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2011年09月06日
野田新内閣スタート―「合意の政治」への進化を
2011/09/04
--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 3
EDITORIAL: Noda faces a herculean task.
野田新内閣スタート―「合意の政治」への進化を
Newly elected Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda formed his Cabinet on Sept. 2.
野田新内閣が発足した。
The team he put together, along with top posts in the ruling Democratic Party of Japan, indicate that he had three key objectives.
民主党の幹部人事と合わせた顔ぶれには、野田首相なりの配慮がくっきりとみえる。
His first priority was apparently reconciliation between rival groups within the DPJ.
一つめは党内融和だ。
In a gesture in that direction, he picked two members of the group led by former DPJ chief Ichiro Ozawa for his Cabinet.
小沢グループからも２閣僚を起用している。
Due partly to his attempts to restore harmony among party members, the Cabinet lineup has a low-key feel.
その結果もあって、政権全体の印象はかなり地味だ。
Noda chose all his ministers from among Diet members.
非議員もいない。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Osamu Fujimura, the top spokesman for the new government, is probably unfamiliar to many voters.
内閣の要の藤村修官房長官は多くの有権者にとって「Ｗｈｏ？」だろう。
During the DPJ leadership race, Noda said he would not dissolve the Lower House for a snap election because public support for the DPJ would not rise quickly.
首相は党代表選のときに「支持率はすぐ上がらない。だから解散はしない」と語っていた。
His Cabinet choices apparently reflect that pledge and that view.
その言葉を政権の布陣でも実証するかのようだ。
This is good news if it represents a first step toward policy formation not governed by short-term political exigencies ahead of elections.
解散風に右往左往する政治を改める一歩になるならば、いいことだ。
THE YOUNG TURKS
■政治改革の９３年組
Noda's second priority was a generational change.
二つめは世代交代だ。
He is the third youngest postwar prime minister. Five members of his Cabinet are in their 40s.
首相が戦後３番目の若さだし、閣僚には５人の４０歳代を配した。
There is little doubt that he is seeking to put an end to the "troika" DPJ leadership of Ozawa, Yukio Hatoyama and Naoto Kan. The latter two are Noda's immediate predecessors as prime minister.
Noda is clearly trying to give young, up-and-coming lawmakers within the ruling party opportunities to develop their leadership skills.
菅、鳩山、小沢各氏による民主党のトロイカ体制を終わらせ、党を担う人材を育てる狙いも込められているのは明らかだ。
Noda and three other lawmakers who assumed key Cabinet and party posts--Fujimura, Foreign Minister Koichiro Gemba, and new DPJ policy chief Seiji Maehara--were all elected to the Lower House for the first time in the 1993 election, when the Liberal Democratic Party was ousted from power.
They were all candidates of opposition parties, including the Japan New Party, whose head, Morihiro Hosokawa, was prime minister of a non-LDP coalition government between 1993 and 1994.
This exemplifies the changes now taking place in Japanese politics and is a fresh reminder that the old-fashioned LDP, criticized as money-driven and corrupt, is history.
そして、首相、外相、官房長官、党政調会長という政権中枢が、いずれも１９９３年の自民党政権崩壊の総選挙に、日本新党などから挑んで初当選した点も時代の変化を象徴する。金権腐敗を指弾された自民党政治の終焉（しゅうえん）を改めて見る思いだ。
Some may worry that these young politicians lack the political skills needed to perform their important jobs.
政治家としての力量不足を危ぶむ声もあろうが、
However, we welcome their appointments in the expectation that they will mature as politicians with experience.
経験を積むことで成長する期待も込めて、前向きに評価する。
POLICY CONTINUITY
Thirdly, Noda tried to ensure continuity in government policies following the March 11 earthquake and nuclear disaster. He reappointed the ministers in charge of reconstruction and the response to the nuclear crisis.
三つめは、東日本大震災からの復興と、原発事故対応については担当相を再任し、喫緊の課題で継続性を重視した点だ。
He also assigned the national policy and welfare portfolios, the two key Cabinet posts for integrated tax and social security reform, to the two legislators who have been in charge of the issue within the Cabinet and the ruling party, respectively.
さらに社会保障と税の一体改革を担う国家戦略相と厚生労働相には、これまで党と内閣で担当してきた政治家を充てた。
This is a reasonable move since this urgent policy issue requires leadership from people who understand their subject.
一から勉強している余裕などないテーマだけに、妥当な人事と言えるだろう。
Noda is the sixth prime minister in five years.
この５年で、６人目の首相である。
We believe the Diet must regain its ability to build consensus and implement policies so that the new Cabinet can deal effectively with the challenges facing the nation.
私たちは、この新内閣が懸案を処理していくためには、国会が忘れてしまった合意形成の技術を取り戻し、政策を遂行する能力を身につけるしかないと考える。
■なじまぬ「対決型」
Under the so-called 1955 regime, the LDP's virtual monopoly on power in the postwar period, the main opposition Social Democratic Party did not actually seek to take power from the ruling party.
The Socialists did not field a sufficient number of candidates to win a majority in the Lower House.
かつての５５年体制では、野党第１党の社会党は過半数の候補者を立てず、実質的には政権奪取をめざしていなかった。
The SDP defined its mission as influencing the ruling party's policies through political maneuvering.
そのぶん、政策で実績をあげることに存在意義を見いだそうとしていた。
Its high-profile stonewalling and boycotting of Diet sessions, with legislators walking at a snail's pace to filibuster initiatives, were designed to attract public attention to certain issues and put pressure on the ruling party to agree to the opposition party's demands.
牛歩戦術や審議拒否といった派手な抵抗は、世論の関心を高め、与党に主張をのませるための策だった。
As a new era of head-on competition for power between the two major parties began, the opposition party started concentrating on efforts to topple the government.
それが２大政党による政権争奪選挙の時代になると、野党は倒閣にひた走り始めた。
This resulted in chronic partisan bickering, sometimes over surprisingly unimportant issues.
与野党間の政争が日常化し、こんな問題で対決するのかとあきれられる場面が増えた。
Opposition control of the Upper House has jammed the legislative process.
そして衆参ねじれが、すべてを止めてしまう。
However, we no longer live in an age of ideological confrontation between political parties.
しかし、イデオロギー対立はとうの昔に終わっている。
Powerful social and economic trends like globalization, low birthrates and the aging of the population impose limits on the scope of policies that can be adopted and the means to achieve political goals.
グローバル化や出生率低下、高齢社会の制約から、動員できる政策の幅は狭まり、手段も限られている。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 3
EDITORIAL: Noda faces a herculean task.
野田新内閣スタート―「合意の政治」への進化を
Newly elected Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda formed his Cabinet on Sept. 2.
野田新内閣が発足した。
The team he put together, along with top posts in the ruling Democratic Party of Japan, indicate that he had three key objectives.
民主党の幹部人事と合わせた顔ぶれには、野田首相なりの配慮がくっきりとみえる。
His first priority was apparently reconciliation between rival groups within the DPJ.
一つめは党内融和だ。
In a gesture in that direction, he picked two members of the group led by former DPJ chief Ichiro Ozawa for his Cabinet.
小沢グループからも２閣僚を起用している。
Due partly to his attempts to restore harmony among party members, the Cabinet lineup has a low-key feel.
その結果もあって、政権全体の印象はかなり地味だ。
Noda chose all his ministers from among Diet members.
非議員もいない。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Osamu Fujimura, the top spokesman for the new government, is probably unfamiliar to many voters.
内閣の要の藤村修官房長官は多くの有権者にとって「Ｗｈｏ？」だろう。
During the DPJ leadership race, Noda said he would not dissolve the Lower House for a snap election because public support for the DPJ would not rise quickly.
首相は党代表選のときに「支持率はすぐ上がらない。だから解散はしない」と語っていた。
His Cabinet choices apparently reflect that pledge and that view.
その言葉を政権の布陣でも実証するかのようだ。
This is good news if it represents a first step toward policy formation not governed by short-term political exigencies ahead of elections.
解散風に右往左往する政治を改める一歩になるならば、いいことだ。
THE YOUNG TURKS
■政治改革の９３年組
Noda's second priority was a generational change.
二つめは世代交代だ。
He is the third youngest postwar prime minister. Five members of his Cabinet are in their 40s.
首相が戦後３番目の若さだし、閣僚には５人の４０歳代を配した。
There is little doubt that he is seeking to put an end to the "troika" DPJ leadership of Ozawa, Yukio Hatoyama and Naoto Kan. The latter two are Noda's immediate predecessors as prime minister.
Noda is clearly trying to give young, up-and-coming lawmakers within the ruling party opportunities to develop their leadership skills.
菅、鳩山、小沢各氏による民主党のトロイカ体制を終わらせ、党を担う人材を育てる狙いも込められているのは明らかだ。
Noda and three other lawmakers who assumed key Cabinet and party posts--Fujimura, Foreign Minister Koichiro Gemba, and new DPJ policy chief Seiji Maehara--were all elected to the Lower House for the first time in the 1993 election, when the Liberal Democratic Party was ousted from power.
They were all candidates of opposition parties, including the Japan New Party, whose head, Morihiro Hosokawa, was prime minister of a non-LDP coalition government between 1993 and 1994.
This exemplifies the changes now taking place in Japanese politics and is a fresh reminder that the old-fashioned LDP, criticized as money-driven and corrupt, is history.
そして、首相、外相、官房長官、党政調会長という政権中枢が、いずれも１９９３年の自民党政権崩壊の総選挙に、日本新党などから挑んで初当選した点も時代の変化を象徴する。金権腐敗を指弾された自民党政治の終焉（しゅうえん）を改めて見る思いだ。
Some may worry that these young politicians lack the political skills needed to perform their important jobs.
政治家としての力量不足を危ぶむ声もあろうが、
However, we welcome their appointments in the expectation that they will mature as politicians with experience.
経験を積むことで成長する期待も込めて、前向きに評価する。
POLICY CONTINUITY
Thirdly, Noda tried to ensure continuity in government policies following the March 11 earthquake and nuclear disaster. He reappointed the ministers in charge of reconstruction and the response to the nuclear crisis.
三つめは、東日本大震災からの復興と、原発事故対応については担当相を再任し、喫緊の課題で継続性を重視した点だ。
He also assigned the national policy and welfare portfolios, the two key Cabinet posts for integrated tax and social security reform, to the two legislators who have been in charge of the issue within the Cabinet and the ruling party, respectively.
さらに社会保障と税の一体改革を担う国家戦略相と厚生労働相には、これまで党と内閣で担当してきた政治家を充てた。
This is a reasonable move since this urgent policy issue requires leadership from people who understand their subject.
一から勉強している余裕などないテーマだけに、妥当な人事と言えるだろう。
Noda is the sixth prime minister in five years.
この５年で、６人目の首相である。
We believe the Diet must regain its ability to build consensus and implement policies so that the new Cabinet can deal effectively with the challenges facing the nation.
私たちは、この新内閣が懸案を処理していくためには、国会が忘れてしまった合意形成の技術を取り戻し、政策を遂行する能力を身につけるしかないと考える。
■なじまぬ「対決型」
Under the so-called 1955 regime, the LDP's virtual monopoly on power in the postwar period, the main opposition Social Democratic Party did not actually seek to take power from the ruling party.
The Socialists did not field a sufficient number of candidates to win a majority in the Lower House.
かつての５５年体制では、野党第１党の社会党は過半数の候補者を立てず、実質的には政権奪取をめざしていなかった。
The SDP defined its mission as influencing the ruling party's policies through political maneuvering.
そのぶん、政策で実績をあげることに存在意義を見いだそうとしていた。
Its high-profile stonewalling and boycotting of Diet sessions, with legislators walking at a snail's pace to filibuster initiatives, were designed to attract public attention to certain issues and put pressure on the ruling party to agree to the opposition party's demands.
牛歩戦術や審議拒否といった派手な抵抗は、世論の関心を高め、与党に主張をのませるための策だった。
As a new era of head-on competition for power between the two major parties began, the opposition party started concentrating on efforts to topple the government.
それが２大政党による政権争奪選挙の時代になると、野党は倒閣にひた走り始めた。
This resulted in chronic partisan bickering, sometimes over surprisingly unimportant issues.
与野党間の政争が日常化し、こんな問題で対決するのかとあきれられる場面が増えた。
Opposition control of the Upper House has jammed the legislative process.
そして衆参ねじれが、すべてを止めてしまう。
However, we no longer live in an age of ideological confrontation between political parties.
しかし、イデオロギー対立はとうの昔に終わっている。
Powerful social and economic trends like globalization, low birthrates and the aging of the population impose limits on the scope of policies that can be adopted and the means to achieve political goals.
グローバル化や出生率低下、高齢社会の制約から、動員できる政策の幅は狭まり、手段も限られている。
2011年09月04日
自民党へ―政策で勝負するときだ
2011/09/03
--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 2
EDITORIAL: LDP should stop being so pathetic
自民党へ―政策で勝負するときだ
New Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda met with Liberal Democratic Party President Sadakazu Tanigaki and New Komeito leader Natsuo Yamaguchi on Sept. 1 to seek their cooperation.
野田新首相がきのう、自民党の谷垣総裁、公明党の山口代表と会談し、協力を求めた。
The meetings attracted attention for how the opposition parties, in particular the LDP, would respond, but their reactions were very dry.
野党とくに自民党はどう対応するのかと注目したが、なんとも素っ気なかった。
The LDP denies the "legitimacy" of the third prime minister of the DPJ administration.
自民党は民主党３人目の首相の「正統性」を否定する。
That is why Tanigaki reiterated that the LDP would continue to cooperate until the third extra budget is passed the Diet and that after that, the Lower House should be dissolved as soon as possible for a snap election.
だから谷垣氏はこれまで通り、第３次補正予算までは協力するが、その後は一刻も早く解散・総選挙をせよと応じた。
But we are afraid that that is not the right thing to do.
だが、どうだろう。
The crisis at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant has not been brought under control.
原発事故はまだ収束していない。
Efforts to recover and rebuild from the March 11 Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami have yet to get on track.
