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2011年06月12日
震災復興財源―増税で被災地支えよう
被災地の東北地方に首都圏の機能を移転する。
被災地の広大な敷地を利用してクリーンエネルギーの基地をつくる。
被災地の一部を経済特区にして、海外からも資本を呼び込む。
いろんなアイデアがあります。
今回の災害を肝に銘じ、被災地はアボイドマップに登録して、跡地利用を考える。
１０００年に一度でも、一発でああなります。
やはり、アボイドマップに登録すべきでしょう。
（スラチャイ）
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 10
EDITORIAL: All generations must chip in to rebuild Tohoku region
震災復興財源―増税で被災地支えよう
The compilation of the second supplementary budget to reconstruct stricken areas of the Great East Japan Earthquake is attracting attention.
東日本大震災の被災地の復興に向けて、第２次補正予算の編成が焦点となっている。
The approximately 4 trillion yen ($50 billion) first supplementary budget somehow came up with funding through a re-examination of this fiscal year's initial budget.
約４兆円の１次補正では今年度当初予算の見直しなどで財源をひねり出したが、
But issuance of additional government bonds appears to be unavoidable in the second supplementary budget, whose amount is larger.
より大規模になる２次補正では国債の追加発行が避けられない情勢だ。
How can the government secure funds to repay the bonds once they are issued?
国債を発行した後、その返済財源をどう確保するか。
The Reconstruction Design Council in Response to the Great East Japan Earthquake, an advisory panel to the government, recommended a tax increase in its draft for the first proposal to be released at the end of the month.
政府の復興構想会議は、今月末に発表する第１次提言の骨子案に、増税でまかなうべきだという考えを盛り込んだ。
Japan's public finance is in dire straits with overall debt 1.8 times its gross domestic product.
わが国の財政は、国債発行残高が国内総生産を上回り、国の借金全体では１．８倍に達するなど、極めて厳しい状況にある。
The situation is prompting moves among foreign credit-rating agencies to lower the ratings of Japanese government bonds.
海外の格付け会社は日本国債の格下げに動いている。
It is imperative that the government make arrangements to repay reconstruction funds within a set period without passing on the bill to future generations.
復興資金まで将来世代につけ回しすることなく、一定期間で返す段取りをつけることが必要だ。
Policymakers of the Democratic Party of Japan, the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito agreed at the time of compiling the first supplementary budget at the end of April to manage government bonds for reconstruction separately from ordinary ones and to ensure their sale and redemption.
民主、自民、公明３党の政策責任者も、４月末の１次補正編成の際、「復興のための国債は、従来の国債と区別して管理し、その消化や償還を担保する」と合意している。
We support the panel's stance.
復興構想会議の姿勢を支持したい。
Some people say the Bank of Japan should buy the bonds, but such an idea could cause many overseas investors to think that Japanese finance is getting out of control and trigger the value of government bonds to nosedive.
「国債を日本銀行に引き受けさせればよい」との主張がくすぶるが、海外を中心とする投資家から「日本の財政のタガが外れた」と受け取られ、国債急落の引き金になりかねない。
It is indeed a dangerous idea.
危険な考えと言わざるをえない。
Income, corporate and consumption taxes, whose revenues are high, are candidates for tax increases.
税収が多い所得税や法人税、消費税などが増税の候補だろう。
How should they be combined to come up with needed funds and when and for how many years should the taxes be raised?
どう組みあわせるか、いつから何年程度増税するか。
In addition to paying attention to the economy, the government must address many problems, such as whether residents and companies of the stricken areas should be required to bear the new tax burden.
景気への配慮に加え、被災地の住民や企業にも負担増を求めるかどうかなど、検討課題は多い。
To alleviate tax burdens as much as possible, new systems to promote the flow of private funds to the stricken areas must not be forgotten, either.
税の負担を少しでも減らすため、民間の資金が被災地に流れる仕組みを整えることも忘れてはならない。
There are budding moves to introduce a special zone designed to encourage businesses to enter the fisheries industry, a proposal announced by the Miyagi prefectural government.
宮城県が漁業への企業の参入を促す特区構想を発表するなど、種はある。
Reforms of both the taxation and social security systems have been discussed in parallel with rebuilding from the disaster.
