too naive to insist that Japan should join hands with ASEAN in an attempt to counter China.
インドネシアの大使も「本国に帰国中」で欠席。フィリピンは大使の「日程が合わず」欠席したという。中国と南シナ海で主権紛争のあるベトナムは「政治目的に利用すべきではない」と劉氏への授賞を批判した。だから、日本とＡＳＥＡＮが手を結び、中国と対抗すべきだというような議論は空論である−−。
Regardless of whether its behavior was ugly, China did score diplomatic points through its boycott diplomacy. This is the reality of Asia.
ダサかろうがどうだろうが中国はボイコット外交でこれだけのポイントを挙げた。これがアジアの現実である。
It raises the question why does China have such strong diplomatic power? This is apparently because the free trade agreement (FTA) between China and ASEAN came into effect on Jan. 1, 2010. China and ASEAN have been integrated into a single market and the amounts of goods and services traded in these areas sharply increased, improving the economic conditions of Southeast Asia.
では、なぜ中国はこれほどの外交力を持っているのか。今年の１月１日、中国とＡＳＥＡＮの自由貿易協定（ＦＴＡ）が発効したからだろう。中国と東南アジアが一つのマーケットになり、物流が急増して、東南アジアの景気が良くなった。
As their economic relations have become closer, China and ASEAN tend to avoid political conflicts. Philippine news organizations criticized the ambassador's absence from the ceremony, but politicians in ASEAN member countries share the view that they will gain nothing if they anger China.
経済的に接近すれば政治的関係も対立を避けるようになる。フィリピンではマスコミが大使欠席を批判したが、政界からは「中国を怒らせて得はない」という本音が漏れている。
Shortly before the award ceremony, a high-ranking Philippine military officer visited China and held talks on the purchase of Chinese-made weapons. ASEAN member countries fear anti-government guerrillas within their respective territories more than the threat posed by China.
授賞式の直前、フィリピン軍首脳が訪中して中国製武器の買い付け交渉をしている。中国の脅威より国内の反政府ゲリラのほうが怖いのだ。
The United States is now pressing forward with a plan to form the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement in a bid to counter the China-ASEAN FTA. Washington is now trying to increase its presence in the Asian market, but struggling to make up for its late start.
中国ＡＳＥＡＮのＦＴＡに対抗して、米国が推進しているのが環太平洋パートナーシップ協定（ＴＰＰ）である。アジア市場で巻き返しを狙っているが、出遅れた。
In the South China Sea where China is steadily increasing its military presence, the United States is soliciting ASEAN to build up a framework to counter the threat posed by China, but ASEAN is unlikely to comply. China's boycott diplomacy was certainly ugly. However, the brass-knuckles aggressiveness of its diplomacy should not be underestimated. (By Hidetoshi Kaneko, Expert Senior Writer)
中国が着々と軍事的プレゼンスを高めている南シナ海では、米国はＡＳＥＡＮと中国の脅威に対抗する枠組みを作ろうとしている。しかし、ＡＳＥＡＮは簡単に乗らない。中国のノーベル平和賞授賞式ボイコット外交は、確かにダサい。しかしダサいほどがむしゃらな外交力は侮れない。（専門編集委員）
毎日新聞 2010年12月23日 東京朝刊