復旧・復興事業も軌道に乗ったとは言えない。
Many stricken areas are still putting off local elections that had been scheduled for this spring.
地方選を延期し続けている被災地も多い。
We believe the ruling and opposition parties should continue to work together in compiling the budget for fiscal 2012 and accelerating rebuilding efforts.
ここは来年度予算編成でも与野党で共同歩調をとり、震災対応にあたるときではないか。
Looking back to the time the opposition submitted a no-confidence motion against the Cabinet of Prime Minister Naoto Kan in the Lower House in June, Tanigaki did say: "(If Kan) resigns, there will be plenty of areas where we can join hands and transcend differences between parties."
振り返れば、６月の不信任案提出時に、谷垣氏は「（菅首相が）辞めれば、党派を超えて団結するのはいくらでもできる」と述べていたではないか。
The LDP should ponder why its public approval ratings remain low despite the fact that voters are finding the DPJ administration deeply disappointing.
自民党は、有権者が民主党政権に愛想を尽かしている割に、自分たちの支持率が伸びない理由を真剣に考えるべきだ。
Take, for example, the tripartite agreement between the DPJ, LDP and New Komeito in August.
たとえば、８月の民自公３党合意だ。
The agreement to pass special legislation allowing the issuance of deficit-covering bonds in exchange for a review of the child-allowance and other DPJ pet projects represented a setback for the ruling party and an end to the Kan Cabinet.
子ども手当などを見直す代わりに、赤字国債発行を認める法律を成立させる合意は、民主党に看板政策を見直させ、菅内閣に引導を渡すもので、
The LDP could have scored a major points.
自民党の得点だったはずだ。
However, the LDP's tactic to use the legislation to issue deficit-covering bonds as leverage failed to win over public opinion.
しかし、赤字国債の発行を人質にとる手法に、世論の共感は広がらなかった。
This is because everybody is aware that past LDP administrations are the ones responsible for the nation's situation in which the government cannot compile a budget without borrowing a huge amount of money.
巨額の借金なしに予算を組めない財政にしたのは自民党政権だと、だれもが知っているからだ。
Having gone out of power, the LDP has been re-examining its policy platform and increased the number of applicants from the general public to run as LDP candidates.
下野した自民党は綱領を見直したり、候補者公募を増やしたりしてきた。
But it has yet to fully sum up the misgovernment that led to the government's reliance on debts and public anxiety about public pension programs.
And it has yet to present solutions to these problems.
けれど、借金体質や社会保障不安を招いた失政の総括と、その打開策を示したとは言い難い。
Even if a Lower House election is held this year, the LDP would be seen as pathetic if its greatest weapon is criticism of the DPJ's policies.
年内に総選挙をしても、最大の武器が民主党批判なら、あまりにさびしい。
Moreover, what are LDP's stances on tax hikes, nuclear policy and the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement?
さらに言えば、増税問題や原子力政策、ＴＰＰ（環太平洋経済連携協定）について、党の見解はどうなのか。
Although the DPJ's intraparty strife tends to draw more public attention, the LDP, too, has similar problems.
いまは民主党の党内対立ばかりが目立っているが、自民党も似たような事情を抱えているではないか。
Both the DPJ and LDP are unable to agree on uniform policies to chart Japan's future course within their own parties, so to speak.
いわば、民主党も自民党も国の将来像を描く政策で党内が一致できないのだ。
If a Lower House election is called under such circumstances, voters would be at a loss over which party to support.
これで総選挙をされても有権者は戸惑う。
Thanks to the new administration's efforts to unite the DPJ, it seems unlikely that a no-confidence motion against the Cabinet would be passed any time soon.
民主党の党内融和で、しばらく内閣不信任案は通りそうにない。
At the same time, unless the opposition agrees, bills cannot be passed in the Diet.
同時に国会は、野党が賛成しなければ法案が通らない。
The LDP is urged to fully engage in policy formation, taking advantage of the situation.
自民党はこの状況を生かして、政策形成に積極的にかかわるべきだ。
It should propose revisions to government-sponsored bills and submit its own legislation.
どんどん修正案を突きつけ、独自の法案も出せばいい。
Only after the LDP appeals itself as a party that made a fresh start can it open a new chapter in its history.
その上で、新生自民党をアピールして初めて、党の展望が開けるはずだ。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 2
EDITORIAL: LDP should stop being so pathetic
自民党へ―政策で勝負するときだ
New Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda met with Liberal Democratic Party President Sadakazu Tanigaki and New Komeito leader Natsuo Yamaguchi on Sept. 1 to seek their cooperation.
野田新首相がきのう、自民党の谷垣総裁、公明党の山口代表と会談し、協力を求めた。
The meetings attracted attention for how the opposition parties, in particular the LDP, would respond, but their reactions were very dry.
野党とくに自民党はどう対応するのかと注目したが、なんとも素っ気なかった。
The LDP denies the "legitimacy" of the third prime minister of the DPJ administration.
自民党は民主党３人目の首相の「正統性」を否定する。
That is why Tanigaki reiterated that the LDP would continue to cooperate until the third extra budget is passed the Diet and that after that, the Lower House should be dissolved as soon as possible for a snap election.
だから谷垣氏はこれまで通り、第３次補正予算までは協力するが、その後は一刻も早く解散・総選挙をせよと応じた。
But we are afraid that that is not the right thing to do.
だが、どうだろう。
The crisis at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant has not been brought under control.
原発事故はまだ収束していない。
Efforts to recover and rebuild from the March 11 Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami have yet to get on track.
復旧・復興事業も軌道に乗ったとは言えない。
Many stricken areas are still putting off local elections that had been scheduled for this spring.
地方選を延期し続けている被災地も多い。
We believe the ruling and opposition parties should continue to work together in compiling the budget for fiscal 2012 and accelerating rebuilding efforts.
ここは来年度予算編成でも与野党で共同歩調をとり、震災対応にあたるときではないか。
Looking back to the time the opposition submitted a no-confidence motion against the Cabinet of Prime Minister Naoto Kan in the Lower House in June, Tanigaki did say: "(If Kan) resigns, there will be plenty of areas where we can join hands and transcend differences between parties."
振り返れば、６月の不信任案提出時に、谷垣氏は「（菅首相が）辞めれば、党派を超えて団結するのはいくらでもできる」と述べていたではないか。
The LDP should ponder why its public approval ratings remain low despite the fact that voters are finding the DPJ administration deeply disappointing.
自民党は、有権者が民主党政権に愛想を尽かしている割に、自分たちの支持率が伸びない理由を真剣に考えるべきだ。
Take, for example, the tripartite agreement between the DPJ, LDP and New Komeito in August.
たとえば、８月の民自公３党合意だ。
The agreement to pass special legislation allowing the issuance of deficit-covering bonds in exchange for a review of the child-allowance and other DPJ pet projects represented a setback for the ruling party and an end to the Kan Cabinet.
子ども手当などを見直す代わりに、赤字国債発行を認める法律を成立させる合意は、民主党に看板政策を見直させ、菅内閣に引導を渡すもので、
The LDP could have scored a major points.
自民党の得点だったはずだ。
However, the LDP's tactic to use the legislation to issue deficit-covering bonds as leverage failed to win over public opinion.
しかし、赤字国債の発行を人質にとる手法に、世論の共感は広がらなかった。
This is because everybody is aware that past LDP administrations are the ones responsible for the nation's situation in which the government cannot compile a budget without borrowing a huge amount of money.
巨額の借金なしに予算を組めない財政にしたのは自民党政権だと、だれもが知っているからだ。
Having gone out of power, the LDP has been re-examining its policy platform and increased the number of applicants from the general public to run as LDP candidates.
下野した自民党は綱領を見直したり、候補者公募を増やしたりしてきた。
But it has yet to fully sum up the misgovernment that led to the government's reliance on debts and public anxiety about public pension programs.
And it has yet to present solutions to these problems.
けれど、借金体質や社会保障不安を招いた失政の総括と、その打開策を示したとは言い難い。
Even if a Lower House election is held this year, the LDP would be seen as pathetic if its greatest weapon is criticism of the DPJ's policies.
年内に総選挙をしても、最大の武器が民主党批判なら、あまりにさびしい。
Moreover, what are LDP's stances on tax hikes, nuclear policy and the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement?
さらに言えば、増税問題や原子力政策、ＴＰＰ（環太平洋経済連携協定）について、党の見解はどうなのか。
Although the DPJ's intraparty strife tends to draw more public attention, the LDP, too, has similar problems.
いまは民主党の党内対立ばかりが目立っているが、自民党も似たような事情を抱えているではないか。
Both the DPJ and LDP are unable to agree on uniform policies to chart Japan's future course within their own parties, so to speak.
いわば、民主党も自民党も国の将来像を描く政策で党内が一致できないのだ。
If a Lower House election is called under such circumstances, voters would be at a loss over which party to support.
これで総選挙をされても有権者は戸惑う。
Thanks to the new administration's efforts to unite the DPJ, it seems unlikely that a no-confidence motion against the Cabinet would be passed any time soon.
民主党の党内融和で、しばらく内閣不信任案は通りそうにない。
At the same time, unless the opposition agrees, bills cannot be passed in the Diet.
同時に国会は、野党が賛成しなければ法案が通らない。
The LDP is urged to fully engage in policy formation, taking advantage of the situation.
自民党はこの状況を生かして、政策形成に積極的にかかわるべきだ。
It should propose revisions to government-sponsored bills and submit its own legislation.
どんどん修正案を突きつけ、独自の法案も出せばいい。
Only after the LDP appeals itself as a party that made a fresh start can it open a new chapter in its history.
その上で、新生自民党をアピールして初めて、党の展望が開けるはずだ。
2011年09月03日
野田新首相へ―外交の立て直しを急げ
2011/09/02
--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 1
EDITORIAL: Noda needs to rebuild Japan's diplomacy.
野田新首相へ―外交の立て直しを急げ
Newly elected Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda is Japan's new public face.
野田新首相は、新しい日本の顔である。
Noda has a duty to undertake the onerous challenge of fixing Japan's broken diplomacy as well as its dysfunctional internal politics, which is plagued by a raft of intractable problems.
難問だらけの内政とともに、日本外交を速やかに立て直す重責を担う。
For the three months since Noda's predecessor, Naoto Kan, first announced his intention to resign, Japan's diplomacy has been stagnant.
菅首相の退陣表明から３カ月、外交は停滞し続けている。
The prime minister's visit to the United States, scheduled for the first half of September, has been postponed.
今月前半の予定だった首相の訪米は延期された。
Dates have not been set, either, for the prime minister's visit to China, which should start fresh efforts to improve the bilateral relations strained by a diplomatic row over the disputed Senkaku Islands, or for South Korean President Lee Myung-bak's trip to Japan under a bilateral agreement on regular mutual visits of the two countries' leaders.
尖閣問題で冷え込んだ日中関係を改善する出発点になる首相の訪中や、シャトル外交による韓国大統領の訪日の日程も決まらない。
Fortunately, however, a series of important international conferences are scheduled to take place in the weeks through November, starting with the United Nations General Assembly meeting, to be held in late September. They also include this year's East Asia Summit, which will be the first to be attended by the United States and Russia as formal members, and meetings of the leaders of the Group of 20 major countries and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum.
幸い、今月下旬の国連総会を皮切りに、米ロが初参加する東アジアサミット、Ｇ２０、アジア太平洋経済協力会議（ＡＰＥＣ）と、１１月まで各国が集う機会が目白押しだ。
These events will offer great opportunities for Noda to put Japanese summit diplomacy back on track.
首脳外交を展開する好機である。
As he prepares for these meetings, Noda should develop his government's comprehensive foreign and security policy agenda and present it to the public as soon as possible.
その前提として、新首相は外交・安全保障に関する包括的な考え方を、できるだけ早く国民に示す必要がある。
The global balance of power is in flux due to economic turmoil in major industrial countries and the rise of emerging nations.
先進各国の経済の混迷と新興国の台頭で、国際社会の力関係は流動化している。
The wave of democratization in the Arab world and new trends in international terrorism should also claim the attention of the international community.
アラブ諸国の民主化や、国際テロなどからも目が離せない。
Japan now needs a grand vision and a grand strategy based on clear ideas about its future and role in the world.
日本の針路をどう定め、どんな国をめざすのか。いまこそ、大きな構想と戦略が求められている。
During the Democratic Party of Japan's leadership race, there was little debate among the candidates on diplomatic issues.
先の民主党代表選で、外交問題はほとんど素通りだった。
Even more troubling, Noda's political resume doesn't include much diplomatic experience. While he has attended some international economic conferences like meetings of finance ministers and central bankers of the Group of Seven richest countries, he is basically a novice in diplomacy, with his diplomatic prowess an unknown quantity.
しかも野田氏は、財務相としてＧ７などには出たが、どちらかといえば外交の門外漢で、手腕はまったくの未知数である。
But he created an international stir before becoming prime minister by expressing controversial views about Japan's wartime past, symbolized by his argument that the Class-A war criminals are no longer war criminals, and by making remarks that provoked China.
その一方で、「Ａ級戦犯は戦争犯罪人ではない」という見解に象徴される歴史認識と、中国を刺激する物言いが話題になっている。
In voicing concerns about China's military buildup and naval expansion in the region, Noda recently said China may "whip up nationalism" by making moves that bother Japan.
最近も、中国の軍事力増強や海洋進出に懸念を示し、「ナショナリズムをあおるために、ちょっかいを出される可能性もある」と語っていた。
News media in both China and South Korea have already labeled him as a "hawk" or "hard-liner."
中韓両国のメディアでは、すでに「タカ派」「強硬派」といった言葉が踊っている。
But it is probably not Noda's intention to go about planting seeds of diplomatic conflict.
しかし、野田氏もいたずらに摩擦の種をまくのは本意ではあるまい。
It would be wise for him to send out a clear diplomatic message by at least declaring that he will not visit the Yasukuni Shrine, where the Class-A war criminals are enshrined along with the general war dead, while he is in office.