The government has come up with proposals "to secure consumption tax revenues as a major source based on the viewpoint to have all generations broadly and fairly share the burden" and "to raise the consumption tax rate in phases to 10 percent by fiscal 2015" based on an increase of social security spending in response to the aging society and a goal for restoring fiscal health.
震災復興と並行し、政府は税と社会保障の一体改革論議で、高齢化に伴う社会保障費の増加や財政再建目標を踏まえて、「費用をあらゆる世代が広く公平に分かち合う観点から、消費税収を主要な財源として確保する」「２０１５年度までに段階的に消費税率を１０％まで引き上げる」との案をまとめた。
How to secure revenues for reconstruction will be studied by taking into consideration such ideas as well.
震災復興の財源は、こうした方針も考慮に入れて、検討することになる。
We must support the stricken areas with older and younger generations helping each other.
被災地を支援し、世代間で助け合う。
The burden associated with these two types of mutual support is by no means small.
二つの「支え合い」に伴う負担は、決して軽くない。
But we cannot afford to procrastinate.
しかし、先送りはもはや許されない。
Along with making an effort to eliminate administrative waste and to try to increase tax revenues by invigorating the Japanese economy, this is a challenge we need to tackle squarely without putting it off any further.
行政のむだをなくす努力、日本経済を活発にして税収自体を増やす努力とともに、逃げずに取り組んでいかねばならない。
被災地の広大な敷地を利用してクリーンエネルギーの基地をつくる。
被災地の一部を経済特区にして、海外からも資本を呼び込む。
いろんなアイデアがあります。
今回の災害を肝に銘じ、被災地はアボイドマップに登録して、跡地利用を考える。
１０００年に一度でも、一発でああなります。
やはり、アボイドマップに登録すべきでしょう。
（スラチャイ）
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 10
EDITORIAL: All generations must chip in to rebuild Tohoku region
震災復興財源―増税で被災地支えよう
The compilation of the second supplementary budget to reconstruct stricken areas of the Great East Japan Earthquake is attracting attention.
東日本大震災の被災地の復興に向けて、第２次補正予算の編成が焦点となっている。
The approximately 4 trillion yen ($50 billion) first supplementary budget somehow came up with funding through a re-examination of this fiscal year's initial budget.
約４兆円の１次補正では今年度当初予算の見直しなどで財源をひねり出したが、
But issuance of additional government bonds appears to be unavoidable in the second supplementary budget, whose amount is larger.
より大規模になる２次補正では国債の追加発行が避けられない情勢だ。
How can the government secure funds to repay the bonds once they are issued?
国債を発行した後、その返済財源をどう確保するか。
The Reconstruction Design Council in Response to the Great East Japan Earthquake, an advisory panel to the government, recommended a tax increase in its draft for the first proposal to be released at the end of the month.
政府の復興構想会議は、今月末に発表する第１次提言の骨子案に、増税でまかなうべきだという考えを盛り込んだ。
Japan's public finance is in dire straits with overall debt 1.8 times its gross domestic product.
わが国の財政は、国債発行残高が国内総生産を上回り、国の借金全体では１．８倍に達するなど、極めて厳しい状況にある。
The situation is prompting moves among foreign credit-rating agencies to lower the ratings of Japanese government bonds.
海外の格付け会社は日本国債の格下げに動いている。
It is imperative that the government make arrangements to repay reconstruction funds within a set period without passing on the bill to future generations.
復興資金まで将来世代につけ回しすることなく、一定期間で返す段取りをつけることが必要だ。
Policymakers of the Democratic Party of Japan, the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito agreed at the time of compiling the first supplementary budget at the end of April to manage government bonds for reconstruction separately from ordinary ones and to ensure their sale and redemption.
民主、自民、公明３党の政策責任者も、４月末の１次補正編成の際、「復興のための国債は、従来の国債と区別して管理し、その消化や償還を担保する」と合意している。
We support the panel's stance.
復興構想会議の姿勢を支持したい。
Some people say the Bank of Japan should buy the bonds, but such an idea could cause many overseas investors to think that Japanese finance is getting out of control and trigger the value of government bonds to nosedive.
「国債を日本銀行に引き受けさせればよい」との主張がくすぶるが、海外を中心とする投資家から「日本の財政のタガが外れた」と受け取られ、国債急落の引き金になりかねない。
It is indeed a dangerous idea.