少なくとも、靖国神社参拝について「首相在任中はしない」と明言し、メッセージを発するのが賢明だ。
Next year will see leadership elections and the change of guard in many major countries, including the United States, Russia, China and South Korea.
来年は米ロ中韓など、世界の主要国で大統領選挙が行われたり、首脳が交代したりする。
Under the heated political climate of an election year, the leaders of these nations will inevitably be very sensitive to public opinion at home.
As a result, they may be tempted to make more political moves and gestures aimed at the domestic audience.
各国とも指導者は国内世論を強く意識せざるを得ず、内向き志向になることが懸念される。
That could complicate the environment for diplomatic efforts.
それだけ、外交は難しさを増す。
The DPJ-led government has lost much of its credibility through diplomatic blunders.
The government of former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama badly mishandled the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, an American military base located in the middle of a densely populated city in Okinawa Prefecture.
The Kan administration botched its response to the collision between a Chinese trawler and Japan Coast Guard vessels near the Senkaku Islands in September 2010.
鳩山政権での普天間問題、菅政権での尖閣問題など、民主党は外交の不手際で信用を失ってきた。
Japan has seen so many leadership changes in recent years that foreign media now like to make fun of its "revolving door" or "merry-go-round" of prime ministers.
そして「回転扉」「メリーゴーラウンド」と揶揄（やゆ）されるほどの短命首相続きだ。
Noda has pledged to "say what must be said without restraint" for candid and straightforward conversations with his foreign counterparts.
We hope he will build relationships based on mutual trust with foreign leaders through thoughtful words and actions.
「言うべきことは、遠慮なく言い合う」という野田氏には、思慮深い言動で首脳間の信頼関係を築いてほしい。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 1
EDITORIAL: Noda needs to rebuild Japan's diplomacy.
野田新首相へ―外交の立て直しを急げ
Newly elected Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda is Japan's new public face.
野田新首相は、新しい日本の顔である。
Noda has a duty to undertake the onerous challenge of fixing Japan's broken diplomacy as well as its dysfunctional internal politics, which is plagued by a raft of intractable problems.
難問だらけの内政とともに、日本外交を速やかに立て直す重責を担う。
For the three months since Noda's predecessor, Naoto Kan, first announced his intention to resign, Japan's diplomacy has been stagnant.
菅首相の退陣表明から３カ月、外交は停滞し続けている。
The prime minister's visit to the United States, scheduled for the first half of September, has been postponed.
今月前半の予定だった首相の訪米は延期された。
Dates have not been set, either, for the prime minister's visit to China, which should start fresh efforts to improve the bilateral relations strained by a diplomatic row over the disputed Senkaku Islands, or for South Korean President Lee Myung-bak's trip to Japan under a bilateral agreement on regular mutual visits of the two countries' leaders.
尖閣問題で冷え込んだ日中関係を改善する出発点になる首相の訪中や、シャトル外交による韓国大統領の訪日の日程も決まらない。
Fortunately, however, a series of important international conferences are scheduled to take place in the weeks through November, starting with the United Nations General Assembly meeting, to be held in late September. They also include this year's East Asia Summit, which will be the first to be attended by the United States and Russia as formal members, and meetings of the leaders of the Group of 20 major countries and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum.
幸い、今月下旬の国連総会を皮切りに、米ロが初参加する東アジアサミット、Ｇ２０、アジア太平洋経済協力会議（ＡＰＥＣ）と、１１月まで各国が集う機会が目白押しだ。
These events will offer great opportunities for Noda to put Japanese summit diplomacy back on track.
首脳外交を展開する好機である。
As he prepares for these meetings, Noda should develop his government's comprehensive foreign and security policy agenda and present it to the public as soon as possible.
その前提として、新首相は外交・安全保障に関する包括的な考え方を、できるだけ早く国民に示す必要がある。
The global balance of power is in flux due to economic turmoil in major industrial countries and the rise of emerging nations.
先進各国の経済の混迷と新興国の台頭で、国際社会の力関係は流動化している。
The wave of democratization in the Arab world and new trends in international terrorism should also claim the attention of the international community.
アラブ諸国の民主化や、国際テロなどからも目が離せない。
Japan now needs a grand vision and a grand strategy based on clear ideas about its future and role in the world.
日本の針路をどう定め、どんな国をめざすのか。いまこそ、大きな構想と戦略が求められている。
During the Democratic Party of Japan's leadership race, there was little debate among the candidates on diplomatic issues.
先の民主党代表選で、外交問題はほとんど素通りだった。
Even more troubling, Noda's political resume doesn't include much diplomatic experience. While he has attended some international economic conferences like meetings of finance ministers and central bankers of the Group of Seven richest countries, he is basically a novice in diplomacy, with his diplomatic prowess an unknown quantity.
しかも野田氏は、財務相としてＧ７などには出たが、どちらかといえば外交の門外漢で、手腕はまったくの未知数である。
But he created an international stir before becoming prime minister by expressing controversial views about Japan's wartime past, symbolized by his argument that the Class-A war criminals are no longer war criminals, and by making remarks that provoked China.
その一方で、「Ａ級戦犯は戦争犯罪人ではない」という見解に象徴される歴史認識と、中国を刺激する物言いが話題になっている。
In voicing concerns about China's military buildup and naval expansion in the region, Noda recently said China may "whip up nationalism" by making moves that bother Japan.
最近も、中国の軍事力増強や海洋進出に懸念を示し、「ナショナリズムをあおるために、ちょっかいを出される可能性もある」と語っていた。
News media in both China and South Korea have already labeled him as a "hawk" or "hard-liner."
中韓両国のメディアでは、すでに「タカ派」「強硬派」といった言葉が踊っている。
But it is probably not Noda's intention to go about planting seeds of diplomatic conflict.
しかし、野田氏もいたずらに摩擦の種をまくのは本意ではあるまい。
It would be wise for him to send out a clear diplomatic message by at least declaring that he will not visit the Yasukuni Shrine, where the Class-A war criminals are enshrined along with the general war dead, while he is in office.
少なくとも、靖国神社参拝について「首相在任中はしない」と明言し、メッセージを発するのが賢明だ。
Next year will see leadership elections and the change of guard in many major countries, including the United States, Russia, China and South Korea.
来年は米ロ中韓など、世界の主要国で大統領選挙が行われたり、首脳が交代したりする。
Under the heated political climate of an election year, the leaders of these nations will inevitably be very sensitive to public opinion at home.
As a result, they may be tempted to make more political moves and gestures aimed at the domestic audience.
各国とも指導者は国内世論を強く意識せざるを得ず、内向き志向になることが懸念される。
That could complicate the environment for diplomatic efforts.
それだけ、外交は難しさを増す。
The DPJ-led government has lost much of its credibility through diplomatic blunders.
The government of former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama badly mishandled the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, an American military base located in the middle of a densely populated city in Okinawa Prefecture.
The Kan administration botched its response to the collision between a Chinese trawler and Japan Coast Guard vessels near the Senkaku Islands in September 2010.
鳩山政権での普天間問題、菅政権での尖閣問題など、民主党は外交の不手際で信用を失ってきた。
Japan has seen so many leadership changes in recent years that foreign media now like to make fun of its "revolving door" or "merry-go-round" of prime ministers.
そして「回転扉」「メリーゴーラウンド」と揶揄（やゆ）されるほどの短命首相続きだ。
Noda has pledged to "say what must be said without restraint" for candid and straightforward conversations with his foreign counterparts.
We hope he will build relationships based on mutual trust with foreign leaders through thoughtful words and actions.
「言うべきことは、遠慮なく言い合う」という野田氏には、思慮深い言動で首脳間の信頼関係を築いてほしい。
2011年08月31日
除染作業―工程表作りを急げ
2011/08/30
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 28
EDITORIAL: Japan needs to quickly compile road map for decontamination.
除染作業―工程表作りを急げ
The Japanese government has finally decided on a basic framework on how to proceed with the decontamination process of radioactive materials spewed from the accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
福島第一原発の事故でまき散らされた放射性物質の除去（除染）について、政府がようやく基本方針を決め、きのう地元自治体に説明した。
The government's plan, explained to local governments on Aug. 27, is to halve the residents' exposure within two years, and in the case of children, to reduce it by 60 percent by conducting thorough decontamination procedures in schools and school routes.
２年で住民の被曝（ひばく）線量を半減させ、子どもについては、学校や通学路などの除染を徹底して６割減らす。
The center of the plan is to "reduce, step-by-step and rapidly" the number of areas that will measure 20 millisieverts and higher annually.
そして年間の被曝線量が２０ミリシーベルト以上の地域を「段階的かつ迅速に縮小」させるのが柱だ。
However, such a target will not put the residents' minds at ease.
しかし、こんな目標では、住民はとても安心できないのではないか。
The government estimates that even without actively doing anything, the amount of radiation exposure will decrease about 40 percent in two years due to rain and wind.
何もしなくても、雨や風で２年後には約４割減る、というのが政府の試算である。
It is too unambitious for the government to say it will achieve only an additional 10-20 percent reduction on its own.
上乗せ分が１〜２割というのはあまりに低い目標だ。
Moreover, the latest framework plan does not tell us, even broadly, when the evacuees can return to their normal lives.
しかも、今回の基本方針だけでは、避難している人たちがいつごろ元の生活に戻れるのか、大まかなメドも分からない。
The important thing is to have a comprehensive strategy.
大事なのは、総合的な戦略である。
To that end, it is essential to closely ascertain the exact situation of the contamination.
そのために、まず汚染の詳しい実態の把握が不可欠だ。
We need to measure it in detail, covering sections whose sides are 100 to 500 meters long.
１００〜５００メートル四方くらいの細かさで調べる必要がある。
People evacuated from their homes are also hoping to learn the radiation levels around their houses.
避難している人たちも自宅周辺の汚染の程度を知りたがっている。
On Aug. 27, Prime Minister Naoto Kan apologized to the Fukushima prefectural governor of the possibility that residents of some areas close to the Fukushima nuclear plant will be unable to return to their houses for a long time.
菅首相はきのう、福島県知事に対し、原発の近くでは長期間帰れない場合が出てくると述べて、事故について陳謝した。
Of course, it may be possible that in areas with the worst levels of contamination, residents may be forced to give up ever returning to their homes.
確かに汚染のひどい所では、事実上、帰ることを断念せざるを得ない場合もあるかもしれない。
However, the residents can hardly accept that without sufficient data and some kind of yardstick.
しかし、その基準とデータが示されないままでは、住民は納得できないだろう。
Along with figuring out the actual state of the contamination, the government needs to calculate the cost of the decontamination process and the available level of manpower.
汚染の実態把握と並行して、除染作業にかかるコストや投入できる人員をはじき出す。
Based on those assessments, the government must hurry to put together a road map that indicates the grand design, and spell out where the process will begin, how it will be conducted and how much time it will take.
そのうえで、どの地域からどう進めていくのか、どの程度の時間がかかりそうか、国は全体像を示す工程表作りを急がなければならない。
Besides, the decontamination work itself must not be haphazard.
実際の作業も、ばらばらではいけない。
In addition to households, public institutions like schools, roads, as well as farms and nearby forests must also be watched. Otherwise, there is no way residents can return to their normal lives.
住宅に加え、学校などの公共施設や道路、さらに田畑や周辺の森林にも目を配らなければ、住民は安心して元の生活に戻ることはできない。
One major obstacle to the decontamination process is where to store the contaminated topsoil once it is removed.
一方、除染を進めるうえで大きな障害となっているのが、はぎとった土などの保管場所だ。
According to the framework plan, each local government is to set up a temporary storage place, and the central government will be responsible for securing a disposal site.
基本方針では、各自治体に仮置き場を設け、処分場は国の責任で確保することになっている。
However, Prime Minister Kan told the Fukushima governor that the central government has no choice but to create the "intermediate storage facility" within Fukushima Prefecture.
ところが、菅首相は福島県知事に対し、同県内に「中間貯蔵施設」を整備せざるを得ないと述べた。
Suddenly talking about a new storage facility at this point will only create confusion.
今の段階で、唐突に新たな保管施設のことを持ち出しても、混乱を招くばかりだ。
Decontamination is not an easy matter, including securing the disposal site.
処分場の確保も含め、除染は簡単な問題ではない。
The plan must be scrupulous, while also being meticulous about procedure.
きちんと手順を踏みつつ、綿密に計画を作る。
And the process must be done swiftly.
同時に作業は急がなければならない。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 28
EDITORIAL: Japan needs to quickly compile road map for decontamination.
除染作業―工程表作りを急げ
The Japanese government has finally decided on a basic framework on how to proceed with the decontamination process of radioactive materials spewed from the accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
福島第一原発の事故でまき散らされた放射性物質の除去（除染）について、政府がようやく基本方針を決め、きのう地元自治体に説明した。
The government's plan, explained to local governments on Aug. 27, is to halve the residents' exposure within two years, and in the case of children, to reduce it by 60 percent by conducting thorough decontamination procedures in schools and school routes.
２年で住民の被曝（ひばく）線量を半減させ、子どもについては、学校や通学路などの除染を徹底して６割減らす。
The center of the plan is to "reduce, step-by-step and rapidly" the number of areas that will measure 20 millisieverts and higher annually.
そして年間の被曝線量が２０ミリシーベルト以上の地域を「段階的かつ迅速に縮小」させるのが柱だ。
However, such a target will not put the residents' minds at ease.
しかし、こんな目標では、住民はとても安心できないのではないか。
The government estimates that even without actively doing anything, the amount of radiation exposure will decrease about 40 percent in two years due to rain and wind.
何もしなくても、雨や風で２年後には約４割減る、というのが政府の試算である。
It is too unambitious for the government to say it will achieve only an additional 10-20 percent reduction on its own.
上乗せ分が１〜２割というのはあまりに低い目標だ。
Moreover, the latest framework plan does not tell us, even broadly, when the evacuees can return to their normal lives.
しかも、今回の基本方針だけでは、避難している人たちがいつごろ元の生活に戻れるのか、大まかなメドも分からない。
The important thing is to have a comprehensive strategy.
大事なのは、総合的な戦略である。
To that end, it is essential to closely ascertain the exact situation of the contamination.
そのために、まず汚染の詳しい実態の把握が不可欠だ。
We need to measure it in detail, covering sections whose sides are 100 to 500 meters long.
１００〜５００メートル四方くらいの細かさで調べる必要がある。
People evacuated from their homes are also hoping to learn the radiation levels around their houses.
避難している人たちも自宅周辺の汚染の程度を知りたがっている。
On Aug. 27, Prime Minister Naoto Kan apologized to the Fukushima prefectural governor of the possibility that residents of some areas close to the Fukushima nuclear plant will be unable to return to their houses for a long time.
菅首相はきのう、福島県知事に対し、原発の近くでは長期間帰れない場合が出てくると述べて、事故について陳謝した。
Of course, it may be possible that in areas with the worst levels of contamination, residents may be forced to give up ever returning to their homes.
確かに汚染のひどい所では、事実上、帰ることを断念せざるを得ない場合もあるかもしれない。
However, the residents can hardly accept that without sufficient data and some kind of yardstick.
しかし、その基準とデータが示されないままでは、住民は納得できないだろう。
Along with figuring out the actual state of the contamination, the government needs to calculate the cost of the decontamination process and the available level of manpower.
汚染の実態把握と並行して、除染作業にかかるコストや投入できる人員をはじき出す。
Based on those assessments, the government must hurry to put together a road map that indicates the grand design, and spell out where the process will begin, how it will be conducted and how much time it will take.
そのうえで、どの地域からどう進めていくのか、どの程度の時間がかかりそうか、国は全体像を示す工程表作りを急がなければならない。
Besides, the decontamination work itself must not be haphazard.
実際の作業も、ばらばらではいけない。
In addition to households, public institutions like schools, roads, as well as farms and nearby forests must also be watched. Otherwise, there is no way residents can return to their normal lives.
住宅に加え、学校などの公共施設や道路、さらに田畑や周辺の森林にも目を配らなければ、住民は安心して元の生活に戻ることはできない。
One major obstacle to the decontamination process is where to store the contaminated topsoil once it is removed.
一方、除染を進めるうえで大きな障害となっているのが、はぎとった土などの保管場所だ。
According to the framework plan, each local government is to set up a temporary storage place, and the central government will be responsible for securing a disposal site.
基本方針では、各自治体に仮置き場を設け、処分場は国の責任で確保することになっている。
However, Prime Minister Kan told the Fukushima governor that the central government has no choice but to create the "intermediate storage facility" within Fukushima Prefecture.
ところが、菅首相は福島県知事に対し、同県内に「中間貯蔵施設」を整備せざるを得ないと述べた。
Suddenly talking about a new storage facility at this point will only create confusion.
今の段階で、唐突に新たな保管施設のことを持ち出しても、混乱を招くばかりだ。
Decontamination is not an easy matter, including securing the disposal site.
処分場の確保も含め、除染は簡単な問題ではない。
The plan must be scrupulous, while also being meticulous about procedure.
きちんと手順を踏みつつ、綿密に計画を作る。
And the process must be done swiftly.
同時に作業は急がなければならない。
2011年08月30日
首相退陣、代表選へ―民主党は一から出直せ
2011/08/28
The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 27
EDITORIAL: DPJ needs to reinvent its political future.
首相退陣、代表選へ―民主党は一から出直せ
Prime Minister Naoto Kan officially announced his resignation on Aug. 26, saying, "I've done what I've had to do."
菅首相がきのう、「やるべきことはやった」と述べて正式に退陣を表明した。
During the two years since the historic regime change, two prime ministers quickly got bogged down in a political quagmire and stepped down.
歴史的な政権交代から２年。あっという間に２人の首相が行き詰まり、去っていく。
This is undeniably a disastrous failure of politics under the rule of the Democratic Party of Japan.
これは明らかな失政である。
What are the root causes of the dreadful political situation?
原因は何なのか。
It is not that Kan pushed policy in the wrong direction.
菅氏が掲げた政策の方向性が間違っていたわけではない。
Kan deserves credit for responding to the Fukushima nuclear disaster by trying to lead the nation toward a future less dependent on atomic energy.
原発事故のあと、脱原発に踏みだそうとしたのは、菅氏の功績といえる。
We also applaud him for tackling the tough political challenge of developing plans for the unpopular but important proposal of integrated tax and social security reform involving a consumption tax hike.
消費増税を含む税と社会保障の一体改革という不人気な政策づくりに取り組んだことも評価する。
But executing a policy requires building consensus.
けれど、政治は合意を取りつけなければ前に進まない。
Kan was unskilled at consensus building, and he sometimes didn't even make efforts to win support for his proposals from his Cabinet members.
菅氏は合意づくりの術がつたなく、時に閣内の根回しさえ怠った。
As he simply proposed policies without laying the necessary political groundwork, he was inevitably criticized for practicing off-the-cuff politics.
方針を唱えるだけでは、思いつきの政治だと批判されても当然だった。
But let us hazard a question.
だが、あえて問う。
Would the Kan administration have lasted much longer if he had been a leader with a broader perspective and a greater ability to build consensus?
もっと視野が広く調整能力のある首相なら、長期政権になったのか。
The DPJ is in such disarray that it is hard to answer the question in the affirmative.
首をかしげざるを得ないほど、民主党は混乱している。
■未成熟な選挙互助会
Kan was constantly hobbled not merely by the opposition control of the Upper House but equally by perennial political wrangling within the ruling party.
菅氏が苦しんだのは、衆参のねじれとともに、党内の足の引っ張り合いだった。
Kan's efforts to push through such key policy initiatives as a consumption tax hike and a review of the party's election manifesto were met with opposition from party members, especially a group of lawmakers led by former DPJ chief Ichiro Ozawa.
めざした消費増税やマニフェストの見直しなどに、小沢一郎元代表が率いるグループを中心に反対意見が渦巻き、
With the party unable to reach agreement on these and other key policy issues, the Kan administration lost political momentum.
党としての意思決定がままならず、政権は失速していった。
The confrontation within the party came to a head in June, when the Ozawa group threatened to support an opposition-sponsored no-confidence motion against the Cabinet.
対立が最も先鋭化したのが、６月の野党提出の内閣不信任案に、小沢グループが賛成する構えを見せたときだ。
As he avoided a final Diet floor showdown with his opponents within the party, Kan set the stage for his departure.
あそこで採決による決着を避けたために、菅氏は辞任への道を歩み始めた。
As the top item in the memorandum he exchanged with his predecessor, Yukio Hatoyama, during their talks for avoid passage of the no-confidence motion against him, Kan promised not to "destroy the DPJ."
その際に、鳩山前首相と交わした覚書の第１項目に「民主党を壊さない」とあったことが、
This fact symbolized the grim reality and limitations of the party.
民主党の現実と限界を象徴していた。
The DPJ was formed as a rugged collection of politicians pursuing sharply different political agendas and approaches.
もともと民主党は政策も政治手法も、水と油ほど違う勢力が一緒になった。
It was a political alliance among a wide range of lawmakers who didn't belong to the Liberal Democratic Party, which ruled the nation for decades.
衆院小選挙区で勝つために、「非自民」勢力を幅広く抱え込んだ結果だった。
Its principal mission was to secure electoral victories in single-seat constituencies of the Lower House.
要するに、小選挙区制が生んだ「選挙互助会」だったのだ。
In a nutshell, the DPJ was a mutual electoral support group born out of the single-seat election system.
When it was in the opposition, the party managed to put up a united front under the banner of regime change.
野党のころは「政権交代」の一点で共闘できた。
As soon as it achieved this political goal, however, the party found itself without a shared vision and plunged into an endless cycle of infighting.
しかし、成し遂げた途端に共通の目標を見失う。
The DPJ's track record since it came to power suggests that the group is too politically immature to be called a political party.
そして内紛を繰り返す現状は、政党と呼ぶには未熟過ぎるように見える。
If the party remains as it is, the next administration is sure to repeat the same failure.
このままでは、次の政権も同じ愚を繰り返すに違いない。
The challenge facing the DPJ is whether it can outgrow its old self as an electoral mutual support group and morph into a full-fledged political party.
「選挙互助会」から政党に脱皮できるかどうか。
The party leadership election officially announced on Aug. 27 is of critical importance for the political viability of the DPJ.
きょう告示される党代表選は、民主党の存廃をかけた正念場になる。
During the prelude to the election, many prospective candidates talked about unity and reconciliation among party members.
前哨戦では、盛んに「挙党態勢」「党内融和」という言葉が聞かれた。
Such talk may find a certain resonance among party members who are eager to see an end to the intraparty struggle that continued even after the Great East Japan Earthquake in March.
震災後も繰り広げられた党内抗争は、いい加減にやめようという響きもあって、一定の説得力を持つ。
If, however, "party unity" here means turning a blind eye to differences over policies among members, such slogans only represent an extremely irresponsible answer to the party's problems.
だが、「挙党一致」に込められた意味が、政策の違いには目をつむろうということなら、あまりにも無責任な対応だ。
If the candidates try to win the leadership race by offering the powerful Ozawa group key posts that control the party's election funds and the right to nominate official party candidates for national elections, the party will inevitably lose the support of even more voters.
まして、小沢グループにカネと公認権を握るポストを譲るというのなら、有権者の支持をさらに失っていくのは避けられないだろう。
The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 27
EDITORIAL: DPJ needs to reinvent its political future.
首相退陣、代表選へ―民主党は一から出直せ
Prime Minister Naoto Kan officially announced his resignation on Aug. 26, saying, "I've done what I've had to do."
菅首相がきのう、「やるべきことはやった」と述べて正式に退陣を表明した。
During the two years since the historic regime change, two prime ministers quickly got bogged down in a political quagmire and stepped down.
歴史的な政権交代から２年。あっという間に２人の首相が行き詰まり、去っていく。
This is undeniably a disastrous failure of politics under the rule of the Democratic Party of Japan.
これは明らかな失政である。
What are the root causes of the dreadful political situation?
原因は何なのか。
It is not that Kan pushed policy in the wrong direction.
菅氏が掲げた政策の方向性が間違っていたわけではない。
Kan deserves credit for responding to the Fukushima nuclear disaster by trying to lead the nation toward a future less dependent on atomic energy.
原発事故のあと、脱原発に踏みだそうとしたのは、菅氏の功績といえる。
We also applaud him for tackling the tough political challenge of developing plans for the unpopular but important proposal of integrated tax and social security reform involving a consumption tax hike.
消費増税を含む税と社会保障の一体改革という不人気な政策づくりに取り組んだことも評価する。
But executing a policy requires building consensus.
けれど、政治は合意を取りつけなければ前に進まない。
Kan was unskilled at consensus building, and he sometimes didn't even make efforts to win support for his proposals from his Cabinet members.
菅氏は合意づくりの術がつたなく、時に閣内の根回しさえ怠った。
As he simply proposed policies without laying the necessary political groundwork, he was inevitably criticized for practicing off-the-cuff politics.
方針を唱えるだけでは、思いつきの政治だと批判されても当然だった。
But let us hazard a question.
だが、あえて問う。
Would the Kan administration have lasted much longer if he had been a leader with a broader perspective and a greater ability to build consensus?
もっと視野が広く調整能力のある首相なら、長期政権になったのか。
The DPJ is in such disarray that it is hard to answer the question in the affirmative.
首をかしげざるを得ないほど、民主党は混乱している。
■未成熟な選挙互助会
Kan was constantly hobbled not merely by the opposition control of the Upper House but equally by perennial political wrangling within the ruling party.
菅氏が苦しんだのは、衆参のねじれとともに、党内の足の引っ張り合いだった。
Kan's efforts to push through such key policy initiatives as a consumption tax hike and a review of the party's election manifesto were met with opposition from party members, especially a group of lawmakers led by former DPJ chief Ichiro Ozawa.
めざした消費増税やマニフェストの見直しなどに、小沢一郎元代表が率いるグループを中心に反対意見が渦巻き、
With the party unable to reach agreement on these and other key policy issues, the Kan administration lost political momentum.
党としての意思決定がままならず、政権は失速していった。
The confrontation within the party came to a head in June, when the Ozawa group threatened to support an opposition-sponsored no-confidence motion against the Cabinet.
対立が最も先鋭化したのが、６月の野党提出の内閣不信任案に、小沢グループが賛成する構えを見せたときだ。
As he avoided a final Diet floor showdown with his opponents within the party, Kan set the stage for his departure.
あそこで採決による決着を避けたために、菅氏は辞任への道を歩み始めた。
As the top item in the memorandum he exchanged with his predecessor, Yukio Hatoyama, during their talks for avoid passage of the no-confidence motion against him, Kan promised not to "destroy the DPJ."
その際に、鳩山前首相と交わした覚書の第１項目に「民主党を壊さない」とあったことが、
This fact symbolized the grim reality and limitations of the party.
民主党の現実と限界を象徴していた。
The DPJ was formed as a rugged collection of politicians pursuing sharply different political agendas and approaches.
もともと民主党は政策も政治手法も、水と油ほど違う勢力が一緒になった。
It was a political alliance among a wide range of lawmakers who didn't belong to the Liberal Democratic Party, which ruled the nation for decades.
衆院小選挙区で勝つために、「非自民」勢力を幅広く抱え込んだ結果だった。
Its principal mission was to secure electoral victories in single-seat constituencies of the Lower House.
要するに、小選挙区制が生んだ「選挙互助会」だったのだ。
In a nutshell, the DPJ was a mutual electoral support group born out of the single-seat election system.
When it was in the opposition, the party managed to put up a united front under the banner of regime change.
野党のころは「政権交代」の一点で共闘できた。
As soon as it achieved this political goal, however, the party found itself without a shared vision and plunged into an endless cycle of infighting.
しかし、成し遂げた途端に共通の目標を見失う。
The DPJ's track record since it came to power suggests that the group is too politically immature to be called a political party.