危険な考えと言わざるをえない。
Income, corporate and consumption taxes, whose revenues are high, are candidates for tax increases.
税収が多い所得税や法人税、消費税などが増税の候補だろう。
How should they be combined to come up with needed funds and when and for how many years should the taxes be raised?
どう組みあわせるか、いつから何年程度増税するか。
In addition to paying attention to the economy, the government must address many problems, such as whether residents and companies of the stricken areas should be required to bear the new tax burden.
景気への配慮に加え、被災地の住民や企業にも負担増を求めるかどうかなど、検討課題は多い。
To alleviate tax burdens as much as possible, new systems to promote the flow of private funds to the stricken areas must not be forgotten, either.
税の負担を少しでも減らすため、民間の資金が被災地に流れる仕組みを整えることも忘れてはならない。
There are budding moves to introduce a special zone designed to encourage businesses to enter the fisheries industry, a proposal announced by the Miyagi prefectural government.
宮城県が漁業への企業の参入を促す特区構想を発表するなど、種はある。
Reforms of both the taxation and social security systems have been discussed in parallel with rebuilding from the disaster.
The government has come up with proposals "to secure consumption tax revenues as a major source based on the viewpoint to have all generations broadly and fairly share the burden" and "to raise the consumption tax rate in phases to 10 percent by fiscal 2015" based on an increase of social security spending in response to the aging society and a goal for restoring fiscal health.
震災復興と並行し、政府は税と社会保障の一体改革論議で、高齢化に伴う社会保障費の増加や財政再建目標を踏まえて、「費用をあらゆる世代が広く公平に分かち合う観点から、消費税収を主要な財源として確保する」「２０１５年度までに段階的に消費税率を１０％まで引き上げる」との案をまとめた。
How to secure revenues for reconstruction will be studied by taking into consideration such ideas as well.
震災復興の財源は、こうした方針も考慮に入れて、検討することになる。
We must support the stricken areas with older and younger generations helping each other.
被災地を支援し、世代間で助け合う。
The burden associated with these two types of mutual support is by no means small.
二つの「支え合い」に伴う負担は、決して軽くない。
But we cannot afford to procrastinate.
しかし、先送りはもはや許されない。
Along with making an effort to eliminate administrative waste and to try to increase tax revenues by invigorating the Japanese economy, this is a challenge we need to tackle squarely without putting it off any further.
行政のむだをなくす努力、日本経済を活発にして税収自体を増やす努力とともに、逃げずに取り組んでいかねばならない。
2011年06月07日
「一定のめど」―菅さん、それはない
通常は菅首相を擁護する立場をとる傾向の強い朝日新聞がこの記事を書いた意味は重い。
新聞社で菅首相を面と向かって非難しないのは、毎日新聞だけとなってしまった。
こんなときに政治のドタバタ悲喜劇を繰り返す政治家どもには失望しました。
全員、総入れ替えが妥当です。
（スラチャイ）
2011/06/05
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 4
EDITORIAL: Kan should exit gracefully, not cling to power
「一定のめど」―菅さん、それはない
Within a day of indicating his intention to step down, Prime Minister Naoto Kan started maneuvering to stay in office.
辞意を表明した菅直人首相が一転、続投をめざすそぶりだ。
Kan didn't refer to his resignation either in a news conference on the night of June 2 after an opposition-sponsored no-confidence motion was voted down, or during a June 3 Upper House session.
おととい夜の記者会見でも、きのうの参院の審議でも「辞任」を口にせず、
His equivocal attitude is causing a lot of confusion.
わけがわからない状況に陥っている。
Is he acting out of a sense of responsibility, feeling that he should not abandon his duty to bring an end to the nuclear crisis and lay a solid foundation for reconstruction from the devastation caused by the Great East Japan Earthquake?
原発事故から目が離せない。震災復興に道筋をつけずに投げ出せない。そんな首相の責任感からなのか。
Or is he trying to avoid being treated as an irrelevant lame duck by the opposition parties?
辞めると認めたら、野党から「退陣する首相など相手にできない」と無視されるので、それを避けたいのか。
Whatever the reason, no good will come of a political brawl between lawmakers of the ruling and opposition camps. They should calm down first.
だが、与野党の国会議員がののしり合っても何も生まれない。ここはまず、お互いにかっかしている頭を冷やすことだ。
Let us set the record straight.