そして内紛を繰り返す現状は、政党と呼ぶには未熟過ぎるように見える。
If the party remains as it is, the next administration is sure to repeat the same failure.
このままでは、次の政権も同じ愚を繰り返すに違いない。
The challenge facing the DPJ is whether it can outgrow its old self as an electoral mutual support group and morph into a full-fledged political party.
「選挙互助会」から政党に脱皮できるかどうか。
The party leadership election officially announced on Aug. 27 is of critical importance for the political viability of the DPJ.
きょう告示される党代表選は、民主党の存廃をかけた正念場になる。
During the prelude to the election, many prospective candidates talked about unity and reconciliation among party members.
前哨戦では、盛んに「挙党態勢」「党内融和」という言葉が聞かれた。
Such talk may find a certain resonance among party members who are eager to see an end to the intraparty struggle that continued even after the Great East Japan Earthquake in March.
震災後も繰り広げられた党内抗争は、いい加減にやめようという響きもあって、一定の説得力を持つ。
If, however, "party unity" here means turning a blind eye to differences over policies among members, such slogans only represent an extremely irresponsible answer to the party's problems.
だが、「挙党一致」に込められた意味が、政策の違いには目をつむろうということなら、あまりにも無責任な対応だ。
If the candidates try to win the leadership race by offering the powerful Ozawa group key posts that control the party's election funds and the right to nominate official party candidates for national elections, the party will inevitably lose the support of even more voters.
まして、小沢グループにカネと公認権を握るポストを譲るというのなら、有権者の支持をさらに失っていくのは避けられないだろう。
2011年08月20日
野田氏の発言―言葉を選ぶ器量を待つ
2011/08/19
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 18
EDITORIAL: Noda should watch his mouth
野田氏の発言―言葉を選ぶ器量を待つ
Finance Minister Yoshihiko Noda should think more carefully about the implications of his words when talking about sensitive topics if he wants to become prime minister.
首相をめざす志があるなら、よく考えてほしい。
Noda recently said the Class-A war criminals interred at the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo--wartime leaders of Japan who were convicted by the postwar Tokyo tribunal--are no longer war criminals.
野田佳彦財務相が、靖国神社に合祀（ごうし）されているＡ級戦犯について、戦争犯罪人ではないとの見解を示した。
During the administration of former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, Noda rebutted Koizumi's argument that they were war criminals. In an Aug. 15 news conference, Noda said his position on the issue had basically not changed since that time.
野田氏は小泉内閣時代、戦争犯罪人だとする小泉氏に反論しており、１５日の記者会見で「（当時と）基本的に変わりありません」と答えた。
Noda put his view on the issue in a written question to the Koizumi Cabinet.
野田氏は、小泉内閣への質問主意書に以下の趣旨を記した。
The war criminals were pardoned, released or executed under agreements between the countries running the postwar judicial process, he argued.
A basic tenet of modern law is that a person's criminal guilt disappears when the sentence has been carried out.
「戦犯」は関係国の同意のもと赦免・釈放され、あるいは死刑が執行されている。刑が終了した時点で、罪は消滅するのが近代法の理念である――。
In short, Noda believes the war criminals are no longer criminals because they paid their debt to society.
刑を終えたのだから、もはや犯罪者ではない。
He went on to ask what was wrong with the prime minister's visit to the Yasukuni Shrine if the people enshrined there were not criminals.
まつられているのが犯罪者でない以上、首相の靖国参拝にどんな問題があるのか、という理屈立てだ。
The question here is not whether the sentences given to the wartime leaders were carried out. It is a historical issue about whether their acts were in fact war crimes.
だが問われているのは刑を終えたか否かではなく、彼らの行為が戦争犯罪かどうかであり、歴史認識である。
Noda is off the mark.
野田氏の議論は焦点を外している。
What he says does nothing but unnecessarily hurt the feelings of many people, both Japanese and foreign, whose relatives were killed in the war.
国の内外を問わず、戦争で肉親を失った数多くの人々の心情をいたずらに傷つけるだけだ。
Noda is a member of the Cabinet and intends to run in the Democratic Party of Japan's upcoming election to choose its president.
野田氏は現職閣僚であり、まもなく行われる民主党代表選に立候補する意向を固めている。
If he becomes prime minister, he will have to speak about Japan's past as the representative of our nation.
首相になれば過去の歴史を背負い、日本国を代表して発言しなければならない。
He needs to exercise discretion in both action and words.
行動を慎み、言葉を選ぶのが当然だ。
Noda did not visit the Yasukuni Shrine on Aug. 15, the anniversary of the end of the war.
一方で、野田氏はこの終戦記念日に参拝しなかった。
When he ran for the party leadership race in 2002, he said he would not make an official visit to the shrine on the anniversary if he became prime minister, saying such an act would cause a diplomatic row.
０２年に代表選に立候補した際は「外交問題を引き起こす」ことを理由に、首相になっても終戦記念日の公式参拝はしないと言った。
But, if he puts importance on Japan's diplomacy, Noda should explain his views about this and other war-related issues.
外交を大切にするのなら、誠意ある言葉で説明すべきだ。
South Korea's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade has criticized Noda's remarks as an attempt to deny the facts about Japan's invasions of its neighbors.
発言を受けて、韓国外交通商省は「侵略の歴史を否定しようとする言動だ」と批判している。
Noda's stance on the war criminal issue would have unwanted effects on Japan's relations with China and South Korea but also the United States, which led the Tokyo tribunal.
中国や韓国のみならず、東京裁判を主導した米国との関係にも良い影響は及ぼすまい。
Noda will face questions about this issue during the party leadership contest.
代表選に立候補しても、この点を問われるに違いない。
He needs to offer convincing and responsible answers to these questions and talk about his ideas about the war if he wants to be recognized as someone qualified to head the party and become Japan's prime minister.
その時、自らの歴史認識も含めてきちんと話し、代表、そして首相の有資格者だと示してもらわなければならない。
In an article on the agenda he would pursue as the nation's leader, published in the September issue of the Bungei Shunju monthly magazine, Noda expressed his determination to tackle three crises: the decline of domestic industry, energy shortages and Japan's fiscal ills.
野田氏は、文芸春秋９月号に公表した「わが政権構想」で、国内産業の衰退や、電力・エネルギー、財政の「三つの危機」に取り組む決意を示している。
These certainly should be the top policy priorities at the moment and Noda should try to create a political environment that will allow for effective efforts to grapple with these formidable challenges.
確かに、いま優先すべきはそれらの課題だろう。とすれば、課題に取り組めるよう、野田氏は自ら環境を整えるべきだ。
Japan has been making serious, long-term efforts to come to terms with war-related issues.
歴史をめぐる問題は、苦労を重ねながらここまで積み上げてきた。
Japan's leader should not do or say anything that could undermine the progress that has been made or create a situation that makes it difficult for the nation to tackle the real problems it faces today.
国のリーダーの言動で再び歩みを止め、処理すべき課題に向き合えない事態を繰り返すべきではない。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 18
EDITORIAL: Noda should watch his mouth
野田氏の発言―言葉を選ぶ器量を待つ
Finance Minister Yoshihiko Noda should think more carefully about the implications of his words when talking about sensitive topics if he wants to become prime minister.
首相をめざす志があるなら、よく考えてほしい。
Noda recently said the Class-A war criminals interred at the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo--wartime leaders of Japan who were convicted by the postwar Tokyo tribunal--are no longer war criminals.
野田佳彦財務相が、靖国神社に合祀（ごうし）されているＡ級戦犯について、戦争犯罪人ではないとの見解を示した。
During the administration of former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, Noda rebutted Koizumi's argument that they were war criminals. In an Aug. 15 news conference, Noda said his position on the issue had basically not changed since that time.
野田氏は小泉内閣時代、戦争犯罪人だとする小泉氏に反論しており、１５日の記者会見で「（当時と）基本的に変わりありません」と答えた。
Noda put his view on the issue in a written question to the Koizumi Cabinet.
野田氏は、小泉内閣への質問主意書に以下の趣旨を記した。
The war criminals were pardoned, released or executed under agreements between the countries running the postwar judicial process, he argued.
A basic tenet of modern law is that a person's criminal guilt disappears when the sentence has been carried out.
「戦犯」は関係国の同意のもと赦免・釈放され、あるいは死刑が執行されている。刑が終了した時点で、罪は消滅するのが近代法の理念である――。
In short, Noda believes the war criminals are no longer criminals because they paid their debt to society.
刑を終えたのだから、もはや犯罪者ではない。
He went on to ask what was wrong with the prime minister's visit to the Yasukuni Shrine if the people enshrined there were not criminals.
まつられているのが犯罪者でない以上、首相の靖国参拝にどんな問題があるのか、という理屈立てだ。
The question here is not whether the sentences given to the wartime leaders were carried out. It is a historical issue about whether their acts were in fact war crimes.
だが問われているのは刑を終えたか否かではなく、彼らの行為が戦争犯罪かどうかであり、歴史認識である。
Noda is off the mark.
野田氏の議論は焦点を外している。
What he says does nothing but unnecessarily hurt the feelings of many people, both Japanese and foreign, whose relatives were killed in the war.
国の内外を問わず、戦争で肉親を失った数多くの人々の心情をいたずらに傷つけるだけだ。
Noda is a member of the Cabinet and intends to run in the Democratic Party of Japan's upcoming election to choose its president.
野田氏は現職閣僚であり、まもなく行われる民主党代表選に立候補する意向を固めている。
If he becomes prime minister, he will have to speak about Japan's past as the representative of our nation.
首相になれば過去の歴史を背負い、日本国を代表して発言しなければならない。
He needs to exercise discretion in both action and words.
行動を慎み、言葉を選ぶのが当然だ。
Noda did not visit the Yasukuni Shrine on Aug. 15, the anniversary of the end of the war.
一方で、野田氏はこの終戦記念日に参拝しなかった。
When he ran for the party leadership race in 2002, he said he would not make an official visit to the shrine on the anniversary if he became prime minister, saying such an act would cause a diplomatic row.
０２年に代表選に立候補した際は「外交問題を引き起こす」ことを理由に、首相になっても終戦記念日の公式参拝はしないと言った。
But, if he puts importance on Japan's diplomacy, Noda should explain his views about this and other war-related issues.
外交を大切にするのなら、誠意ある言葉で説明すべきだ。
South Korea's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade has criticized Noda's remarks as an attempt to deny the facts about Japan's invasions of its neighbors.
発言を受けて、韓国外交通商省は「侵略の歴史を否定しようとする言動だ」と批判している。
Noda's stance on the war criminal issue would have unwanted effects on Japan's relations with China and South Korea but also the United States, which led the Tokyo tribunal.
中国や韓国のみならず、東京裁判を主導した米国との関係にも良い影響は及ぼすまい。
Noda will face questions about this issue during the party leadership contest.
代表選に立候補しても、この点を問われるに違いない。
He needs to offer convincing and responsible answers to these questions and talk about his ideas about the war if he wants to be recognized as someone qualified to head the party and become Japan's prime minister.
その時、自らの歴史認識も含めてきちんと話し、代表、そして首相の有資格者だと示してもらわなければならない。
In an article on the agenda he would pursue as the nation's leader, published in the September issue of the Bungei Shunju monthly magazine, Noda expressed his determination to tackle three crises: the decline of domestic industry, energy shortages and Japan's fiscal ills.
野田氏は、文芸春秋９月号に公表した「わが政権構想」で、国内産業の衰退や、電力・エネルギー、財政の「三つの危機」に取り組む決意を示している。
These certainly should be the top policy priorities at the moment and Noda should try to create a political environment that will allow for effective efforts to grapple with these formidable challenges.
確かに、いま優先すべきはそれらの課題だろう。とすれば、課題に取り組めるよう、野田氏は自ら環境を整えるべきだ。
Japan has been making serious, long-term efforts to come to terms with war-related issues.
歴史をめぐる問題は、苦労を重ねながらここまで積み上げてきた。
Japan's leader should not do or say anything that could undermine the progress that has been made or create a situation that makes it difficult for the nation to tackle the real problems it faces today.
国のリーダーの言動で再び歩みを止め、処理すべき課題に向き合えない事態を繰り返すべきではない。
2011年08月19日
中国空母―今は「張り子の虎」でも
2011/08/18
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 17
EDITORIAL: China's new flattop is a 'paper tiger'
中国空母―今は「張り子の虎」でも
China's first aircraft carrier departed from the country's northeastern port of Dalian for sea trials on Aug. 10. The launch was cheered not only at the dockside but around China.
中国初の空母が出航した。地元の大連だけでなく、中国各地で多くの人々が喝采した。
The Chinese have not forgotten invasions of their country in the 19th and 20th centuries by the great powers and appear to see this aircraft carrier as a symbol of their national strength.
列強の侵略を受けた記憶がまだ生々しい中国だからこそ、強国の象徴として空母が国民から歓迎されるのだろう。
However, the new vessel is an unsettling development for China's neighbors.
しかし、近隣国は心穏やかにはいられない。
Some countries, including Vietnam, which have territorial disputes with China over islands in the South China Sea, are understandably alarmed.
南シナ海の島々をめぐり、中国と領有権を争うベトナムなどからすれば、脅威と映るのは当然だ。
In fact, the ship in question is an old tub that had its keel laid in the 1980s in the Soviet Union. It was dumped after the Soviet system collapsed.
とはいえ、この空母は旧ソ連が１９８０年代に建造を始めたものの、崩壊とともに投げ出された旧世代の艦である。
The Chinese have reportedly refitted it completely, but it has no aircraft on board yet.
全面的に改修されたようではあるが、艦載機はまだ配備されていない。
The purpose of the sea trial is just to check the vessel's engine and radar performance and other functions.
エンジンやレーダーなどの性能を確認するのが当面の航行目的だ。
Mao Tse-tung once described the U.S. nuclear bomb as a "paper tiger."
毛沢東はかつて、米国の原子爆弾を「張り子の虎」と呼んだ。
As things stand now, we can probably borrow the former Chinese leader's words with reference to the Chinese aircraft carrier.
これに倣えば、試験航行したばかりの空母も、今の段階では「張り子の虎」に過ぎないといえるかもしれない。
It doesn't even have a name yet.
名前もまだつけられていない。
The real question is how China intends to develop its naval capability in the future.
問題は、中国が今後、空母をはじめとする海軍力をどのように展開していくかだ。
China, buoyed by its rapid economic rise, has begun to assert its national interests around the globe and has already done a phenomenal job of beefing up its navy to secure sea lanes and resources.
中国は経済発展とともに、世界中に「国益」を広げてきた。シーレーンや資源の確保のため、これまでも海軍力を目覚ましく増強させてきた。
Although no official announcement has been made, China is understood to be building its first completely domestically produced aircraft carrier in Shanghai.
公表されていないが、上海では初の国産空母を建造中だ。
The project will rely on data from the Soviet-built flattop's sea trial.
試験航行している空母のデータは国産空母に活用されるという。
The country is also in the process of developing anti-ship ballistic missiles that could target U.S. aircraft carriers.
米軍空母も目標とできる対艦弾道ミサイルも開発中だ。
Southeast Asian nations that are concerned about China's new assertiveness are stepping up their joint military exercises with the United States and increasing defense spending.
中国への警戒感から、東南アジア各国は米軍との共同軍事演習に力を入れるとともに、国防予算を増やしている。
They are hurrying to acquire submarines and battleships offering more advanced capabilities.
潜水艦や艦船の導入を急ぎ、装備の更新に余念がない。
India, which already has aircraft carriers, is now building a new flattop and is in the process of upgrading its submarine fleet.
すでに空母を持つインドは新空母を建造中で、潜水艦の整備も進めている。
In the meantime, the economic ties between these nations and China are growing stronger.
その一方で、各国とも中国との経済的な結びつきは強まるばかりだ。
Asian economies including China's are developing rapidly, but income gaps are widening.
中国をはじめアジアの経済は大きく発展しているが、国内の経済格差は拡大している。
We find it unfortunate that these countries are pouring their financial resources into military expansion when that money should be spent on social security and infrastructure development.
社会保障の充実やインフラ整備に注ぐべき財源を軍備拡張に多く費やすのはいかがなものか。
We believe each country should focus on fostering mutual trust through patient diplomacy.
各国とも地道な外交努力を通じて信頼醸成をめざす道を優先させるべきだ。
We would like to re-emphasize the gravity of China's responsibilities as a major power.
その際、圧倒的な力を持つ中国の責任の大きさを改めて指摘しておきたい。
That said, Japan is at odds with China in the East China Sea.
日本も東シナ海で中国と対立している。
The situation in the South China Sea is not something we can dismiss as none of our business.
南シナ海の情勢もひとごとではない。
Japan's defense policy is based on its alliance with the United States, and, in the context of that alliance, it is collaborating with other Asian countries to deal with China.
日米同盟を軸にアジア諸国と協調しながら中国に向き合う。
While maintaining this basic stance, Japan also needs to make a greater effort than ever to improve direct relations with China.
その基本線を押さえたうえで、中国との直接的な関係を深める努力もこれまで以上に必要だ。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 17
EDITORIAL: China's new flattop is a 'paper tiger'
中国空母―今は「張り子の虎」でも
China's first aircraft carrier departed from the country's northeastern port of Dalian for sea trials on Aug. 10. The launch was cheered not only at the dockside but around China.
中国初の空母が出航した。地元の大連だけでなく、中国各地で多くの人々が喝采した。
The Chinese have not forgotten invasions of their country in the 19th and 20th centuries by the great powers and appear to see this aircraft carrier as a symbol of their national strength.
列強の侵略を受けた記憶がまだ生々しい中国だからこそ、強国の象徴として空母が国民から歓迎されるのだろう。
However, the new vessel is an unsettling development for China's neighbors.
しかし、近隣国は心穏やかにはいられない。
Some countries, including Vietnam, which have territorial disputes with China over islands in the South China Sea, are understandably alarmed.
南シナ海の島々をめぐり、中国と領有権を争うベトナムなどからすれば、脅威と映るのは当然だ。
In fact, the ship in question is an old tub that had its keel laid in the 1980s in the Soviet Union. It was dumped after the Soviet system collapsed.
とはいえ、この空母は旧ソ連が１９８０年代に建造を始めたものの、崩壊とともに投げ出された旧世代の艦である。
The Chinese have reportedly refitted it completely, but it has no aircraft on board yet.
全面的に改修されたようではあるが、艦載機はまだ配備されていない。
The purpose of the sea trial is just to check the vessel's engine and radar performance and other functions.
エンジンやレーダーなどの性能を確認するのが当面の航行目的だ。
Mao Tse-tung once described the U.S. nuclear bomb as a "paper tiger."
毛沢東はかつて、米国の原子爆弾を「張り子の虎」と呼んだ。
As things stand now, we can probably borrow the former Chinese leader's words with reference to the Chinese aircraft carrier.
これに倣えば、試験航行したばかりの空母も、今の段階では「張り子の虎」に過ぎないといえるかもしれない。
It doesn't even have a name yet.
名前もまだつけられていない。
The real question is how China intends to develop its naval capability in the future.
問題は、中国が今後、空母をはじめとする海軍力をどのように展開していくかだ。
China, buoyed by its rapid economic rise, has begun to assert its national interests around the globe and has already done a phenomenal job of beefing up its navy to secure sea lanes and resources.
中国は経済発展とともに、世界中に「国益」を広げてきた。シーレーンや資源の確保のため、これまでも海軍力を目覚ましく増強させてきた。
Although no official announcement has been made, China is understood to be building its first completely domestically produced aircraft carrier in Shanghai.
公表されていないが、上海では初の国産空母を建造中だ。
The project will rely on data from the Soviet-built flattop's sea trial.
試験航行している空母のデータは国産空母に活用されるという。
The country is also in the process of developing anti-ship ballistic missiles that could target U.S. aircraft carriers.
米軍空母も目標とできる対艦弾道ミサイルも開発中だ。
Southeast Asian nations that are concerned about China's new assertiveness are stepping up their joint military exercises with the United States and increasing defense spending.
中国への警戒感から、東南アジア各国は米軍との共同軍事演習に力を入れるとともに、国防予算を増やしている。
They are hurrying to acquire submarines and battleships offering more advanced capabilities.
潜水艦や艦船の導入を急ぎ、装備の更新に余念がない。
India, which already has aircraft carriers, is now building a new flattop and is in the process of upgrading its submarine fleet.
すでに空母を持つインドは新空母を建造中で、潜水艦の整備も進めている。
In the meantime, the economic ties between these nations and China are growing stronger.
その一方で、各国とも中国との経済的な結びつきは強まるばかりだ。
Asian economies including China's are developing rapidly, but income gaps are widening.
中国をはじめアジアの経済は大きく発展しているが、国内の経済格差は拡大している。
We find it unfortunate that these countries are pouring their financial resources into military expansion when that money should be spent on social security and infrastructure development.
社会保障の充実やインフラ整備に注ぐべき財源を軍備拡張に多く費やすのはいかがなものか。
We believe each country should focus on fostering mutual trust through patient diplomacy.
各国とも地道な外交努力を通じて信頼醸成をめざす道を優先させるべきだ。
We would like to re-emphasize the gravity of China's responsibilities as a major power.
その際、圧倒的な力を持つ中国の責任の大きさを改めて指摘しておきたい。
That said, Japan is at odds with China in the East China Sea.
日本も東シナ海で中国と対立している。
The situation in the South China Sea is not something we can dismiss as none of our business.
南シナ海の情勢もひとごとではない。
Japan's defense policy is based on its alliance with the United States, and, in the context of that alliance, it is collaborating with other Asian countries to deal with China.
日米同盟を軸にアジア諸国と協調しながら中国に向き合う。
While maintaining this basic stance, Japan also needs to make a greater effort than ever to improve direct relations with China.
その基本線を押さえたうえで、中国との直接的な関係を深める努力もこれまで以上に必要だ。
2011年08月17日
終戦に思う―今、民主主義を鍛え直す
2011/08/16
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 14
EDITORIAL: Thinking about the end of the war; for a better democracy.
終戦に思う―今、民主主義を鍛え直す
A young officer murmurs: "There is never any victory for those who do not progress. The best thing that could happen to us is to be defeated now and thus wake up. When will we be saved if we don't wake up now?"
「進歩のないものは決して勝たない。負けて目覚めることが最上の道だ。……今目覚めずしていつ救われるか」。青年士官がつぶやく。
In the spring of 1945, the Japanese battleship Yamato received orders to embark on a suicide mission.
戦艦大和（やまと）は昭和２０年春、帰還のあてない特攻出撃を命じられた。
The young officer's words were written down by a shipmate, Mitsuru Yoshida, in his "Senkan Yamato no Saigo" (Requiem for Battleship Yamato).
青年士官とともに乗艦した吉田満（みつる）が一部始終を書いた「戦艦大和ノ最期」にある。
His country had effectively forced him to meaningless end, but it seems the young officer still clung to hope.
青年士官は、無駄死にを強いたに等しい国でも、せめて、未来には希望を託したのだろう。
Yet, did we really achieve progress? Did we wake up? Have we really been saved? Aug. 15 marks the 66th anniversary of Japan's defeat in World War II.
しかし、私たちは、進歩し、目覚め、救われたのだろうか。明日、敗戦から６６年。
--When will we wake up, if not now?--
■今目覚めずしていつ
In August, shortly before Japan's defeat, a young trainee officer who was drafted as a student found himself on the Satsuma Peninsula in Kagoshima Prefecture.
敗戦間際の８月、学徒出陣で見習士官になった若者が鹿児島県薩摩半島にいた。
He was in command of troops preparing for a final showdown with U.S. forces.
中隊を率い米軍との決戦に備えていた。
They were defending an area they called "Ichikoro Jinchi" (easily defeated trench).
守る場所を「イチコロ陣地」と呼んだ。
They had four cannons and only 72 rounds.
配備された４門の大砲に砲弾はわずか７２発。
In a shooting match, their ammunition would not last even a few minutes.
撃ち続ければ数分ももたない。
When he asked his superior officer, "How are we going to fight with this?", the major replied on the spur of the moment, "When it comes to the push, there will be loads and loads of shells."
「これでどうやって戦うのか」と問うと、上官の少佐は、その場しのぎに「いざという時にはうなるほどの砲弾が来る」と言った。
After the war, the young trainee officer joined the Ministry of Finance and became a so-called elite bureaucrat. 若者は戦後、旧大蔵省に入りエリートと呼ばれる身となる。
Ritsuo Isobe, now 89, once headed the National Tax Agency.
磯辺律男元国税庁長官（８９）は戦時中のエリート、職業軍人らをこう見る。
His view of the wartime elite, mainly professional soldiers, is that "they were interested in nothing but their own promotion, and spared no thought about how they should conduct themselves for the sake of their country and the people."
「自分の階級を上げることしか関心がなく、国のため、国民のために自らがどうあるべきかを考えなかった」
In those days, the country sought additional enemies despite already being caught up in the quagmire of the Sino-Japanese war.
既に日中戦争の泥沼にはまっていたのに新たな敵を求めた。
As the United States was Japan's supplier of oil and other resources, it was unthinkable that Japan would dive headlong into the Pacific War against that country.
石油など資源の供給元だった米国相手の太平洋戦争への突入はあり得べからざることだった。
Yet, it was the military professionals who twisted the narrative, self-servingly calling it a war of survival and a matter of self-defense.
それを自存自衛と都合よく言い換え、追い立てたのは軍人たちだった。
They rallied the country around those slogans. The citizens, whipped up into a frenzy by the early victories, answered the call and rallied around the military men.
国民も当初の勝利に浮かれ、軍人をもり立てた。
Why did they choose the path of self-destruction?
なぜ、自滅への戦争を選んだのか。
In December, the movie "Isoroku Yamamoto" will be released.
今年１２月、映画「山本五十六（いそろく）」が公開される。
The actor playing the commander-in-chief of the Imperial Japanese Navy's Combined Fleet is Koji Yakusho.
山本連合艦隊司令長官を演じての思いを役所広司さんに尋ねた。
When we asked him his views after having played Yamamoto, Yakusho answered, "This country has a history of the elite running things as they see fit, and thinking that's all right. The same thing is happening now.
「この国にはエリートが自分たちに都合よく回しておけばいい、という歴史があり、今も続いている。
And on the other hand, the public is always serious about making money, but tends to forget things that are important."
一方で国民はビジネスや金もうけは真剣だが大事なことを忘れていく」と答えた。
--A negative structure repeated--
■負の構図再び
The same pattern was repeated after the war.
戦後も繰り返された。
In the case of the bubble economy, the responsibility lay with the bureaucrats who left the excessive money supply as it was, and also with the public.
That is because they capitalized on the booming assets by snatching up real estate and stocks, thereby inflating their prices far beyond their actual worth.
バブル経済は、金余りを放置した官僚たちと、それに乗じて土地や株を買いあさり、本来の価値以上につり上げた国民の責任だ。
As a result, the prices of these assets went into a nosedive, creating a huge amount of bad loans. But the bureaucrats procrastinated about releasing information, which in turn delayed the solution.
揚げ句、暴落し多額の不良債権が発生したが、官僚は実態の公開を渋り解決が遅れた。
"The country was defeated, but there are roads."
「国破れて道路あり」。
Spending on public works projects spun out of control.
公共事業に大盤振る舞い。
Wasteful investments were made one after another, turning farm roads into airstrips, erecting opulent public buildings, and so on.
農道空港や豪華な箱もの施設など無駄な投資が積み重ねられた。
After the spending spree, we were left with an enormous fiscal deficit.
宴（うたげ）の後に膨大な財政赤字が残った。
And now the accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant. Was that not a story caused by overconfidence in the "nuclear village" comprising electric power companies, pro-nuclear bureaucrats and scholars?
そして福島第一原発の事故。原子力村の自己過信が招いた物語でなかったか。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 14
EDITORIAL: Thinking about the end of the war; for a better democracy.