確認しておこう。
During a meeting of ruling Democratic Party of Japan lawmakers before the Lower House vote on the no-confidence motion, Kan pledged to "pass on responsibility" to a younger generation when it becomes clear that efforts to deal with the aftermath of the disaster have made "a certain degree of progress."
首相は内閣不信任決議案を採決する前の民主党代議士会で、震災対応に「一定のめど」がついた段階で、若い世代に責任を引き継ぐと表明した。
Following his speech, former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama further explained Kan's remarks. Hatoyama said Kan had agreed to resign as soon as the proposed basic law for the post-disaster reconstruction is enacted and the formulation of a second supplementary budget to finance related measures is firmly on track.
直後に鳩山由紀夫前首相が立ち、復興基本法が成立し、第２次補正予算案の編成にめどが立った段階での辞任で合意していると補足した。
Kan didn't try to correct Hatoyama as he listened.
首相はそれを否定せずに聞いていた。
It seemed clear to anybody present that Kan had effectively confirmed his intention to leave office.
だれの目にも辞意を認めたように見えた。
That's why the anti-Kan group of DPJ members of the Lower House who had threatened to support the no-confidence motion decided to abort their revolt.
だから、不信任案に賛成すると息巻いていた「反菅勢力」も沈静化した。
Kan, however, started acting as if he had made no promise to resign.
ところが、その後、辞意はどこへやらだ。
When asked what he had meant by "a certain degree of progress," Kan referred to cold shutdown of the wrecked reactors at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant--a stable state with the coolant water at a temperature below 100 degrees.
「一定のめど」を問われて、原発が１００度未満で安定する時点を挙げたのを見ると、
That suggests that Kan is looking to stay in power well into next year, depending on the situation at the crippled nuclear power plant.
来年まで続投する気もあるらしい。
The lawmakers in both the ruling and opposition camps who tried to oust Kan in the middle of a national crisis certainly acted in an extremely irresponsible manner.
もともと、危機の中で「菅おろし」に走った与野党議員は無責任の極みだった。
Still, Kan was unable to win public support and faced the possibility of a no-confidence motion passing against his Cabinet.
それでも菅首相は世論の支持を得られず、不信任されそうになった。
In a desperate situation, under the media glare, Kan tried to save his political skin by making the "certain degree of progress" remarks.
そんなとき、国民注視のなかで飛び出したのが「一定のめど」だった。
It appears, however, that Kan effectively deceived legislators in both camps.
The only thing we can say to the embattled prime minister is, "Mr. Kan, you shouldn't do this."
結果的に、与野党議員を欺いた発言に、「菅さん、それはないでしょう」というしかない。
Kan's political maneuvering will only cause the opposition parties to harden their attitudes and step up attacks on the government in the Upper House, which is under their control.
これでは野党が態度を硬化させ、多数を握る参院での政権攻撃を激化させる。
It will also deepen the already serious rift within the DPJ.
民主党内の対立もさらにこじれる。
The upshot will be the lack of progress on key policy issues on both the domestic and diplomatic fronts.
内政課題も外交も停滞してしまう。
It defies common sense that a prime minister who has said he would step down staying in power without making clear when he will leave office.
いったん辞意を口にした首相が、退任時期を示さないまま地位にとどまり続けるのは無理がある。
Such behavior only deepens public cynicism about politics.
政治不信をさらに膨らませるだけだ。
When should Kan hand over the reins, then?
首相は、いつ辞めるのか。
The common sense view would be some time soon, within the year.
それは年内の遠くない時期というのが常識的だろう。
As a lame duck prime minister, Kan should act swiftly to pave the way for enactment of a new spending plan and bills for reconstruction efforts.
期限付きの首相として、大震災関連の予算や法案づくりを急ぐのだ。
It would be more convincing if Kan at the same time launched the process of selecting his successor within the party.
同時に、党内で次の党代表選びの作業にとりかかれば、説得力が増す。
To ensure that a new leader is selected in a less feverish atmosphere, the process should involve not just the DPJ Diet members, who are preoccupied with the power struggle, but all other card-carrying party members.
政争ばかりの国会議員だけでなく、全党員で落ち着いてリーダーを選べばいい。
新聞社で菅首相を面と向かって非難しないのは、毎日新聞だけとなってしまった。
こんなときに政治のドタバタ悲喜劇を繰り返す政治家どもには失望しました。
全員、総入れ替えが妥当です。
（スラチャイ）
2011/06/05
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 4
EDITORIAL: Kan should exit gracefully, not cling to power
「一定のめど」―菅さん、それはない
Within a day of indicating his intention to step down, Prime Minister Naoto Kan started maneuvering to stay in office.
辞意を表明した菅直人首相が一転、続投をめざすそぶりだ。
Kan didn't refer to his resignation either in a news conference on the night of June 2 after an opposition-sponsored no-confidence motion was voted down, or during a June 3 Upper House session.
おととい夜の記者会見でも、きのうの参院の審議でも「辞任」を口にせず、
His equivocal attitude is causing a lot of confusion.
わけがわからない状況に陥っている。
Is he acting out of a sense of responsibility, feeling that he should not abandon his duty to bring an end to the nuclear crisis and lay a solid foundation for reconstruction from the devastation caused by the Great East Japan Earthquake?
原発事故から目が離せない。震災復興に道筋をつけずに投げ出せない。そんな首相の責任感からなのか。
Or is he trying to avoid being treated as an irrelevant lame duck by the opposition parties?
辞めると認めたら、野党から「退陣する首相など相手にできない」と無視されるので、それを避けたいのか。
Whatever the reason, no good will come of a political brawl between lawmakers of the ruling and opposition camps. They should calm down first.
だが、与野党の国会議員がののしり合っても何も生まれない。ここはまず、お互いにかっかしている頭を冷やすことだ。
Let us set the record straight.
確認しておこう。
During a meeting of ruling Democratic Party of Japan lawmakers before the Lower House vote on the no-confidence motion, Kan pledged to "pass on responsibility" to a younger generation when it becomes clear that efforts to deal with the aftermath of the disaster have made "a certain degree of progress."
首相は内閣不信任決議案を採決する前の民主党代議士会で、震災対応に「一定のめど」がついた段階で、若い世代に責任を引き継ぐと表明した。
Following his speech, former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama further explained Kan's remarks. Hatoyama said Kan had agreed to resign as soon as the proposed basic law for the post-disaster reconstruction is enacted and the formulation of a second supplementary budget to finance related measures is firmly on track.
直後に鳩山由紀夫前首相が立ち、復興基本法が成立し、第２次補正予算案の編成にめどが立った段階での辞任で合意していると補足した。
Kan didn't try to correct Hatoyama as he listened.
首相はそれを否定せずに聞いていた。
It seemed clear to anybody present that Kan had effectively confirmed his intention to leave office.
だれの目にも辞意を認めたように見えた。
That's why the anti-Kan group of DPJ members of the Lower House who had threatened to support the no-confidence motion decided to abort their revolt.
だから、不信任案に賛成すると息巻いていた「反菅勢力」も沈静化した。
Kan, however, started acting as if he had made no promise to resign.
ところが、その後、辞意はどこへやらだ。
When asked what he had meant by "a certain degree of progress," Kan referred to cold shutdown of the wrecked reactors at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant--a stable state with the coolant water at a temperature below 100 degrees.
「一定のめど」を問われて、原発が１００度未満で安定する時点を挙げたのを見ると、
That suggests that Kan is looking to stay in power well into next year, depending on the situation at the crippled nuclear power plant.
来年まで続投する気もあるらしい。
The lawmakers in both the ruling and opposition camps who tried to oust Kan in the middle of a national crisis certainly acted in an extremely irresponsible manner.
もともと、危機の中で「菅おろし」に走った与野党議員は無責任の極みだった。
Still, Kan was unable to win public support and faced the possibility of a no-confidence motion passing against his Cabinet.
それでも菅首相は世論の支持を得られず、不信任されそうになった。
In a desperate situation, under the media glare, Kan tried to save his political skin by making the "certain degree of progress" remarks.
そんなとき、国民注視のなかで飛び出したのが「一定のめど」だった。
It appears, however, that Kan effectively deceived legislators in both camps.
The only thing we can say to the embattled prime minister is, "Mr. Kan, you shouldn't do this."
結果的に、与野党議員を欺いた発言に、「菅さん、それはないでしょう」というしかない。
Kan's political maneuvering will only cause the opposition parties to harden their attitudes and step up attacks on the government in the Upper House, which is under their control.