終戦に思う―今、民主主義を鍛え直す
A young officer murmurs: "There is never any victory for those who do not progress. The best thing that could happen to us is to be defeated now and thus wake up. When will we be saved if we don't wake up now?"
「進歩のないものは決して勝たない。負けて目覚めることが最上の道だ。……今目覚めずしていつ救われるか」。青年士官がつぶやく。
In the spring of 1945, the Japanese battleship Yamato received orders to embark on a suicide mission.
戦艦大和（やまと）は昭和２０年春、帰還のあてない特攻出撃を命じられた。
The young officer's words were written down by a shipmate, Mitsuru Yoshida, in his "Senkan Yamato no Saigo" (Requiem for Battleship Yamato).
青年士官とともに乗艦した吉田満（みつる）が一部始終を書いた「戦艦大和ノ最期」にある。
His country had effectively forced him to meaningless end, but it seems the young officer still clung to hope.
青年士官は、無駄死にを強いたに等しい国でも、せめて、未来には希望を託したのだろう。
Yet, did we really achieve progress? Did we wake up? Have we really been saved? Aug. 15 marks the 66th anniversary of Japan's defeat in World War II.
しかし、私たちは、進歩し、目覚め、救われたのだろうか。明日、敗戦から６６年。
--When will we wake up, if not now?--
■今目覚めずしていつ
In August, shortly before Japan's defeat, a young trainee officer who was drafted as a student found himself on the Satsuma Peninsula in Kagoshima Prefecture.
敗戦間際の８月、学徒出陣で見習士官になった若者が鹿児島県薩摩半島にいた。
He was in command of troops preparing for a final showdown with U.S. forces.
中隊を率い米軍との決戦に備えていた。
They were defending an area they called "Ichikoro Jinchi" (easily defeated trench).
守る場所を「イチコロ陣地」と呼んだ。
They had four cannons and only 72 rounds.
配備された４門の大砲に砲弾はわずか７２発。
In a shooting match, their ammunition would not last even a few minutes.
撃ち続ければ数分ももたない。
When he asked his superior officer, "How are we going to fight with this?", the major replied on the spur of the moment, "When it comes to the push, there will be loads and loads of shells."
「これでどうやって戦うのか」と問うと、上官の少佐は、その場しのぎに「いざという時にはうなるほどの砲弾が来る」と言った。
After the war, the young trainee officer joined the Ministry of Finance and became a so-called elite bureaucrat. 若者は戦後、旧大蔵省に入りエリートと呼ばれる身となる。
Ritsuo Isobe, now 89, once headed the National Tax Agency.
磯辺律男元国税庁長官（８９）は戦時中のエリート、職業軍人らをこう見る。
His view of the wartime elite, mainly professional soldiers, is that "they were interested in nothing but their own promotion, and spared no thought about how they should conduct themselves for the sake of their country and the people."
「自分の階級を上げることしか関心がなく、国のため、国民のために自らがどうあるべきかを考えなかった」
In those days, the country sought additional enemies despite already being caught up in the quagmire of the Sino-Japanese war.
既に日中戦争の泥沼にはまっていたのに新たな敵を求めた。
As the United States was Japan's supplier of oil and other resources, it was unthinkable that Japan would dive headlong into the Pacific War against that country.
石油など資源の供給元だった米国相手の太平洋戦争への突入はあり得べからざることだった。
Yet, it was the military professionals who twisted the narrative, self-servingly calling it a war of survival and a matter of self-defense.
それを自存自衛と都合よく言い換え、追い立てたのは軍人たちだった。
They rallied the country around those slogans. The citizens, whipped up into a frenzy by the early victories, answered the call and rallied around the military men.
国民も当初の勝利に浮かれ、軍人をもり立てた。
Why did they choose the path of self-destruction?
なぜ、自滅への戦争を選んだのか。
In December, the movie "Isoroku Yamamoto" will be released.
今年１２月、映画「山本五十六（いそろく）」が公開される。
The actor playing the commander-in-chief of the Imperial Japanese Navy's Combined Fleet is Koji Yakusho.
山本連合艦隊司令長官を演じての思いを役所広司さんに尋ねた。
When we asked him his views after having played Yamamoto, Yakusho answered, "This country has a history of the elite running things as they see fit, and thinking that's all right. The same thing is happening now.
「この国にはエリートが自分たちに都合よく回しておけばいい、という歴史があり、今も続いている。
And on the other hand, the public is always serious about making money, but tends to forget things that are important."
一方で国民はビジネスや金もうけは真剣だが大事なことを忘れていく」と答えた。
--A negative structure repeated--
■負の構図再び
The same pattern was repeated after the war.
戦後も繰り返された。
In the case of the bubble economy, the responsibility lay with the bureaucrats who left the excessive money supply as it was, and also with the public.
That is because they capitalized on the booming assets by snatching up real estate and stocks, thereby inflating their prices far beyond their actual worth.
バブル経済は、金余りを放置した官僚たちと、それに乗じて土地や株を買いあさり、本来の価値以上につり上げた国民の責任だ。
As a result, the prices of these assets went into a nosedive, creating a huge amount of bad loans. But the bureaucrats procrastinated about releasing information, which in turn delayed the solution.
揚げ句、暴落し多額の不良債権が発生したが、官僚は実態の公開を渋り解決が遅れた。
"The country was defeated, but there are roads."
「国破れて道路あり」。
Spending on public works projects spun out of control.
公共事業に大盤振る舞い。
Wasteful investments were made one after another, turning farm roads into airstrips, erecting opulent public buildings, and so on.
農道空港や豪華な箱もの施設など無駄な投資が積み重ねられた。
After the spending spree, we were left with an enormous fiscal deficit.
宴（うたげ）の後に膨大な財政赤字が残った。
And now the accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant. Was that not a story caused by overconfidence in the "nuclear village" comprising electric power companies, pro-nuclear bureaucrats and scholars?
そして福島第一原発の事故。原子力村の自己過信が招いた物語でなかったか。
2011年08月12日
米国債格下げ―世界危機への連鎖防げ
2011/08/10
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 9
EDITORIAL: Countries need to work together to avert another global financial crisis
米国債格下げ―世界危機への連鎖防げ
Standard & Poor's, the credit rating agency, has stripped the U.S. government debt of its top-notch rating for the first time in history.
初の米国債格下げ。
Europe's sovereign debt crisis is showing no signs of waning.
収まらない欧州の債務問題。
And the yen is trading at historically high levels against the greenback.
そして歴史的な円高ドル安――。
Concerns about government debt in the industrialized world are threatening to create a full-blown financial crisis that will deliver a massive blow to the global economy.
財政赤字をめぐる不安が世界経済を揺るがす危機に発展しかねない。
The urgency of the situation prodded the Group of Seven leading economies into action.
そんな切迫感から主要７カ国（Ｇ７）が動いた。
At an emergency conference Aug.7, their finance ministers and central bankers issued a joint statement pledging to work in tandem to regain fiscal health and restore stability in foreign exchange markets.
電話による緊急の財務相・中央銀行総裁会議を開き、財政再建や為替安定などで結束するとの声明を発した。
We welcome their quick response to the situation.
機敏な反応を歓迎する。
For many years, U.S. government bonds have been regarded as the safest financial assets in the world.
米国債は長く世界で最も安全な金融資産とされてきた。
But Standard & Poor's, one of the three major credit-rating agencies, has--for the first time ever--lowered its rating of long-term federal debt one notch from the top grade of AAA.
その最上位の格付けを、大手格付け会社スタンダード・アンド・プアーズ（Ｓ＆Ｐ）が初めて引き下げた。
The investment services company said the downgrade was based mainly on a bleaker outlook for the U.S. public finances in the wake of political confusion in the Congress over the issue of increasing the government's borrowing limit.
債務上限の引き上げなどをめぐる米議会の政治的混乱から、本格的な財政再建への展望が暗い点を重く見た。
As former Federal Reserve Board Chairman Paul Volcker once said, the key question concerning the problem of government debt is not whether the country can pay back its debt but whether it has the will to do so.
政府債務問題は「その国が返済できるかどうかではなく、返済する気があるかどうかの問題だ」（ボルカー元米連邦準備制度理事会議長）といわれる。
The recent partisan squabbling over the debt ceiling issue has called into question Washington's will to tackle its fiscal woes.
まさにこの点への疑義が募った。
The U.S. government and Congress should work together to come up with stronger, more convincing measures to reduce the federal debt.
米政府と議会に財政再建策の拡充を改めて求めたい。
The two other major rating agencies, Moody's Investor Service and Fitch Ratings, have decided to maintain their top credit ratings for the U.S. government.
ムーディーズ、フィッチという他の大手は最上位の格付けを維持した。
There are clearly no other financial assets that are as safe, liquid and actively traded as U.S. government bonds.
相対的に信用が高く、発行量も多く、市場取引も活発な金融資産として、米国債に代わるものは他に見当たらない。
Analysts say the downgrade is unlikely to prompt investors to dump Treasuries.
投げ売りが広がる恐れは少ないとみられている。
But even the indirect effects of the downgrade are serious enough to warrant much attention.
ただし、格下げの間接的な影響だけでも無視できない。
As the risk of investing in Treasuries has increased, investors are likely to try to reduce their exposure to riskier investments, with serious consequences for stocks and bonds with lower ratings.
投資家は米国債のリスクが高まった分、もっと危ない投資対象を減らして対応する可能性が高い。
The immediate worry is that the rolling sovereign debt crisis in Europe may become even worse.
株式や格付けの低い債券への影響が心配だ。まず懸念されるのが、すでに欧州で燃え上がっている政府債務危機の火に油が注がれることだ。
The G-7 joint statement called on the member states of the European Union to swiftly ratify and implement their recent agreements on measures to enhance the European Financial Stability Facility, a bailout fund to rescue debt-ridden European countries.
Ｇ７の緊急声明は、欧州が先に決めた欧州金融安定化基金の強化策を加盟国が早く承認して実行するよう催促している。
Europe needs to act with haste to expand the fund so as to ease concerns about Italy's debt crisis.
イタリアの不安を抑え込むため、安定化基金の拡大にも急ぎ取りかかってほしい。
The joint G-7 statement also suggested that the world's richest countries are ready to make concerted intervention in currency markets to stop the dollar from weakening further and to curb wild fluctuations in exchange rates.
緊急声明はドル安と為替相場の混乱を防ぐため、協調介入もにおわせた。
Japan wants to prevent the yen, which is already close to the all-time high against the dollar, from rising further. 日本は戦後最高値に迫る円高の進行を押しとどめたい。
But the dollar's weakness is not a problem for Japan alone.
だが、ドル安は日本だけの問題ではない。
A repeat of the devaluation race that occurred last autumn must be avoided.
昨秋のような通貨安競争の再燃は避けなければならない。
The current crisis resulted from a confluence of deep-rooted problems.
進行中の危機は根が深い。
Countries need to take steps to fix their public finances while preventing their economies from sinking into recession in the face of relentless pressure from markets.
市場の圧迫に耐え、景気悪化を防ぎ、しかも財政再建を進める。
The question is whether the major industrial nations will be able to commit themselves firmly to cooperation for achieving these goals.
そんな３正面作戦に向けて主要国が腰を据えて協力できるかどうか。
Also important is expanding this international cooperation to include key emerging countries like China.
中国など新興国にも連携の輪を広げられるか。
Another big challenge facing rich countries is how to deal with the consequences of the trend toward a multipolar currency system, which will be accelerated by the downgrade of U.S. government bonds.
そして米国債の格下げで進むであろう国際通貨秩序の多極化にどう対応するか。
The multitude of challenges facing the world economy demands strenuous and coordinated international efforts based on a broad perspective.
山積する課題に、広い視野で当たってほしい。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 9
EDITORIAL: Countries need to work together to avert another global financial crisis
米国債格下げ―世界危機への連鎖防げ
Standard & Poor's, the credit rating agency, has stripped the U.S. government debt of its top-notch rating for the first time in history.
初の米国債格下げ。
Europe's sovereign debt crisis is showing no signs of waning.
収まらない欧州の債務問題。
And the yen is trading at historically high levels against the greenback.
そして歴史的な円高ドル安――。
Concerns about government debt in the industrialized world are threatening to create a full-blown financial crisis that will deliver a massive blow to the global economy.
財政赤字をめぐる不安が世界経済を揺るがす危機に発展しかねない。
The urgency of the situation prodded the Group of Seven leading economies into action.
そんな切迫感から主要７カ国（Ｇ７）が動いた。
At an emergency conference Aug.7, their finance ministers and central bankers issued a joint statement pledging to work in tandem to regain fiscal health and restore stability in foreign exchange markets.
電話による緊急の財務相・中央銀行総裁会議を開き、財政再建や為替安定などで結束するとの声明を発した。
We welcome their quick response to the situation.
機敏な反応を歓迎する。
For many years, U.S. government bonds have been regarded as the safest financial assets in the world.
米国債は長く世界で最も安全な金融資産とされてきた。
But Standard & Poor's, one of the three major credit-rating agencies, has--for the first time ever--lowered its rating of long-term federal debt one notch from the top grade of AAA.
その最上位の格付けを、大手格付け会社スタンダード・アンド・プアーズ（Ｓ＆Ｐ）が初めて引き下げた。
The investment services company said the downgrade was based mainly on a bleaker outlook for the U.S. public finances in the wake of political confusion in the Congress over the issue of increasing the government's borrowing limit.
債務上限の引き上げなどをめぐる米議会の政治的混乱から、本格的な財政再建への展望が暗い点を重く見た。
As former Federal Reserve Board Chairman Paul Volcker once said, the key question concerning the problem of government debt is not whether the country can pay back its debt but whether it has the will to do so.
政府債務問題は「その国が返済できるかどうかではなく、返済する気があるかどうかの問題だ」（ボルカー元米連邦準備制度理事会議長）といわれる。
The recent partisan squabbling over the debt ceiling issue has called into question Washington's will to tackle its fiscal woes.