これでは野党が態度を硬化させ、多数を握る参院での政権攻撃を激化させる。
It will also deepen the already serious rift within the DPJ.
民主党内の対立もさらにこじれる。
The upshot will be the lack of progress on key policy issues on both the domestic and diplomatic fronts.
内政課題も外交も停滞してしまう。
It defies common sense that a prime minister who has said he would step down staying in power without making clear when he will leave office.
いったん辞意を口にした首相が、退任時期を示さないまま地位にとどまり続けるのは無理がある。
Such behavior only deepens public cynicism about politics.
政治不信をさらに膨らませるだけだ。
When should Kan hand over the reins, then?
首相は、いつ辞めるのか。
The common sense view would be some time soon, within the year.
それは年内の遠くない時期というのが常識的だろう。
As a lame duck prime minister, Kan should act swiftly to pave the way for enactment of a new spending plan and bills for reconstruction efforts.
期限付きの首相として、大震災関連の予算や法案づくりを急ぐのだ。
It would be more convincing if Kan at the same time launched the process of selecting his successor within the party.
同時に、党内で次の党代表選びの作業にとりかかれば、説得力が増す。
To ensure that a new leader is selected in a less feverish atmosphere, the process should involve not just the DPJ Diet members, who are preoccupied with the power struggle, but all other card-carrying party members.
政争ばかりの国会議員だけでなく、全党員で落ち着いてリーダーを選べばいい。
2011年06月05日
菅首相辞意表明―不毛な政争に区切りを
先日、私のブログの記事（君が代起立問題）で、カフェの読者から私の考えが右だかあるいは左だと指摘された。
私が英字新聞の記事を毎日掲載しているのは純粋に英語のボキャブラリーを高めるためだ。
２年ほど前に、カフェのいわおさんと知り合ってからは、自分の考えも、ときどき掲載するようになった。
この数年間、読売、朝日、毎日を読み比べた。
最近の右、左は多様化しており、昔のように一枚岩ではなくなってしまっている。
しいて、私見を述べるならば、
読売は右より、朝日と毎日は左より。
でも、記事により、右側や左側にぶれることもしばしば。
そろそろ、右左で烙印を押すワンパターンな習慣から脱却する時期だと思う。
現代社会は恐ろしいほど多様化（diversity)しているのだから。
昨日、読売新聞の若い、駆け出しの記者がひき逃げされた。
なんだか、犯罪の臭いがする。
新聞記者というのも命がけの仕事なのである。
（スラチャイ）
2011/06/04
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 3
EDITORIAL: Ruling, opposition parties must end futile political battle
菅首相辞意表明―不毛な政争に区切りを
What the recent ruckus over a no-confidence motion against Prime Minister Naoto Kan put before us was a cold reality of senseless politics that dominates the nation at a time of emergency.
見たくないものを見せられた気分だ。一連の内閣不信任騒動が示したものは、非常時の国に、非常識な政治がはびこる寒々しい現実だった。
It is highly unusual for the nation's leader to make public his intention to step down in the future without waiting for his term to expire.
国の最高指導者が任期満了ならいざ知らず、将来の退陣を明らかにするのは極めて異例であり、重い決断だ。
Despite such a grave decision on the part of the prime minster, it does not give rise to widespread public expectations that politics will change.
なのに、これで政治が変わるという期待感が広がらない。
This is not only because the timing of his resignation is unclear, but also because the public sees it as a result of giving priority to avoiding the Democratic Party of Japan from splitting--and nothing else.
肝心の退陣時期があいまいなうえ、ただただ民主党の分裂回避を優先させた結果にしか見えないからだ。あまりにも論理が内向きなのだ。
■辞任はやむなし
Kan was prepared to dissolve the Lower House in the event the no-confidence motion passed with a large number of dissenters from the ruling parties.
菅直人首相は与党から大量の造反が出て、不信任案が可決されれば、衆院を解散する構えだった。
However, he changed course once he faced the situation that the no-confidence motion might eke through or at least the DPJ's splitting appeared unavoidable with many members rebelling against him.
だが、いざ不信任案が可決されかねない、少なくとも大量の造反で党の分裂は避けられないという状況に追い込まれると、方針を転換した。
In the stricken areas of the March 11 Great East Japan Earthquake, even now, some 100,000 people are still living in shelters.
東日本大震災の被災地では、いまなお１０万人が避難生活を強いられている。
Difficult work continues at the crippled Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant to bring the situation under control.
Under such circumstances, Japan is in no shape to hold a general election.
福島第一原発の事故は収束への苦難の作業が続く。
とても総選挙をできる状況にはない。
On the other hand, if the Cabinet resigns en masse, such tasks as choosing a new prime minister and building the framework of a new government are likely to face difficulties and prolong the political vacuum.
一方で、総辞職をしたならば、新たな首相選びや政権の枠組みづくりが難航し、政治空白が長引きかねない。
The prime minister apparently chose to avoid political confusion above all.
ここは、とにもかくにも政治の混乱は避けたいという選択だったのだろう。
We have been criticizing the way ruling and opposition parties were engrossed in political strife amid a crisis. 私たちは危機のいま政争にうつつをぬかす与野党の振る舞いを批判してきた。
Although we do not like the idea that the no-confidence motion almost passed, we think Prime Minister Kan's decision to step down could not be helped in this case.
事実上、不信任案が可決されたような展開は評価できないが、菅首相の判断はこの際、やむをえなかったと考える。
Still, why is the timing unclear for his resignation, which he said he will make "once a certain level of progress has been made in dealing with the disaster?"
ただ、首相が退陣の時期として挙げた「震災の取り組みに一定のめどがついた段階」とは、いつなのかがはっきりしないのは、どうしたことか。
Former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama said Kan will formally resign when a basic law for reconstruction is passed and the compilation of the second supplementary budget is in sight, not when the budget is passed.
鳩山由紀夫前首相は復興基本法が成立し、第２次補正予算案の成立ではなく編成にめどがついた段階だとしたが、
But DPJ Secretary-General Katsuya Okada disagrees.
岡田克也幹事長は否定している。
Such an ambiguous settlement symbolizes the seriousness of the rift within the party.
こんな決着の仕方が、党内の亀裂の深さを象徴する。
私が英字新聞の記事を毎日掲載しているのは純粋に英語のボキャブラリーを高めるためだ。
２年ほど前に、カフェのいわおさんと知り合ってからは、自分の考えも、ときどき掲載するようになった。
この数年間、読売、朝日、毎日を読み比べた。
最近の右、左は多様化しており、昔のように一枚岩ではなくなってしまっている。
しいて、私見を述べるならば、
読売は右より、朝日と毎日は左より。
でも、記事により、右側や左側にぶれることもしばしば。
そろそろ、右左で烙印を押すワンパターンな習慣から脱却する時期だと思う。
現代社会は恐ろしいほど多様化（diversity)しているのだから。
昨日、読売新聞の若い、駆け出しの記者がひき逃げされた。
なんだか、犯罪の臭いがする。
新聞記者というのも命がけの仕事なのである。
（スラチャイ）
2011/06/04
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 3
EDITORIAL: Ruling, opposition parties must end futile political battle
菅首相辞意表明―不毛な政争に区切りを
What the recent ruckus over a no-confidence motion against Prime Minister Naoto Kan put before us was a cold reality of senseless politics that dominates the nation at a time of emergency.
見たくないものを見せられた気分だ。一連の内閣不信任騒動が示したものは、非常時の国に、非常識な政治がはびこる寒々しい現実だった。
It is highly unusual for the nation's leader to make public his intention to step down in the future without waiting for his term to expire.
国の最高指導者が任期満了ならいざ知らず、将来の退陣を明らかにするのは極めて異例であり、重い決断だ。
Despite such a grave decision on the part of the prime minster, it does not give rise to widespread public expectations that politics will change.
なのに、これで政治が変わるという期待感が広がらない。
This is not only because the timing of his resignation is unclear, but also because the public sees it as a result of giving priority to avoiding the Democratic Party of Japan from splitting--and nothing else.
肝心の退陣時期があいまいなうえ、ただただ民主党の分裂回避を優先させた結果にしか見えないからだ。あまりにも論理が内向きなのだ。
■辞任はやむなし
Kan was prepared to dissolve the Lower House in the event the no-confidence motion passed with a large number of dissenters from the ruling parties.
菅直人首相は与党から大量の造反が出て、不信任案が可決されれば、衆院を解散する構えだった。
However, he changed course once he faced the situation that the no-confidence motion might eke through or at least the DPJ's splitting appeared unavoidable with many members rebelling against him.