まさにこの点への疑義が募った。
The U.S. government and Congress should work together to come up with stronger, more convincing measures to reduce the federal debt.
米政府と議会に財政再建策の拡充を改めて求めたい。
The two other major rating agencies, Moody's Investor Service and Fitch Ratings, have decided to maintain their top credit ratings for the U.S. government.
ムーディーズ、フィッチという他の大手は最上位の格付けを維持した。
There are clearly no other financial assets that are as safe, liquid and actively traded as U.S. government bonds.
相対的に信用が高く、発行量も多く、市場取引も活発な金融資産として、米国債に代わるものは他に見当たらない。
Analysts say the downgrade is unlikely to prompt investors to dump Treasuries.
投げ売りが広がる恐れは少ないとみられている。
But even the indirect effects of the downgrade are serious enough to warrant much attention.
ただし、格下げの間接的な影響だけでも無視できない。
As the risk of investing in Treasuries has increased, investors are likely to try to reduce their exposure to riskier investments, with serious consequences for stocks and bonds with lower ratings.
投資家は米国債のリスクが高まった分、もっと危ない投資対象を減らして対応する可能性が高い。
The immediate worry is that the rolling sovereign debt crisis in Europe may become even worse.
株式や格付けの低い債券への影響が心配だ。まず懸念されるのが、すでに欧州で燃え上がっている政府債務危機の火に油が注がれることだ。
The G-7 joint statement called on the member states of the European Union to swiftly ratify and implement their recent agreements on measures to enhance the European Financial Stability Facility, a bailout fund to rescue debt-ridden European countries.
Ｇ７の緊急声明は、欧州が先に決めた欧州金融安定化基金の強化策を加盟国が早く承認して実行するよう催促している。
Europe needs to act with haste to expand the fund so as to ease concerns about Italy's debt crisis.
イタリアの不安を抑え込むため、安定化基金の拡大にも急ぎ取りかかってほしい。
The joint G-7 statement also suggested that the world's richest countries are ready to make concerted intervention in currency markets to stop the dollar from weakening further and to curb wild fluctuations in exchange rates.
緊急声明はドル安と為替相場の混乱を防ぐため、協調介入もにおわせた。
Japan wants to prevent the yen, which is already close to the all-time high against the dollar, from rising further. 日本は戦後最高値に迫る円高の進行を押しとどめたい。
But the dollar's weakness is not a problem for Japan alone.
だが、ドル安は日本だけの問題ではない。
A repeat of the devaluation race that occurred last autumn must be avoided.
昨秋のような通貨安競争の再燃は避けなければならない。
The current crisis resulted from a confluence of deep-rooted problems.
進行中の危機は根が深い。
Countries need to take steps to fix their public finances while preventing their economies from sinking into recession in the face of relentless pressure from markets.
市場の圧迫に耐え、景気悪化を防ぎ、しかも財政再建を進める。
The question is whether the major industrial nations will be able to commit themselves firmly to cooperation for achieving these goals.
そんな３正面作戦に向けて主要国が腰を据えて協力できるかどうか。
Also important is expanding this international cooperation to include key emerging countries like China.
中国など新興国にも連携の輪を広げられるか。
Another big challenge facing rich countries is how to deal with the consequences of the trend toward a multipolar currency system, which will be accelerated by the downgrade of U.S. government bonds.
そして米国債の格下げで進むであろう国際通貨秩序の多極化にどう対応するか。
The multitude of challenges facing the world economy demands strenuous and coordinated international efforts based on a broad perspective.
山積する課題に、広い視野で当たってほしい。
2011年07月24日
電力不足―西日本も、さあ節電だ
2011/07/23
-- The Asahi Shimbun, July 22
EDITORIAL: Western Japan needs to save power this summer
電力不足―西日本も、さあ節電だ
On July 20, the government hastily requested people and businesses in jurisdictions served by Kansai, Hokuriku, Chugoku, Shikoku and Kyushu electric power companies to save electricity this summer.
政府は関西、北陸、中国、四国、九州の電力５社に対し、２０日になって急きょ、この夏の節電を要請した。
Although the request is not a binding directive to limit the use of electricity as is the case with areas serviced by Tokyo and Tohoku electric power companies, this summer, Japan is facing a crisis that requires the entire nation to do everything it can to save electricity.
東京、東北電力管内のような強制力のある電力使用制限令ではないが、この夏は列島あげて節電に全力をあげなければならない事態になった。
There are rising concerns that western Japan may also face a power shortage.
西日本でも電力不足が懸念されるのは、
This is because the outlook for the supply of electricity to meet demand suddenly became tight.
At a time when prospects for the restart of nuclear power plants undergoing routine inspections remain dim, a reactor at Kansai Electric Power Co.'s nuclear power plant and a thermal power plant of Chugoku Electric Power Co. came to a halt because of certain difficulties.
定期検査で停止中の原発の再稼働が見込めないなか、関電の原発と中国電の火力発電所がトラブルで止まり、電力需給の見通しが一気にひっぱくしたからだ。
In western Japan, no major power plants were damaged by the Great East Japan Earthquake.
西日本には震災で壊れた大規模発電所はないし、
Since many areas in western Japan share the same frequency, it is easier for electric utilities to accommodate each other with surplus electricity.
同じ周波数の地域が広く、電力の融通もしやすい。
Still, if demand for electricity reaches the same level as last year, when demand peaks, the five companies as a whole are expected to face a power shortage, according to the government.
それでも昨年並みの電力需要があれば、５社合計ではピーク時に電力不足に陥りそうだという。
The situation is particularly serious in the region covered by Kansai Electric, which relies on nuclear power plants for about 50 percent of its total power generation.
とりわけ、発電量の約５割を原発で賄ってきた関電が深刻だ。
It is clear that by counting on the restart of nuclear power plants, both the government and the power companies failed to come up with an effective measure to deal with a possible electricity shortage.
原発の再稼働をあてにしているうちに、政府も電力会社も対策が後手に回ったのは明らかだ。
When it comes to a lack of preparations to create a system to save energy, it can be said that western Japan is in a tighter bind than eastern Japan.
節電体制づくりの準備不足という点では、西日本の方がむしろ厳しい展開と言える。
But there is a limit to what people and businesses can do at this juncture.
ただ、今からできることは限られている。
For now, users have no choice but to use every conceivable means to save as much electricity as possible.
当面はありとあらゆる節電でしのぐしかない。
The important thing is to avoid concentration of electricity use during peak-use daytime periods.
要は、暑さの厳しい時間帯に電力使用が集中しないようにすることだ。
For that, users need to talk the matter over in local communities, the workplace and at home to come up with workable ideas.
そのためには、地域や職場、家庭で相談して、工夫を凝らしていく必要がある。
Western Japan is far from the earthquake-stricken areas.
もともと、西日本は大震災の被災地から遠い。
Foreseeing a shortage of electricity in eastern Japan, some companies even moved their production centers and office functions to western Japan.
企業の中には東日本の電力不足を見越して、わざわざ西日本へ生産拠点や管理部門を移したところもあるくらいだ。
All the more because residents in western Japan were not damaged from the March 11 disaster, they must be wondering why they must conserve.
地震の実感がないぶん、住民は「なぜ節電なのか」という思いだろう。
Still, they must come to face to face with reality that saving electricity is indispensable.
それでも、節電が不可欠な現実と向き合わねばならない。
Above all, for effective energy saving, it is important that the government and electric utilities properly release information on supply capabilities and demands.
何より効果的な節電をするには、政府や電力会社が供給能力や需要動向に関する情報をきちんと開示することだ。
In particular, in the Kansai region where a shortage is most feared, concerned parties are setting different targets for saving electricity.
The government calls for "10 percent or more," Kansai Electric "15 percent" and the union of Kansai governments comprising local governments "5 to 10 percent."
とくに最も不足が心配される関西ではいま、政府が「１０％以上」、関電が「１５％」、自治体でつくる関西広域連合が「５〜１０％」と、ばらばらな目標値を設定している。
Under such circumstances, it is difficult for residents to know how much electricity is in short supply and how much heat they have to endure.
これでは、住民は本当に足りない電力がどのくらいなのか、どれだけ暑さを我慢しなければならないのか、わかりにくい。
As it is, public distrust is mounting against the government for repeatedly changing policies without proper planning for electricity usage and utilities which cannot part with a dishonest corporate culture as symbolized in the case of Kyushu Electric Power Co.'s fake e-mail messages that were sent to support nuclear power to meet the company's objective.
ただでさえ、計画性を欠いた政策変更を繰り返す政府と、九電のやらせメールに象徴されるような企業体質を引きずる電力会社に対し、国民の不信感は募っているのだ。
More substantial numbers and easy-to-understand explanations are needed for people and businesses to ride out the feared power shortage this summer.
もっと根拠のある数字と、納得できる説明が要る。
These are the minimum requirements.
それが夏を乗り切る最低条件になる。
-- The Asahi Shimbun, July 22
EDITORIAL: Western Japan needs to save power this summer
電力不足―西日本も、さあ節電だ
On July 20, the government hastily requested people and businesses in jurisdictions served by Kansai, Hokuriku, Chugoku, Shikoku and Kyushu electric power companies to save electricity this summer.
政府は関西、北陸、中国、四国、九州の電力５社に対し、２０日になって急きょ、この夏の節電を要請した。
Although the request is not a binding directive to limit the use of electricity as is the case with areas serviced by Tokyo and Tohoku electric power companies, this summer, Japan is facing a crisis that requires the entire nation to do everything it can to save electricity.
東京、東北電力管内のような強制力のある電力使用制限令ではないが、この夏は列島あげて節電に全力をあげなければならない事態になった。
There are rising concerns that western Japan may also face a power shortage.
西日本でも電力不足が懸念されるのは、
This is because the outlook for the supply of electricity to meet demand suddenly became tight.
At a time when prospects for the restart of nuclear power plants undergoing routine inspections remain dim, a reactor at Kansai Electric Power Co.'s nuclear power plant and a thermal power plant of Chugoku Electric Power Co. came to a halt because of certain difficulties.
定期検査で停止中の原発の再稼働が見込めないなか、関電の原発と中国電の火力発電所がトラブルで止まり、電力需給の見通しが一気にひっぱくしたからだ。
In western Japan, no major power plants were damaged by the Great East Japan Earthquake.
西日本には震災で壊れた大規模発電所はないし、
Since many areas in western Japan share the same frequency, it is easier for electric utilities to accommodate each other with surplus electricity.
同じ周波数の地域が広く、電力の融通もしやすい。
Still, if demand for electricity reaches the same level as last year, when demand peaks, the five companies as a whole are expected to face a power shortage, according to the government.
それでも昨年並みの電力需要があれば、５社合計ではピーク時に電力不足に陥りそうだという。
The situation is particularly serious in the region covered by Kansai Electric, which relies on nuclear power plants for about 50 percent of its total power generation.
とりわけ、発電量の約５割を原発で賄ってきた関電が深刻だ。
It is clear that by counting on the restart of nuclear power plants, both the government and the power companies failed to come up with an effective measure to deal with a possible electricity shortage.
原発の再稼働をあてにしているうちに、政府も電力会社も対策が後手に回ったのは明らかだ。
When it comes to a lack of preparations to create a system to save energy, it can be said that western Japan is in a tighter bind than eastern Japan.
節電体制づくりの準備不足という点では、西日本の方がむしろ厳しい展開と言える。
But there is a limit to what people and businesses can do at this juncture.
ただ、今からできることは限られている。
For now, users have no choice but to use every conceivable means to save as much electricity as possible.
当面はありとあらゆる節電でしのぐしかない。
The important thing is to avoid concentration of electricity use during peak-use daytime periods.
要は、暑さの厳しい時間帯に電力使用が集中しないようにすることだ。
For that, users need to talk the matter over in local communities, the workplace and at home to come up with workable ideas.
そのためには、地域や職場、家庭で相談して、工夫を凝らしていく必要がある。
Western Japan is far from the earthquake-stricken areas.
もともと、西日本は大震災の被災地から遠い。
Foreseeing a shortage of electricity in eastern Japan, some companies even moved their production centers and office functions to western Japan.
企業の中には東日本の電力不足を見越して、わざわざ西日本へ生産拠点や管理部門を移したところもあるくらいだ。
All the more because residents in western Japan were not damaged from the March 11 disaster, they must be wondering why they must conserve.
地震の実感がないぶん、住民は「なぜ節電なのか」という思いだろう。
Still, they must come to face to face with reality that saving electricity is indispensable.
それでも、節電が不可欠な現実と向き合わねばならない。
Above all, for effective energy saving, it is important that the government and electric utilities properly release information on supply capabilities and demands.
何より効果的な節電をするには、政府や電力会社が供給能力や需要動向に関する情報をきちんと開示することだ。
In particular, in the Kansai region where a shortage is most feared, concerned parties are setting different targets for saving electricity.
The government calls for "10 percent or more," Kansai Electric "15 percent" and the union of Kansai governments comprising local governments "5 to 10 percent."
とくに最も不足が心配される関西ではいま、政府が「１０％以上」、関電が「１５％」、自治体でつくる関西広域連合が「５〜１０％」と、ばらばらな目標値を設定している。
Under such circumstances, it is difficult for residents to know how much electricity is in short supply and how much heat they have to endure.
これでは、住民は本当に足りない電力がどのくらいなのか、どれだけ暑さを我慢しなければならないのか、わかりにくい。
As it is, public distrust is mounting against the government for repeatedly changing policies without proper planning for electricity usage and utilities which cannot part with a dishonest corporate culture as symbolized in the case of Kyushu Electric Power Co.'s fake e-mail messages that were sent to support nuclear power to meet the company's objective.
ただでさえ、計画性を欠いた政策変更を繰り返す政府と、九電のやらせメールに象徴されるような企業体質を引きずる電力会社に対し、国民の不信感は募っているのだ。
More substantial numbers and easy-to-understand explanations are needed for people and businesses to ride out the feared power shortage this summer.
もっと根拠のある数字と、納得できる説明が要る。
These are the minimum requirements.
それが夏を乗り切る最低条件になる。