だが、いざ不信任案が可決されかねない、少なくとも大量の造反で党の分裂は避けられないという状況に追い込まれると、方針を転換した。
In the stricken areas of the March 11 Great East Japan Earthquake, even now, some 100,000 people are still living in shelters.
東日本大震災の被災地では、いまなお１０万人が避難生活を強いられている。
Difficult work continues at the crippled Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant to bring the situation under control.
Under such circumstances, Japan is in no shape to hold a general election.
福島第一原発の事故は収束への苦難の作業が続く。
とても総選挙をできる状況にはない。
On the other hand, if the Cabinet resigns en masse, such tasks as choosing a new prime minister and building the framework of a new government are likely to face difficulties and prolong the political vacuum.
一方で、総辞職をしたならば、新たな首相選びや政権の枠組みづくりが難航し、政治空白が長引きかねない。
The prime minister apparently chose to avoid political confusion above all.
ここは、とにもかくにも政治の混乱は避けたいという選択だったのだろう。
We have been criticizing the way ruling and opposition parties were engrossed in political strife amid a crisis. 私たちは危機のいま政争にうつつをぬかす与野党の振る舞いを批判してきた。
Although we do not like the idea that the no-confidence motion almost passed, we think Prime Minister Kan's decision to step down could not be helped in this case.
事実上、不信任案が可決されたような展開は評価できないが、菅首相の判断はこの際、やむをえなかったと考える。
Still, why is the timing unclear for his resignation, which he said he will make "once a certain level of progress has been made in dealing with the disaster?"
ただ、首相が退陣の時期として挙げた「震災の取り組みに一定のめどがついた段階」とは、いつなのかがはっきりしないのは、どうしたことか。
Former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama said Kan will formally resign when a basic law for reconstruction is passed and the compilation of the second supplementary budget is in sight, not when the budget is passed.
鳩山由紀夫前首相は復興基本法が成立し、第２次補正予算案の成立ではなく編成にめどがついた段階だとしたが、
But DPJ Secretary-General Katsuya Okada disagrees.
岡田克也幹事長は否定している。
Such an ambiguous settlement symbolizes the seriousness of the rift within the party.
こんな決着の仕方が、党内の亀裂の深さを象徴する。
2011年06月03日
君が代判決―司法の務め尽くしたか
この記事の骨子は多数決には賛成だが少数意見も尊重しなければならない、だと思います。
妥当な記事だと思いますが、皆さんのご意見はいかがでしょうか？
そもそも、思想・良心の自由を保障する憲法の条項をたてにして、厳かな儀式のとき騒ぐ人のほうがおかしい。
議論するのはかまわないが、儀式中、儀式の雰囲気を損なう行為はやめて欲しいものだ。
そういう人は、もともと教員には不向きなのだと考えます。
（スラチャイ記）
2011/06/02
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 1
EDITORIAL: Decision on 'Kimigayo' evades crucial question of minority rights
君が代判決―司法の務め尽くしたか
Supreme Court justices are allowed to write their own opinions on controversial cases that are separate from the court's majority opinion.
最高裁の裁判官は、多数決で決まる法廷意見とは別に、個別意見を表明することができる。
Whether they express concurring or dissenting opinions, these statements help us better understand the court's position on a given issue by providing arguments and observations that are not included in the majority opinion.
結論に反対する内容ではなくても、最大公約数である法廷意見の足りない点を補い、意のあるところを説くことで、判決をめぐる議論と理解は深まる。
The Supreme Court ruled on May 30 that a Tokyo public high school principal who ordered faculty members to stand and sing the "Kimigayo" national anthem during a graduation ceremony did not violate Article 19 of the Constitution, which guarantees freedom of thought and conscience.
卒業式などの君が代斉唱の際、都立学校の校長が教員に起立斉唱を命じても、思想・良心の自由を保障する憲法に違反しない――。
But the verdict was accompanied by lengthy opinions written by the justices.
そう述べた判決にも長文の補足意見がついた。
Presiding Justice Masahiko Sudo of the court wrote: "If teachers become fearful and suspicious of one another because the enforcement (of singing the national anthem) entails disciplinary measures against noncompliers, the spirit of education will die."
「不利益処分を伴う強制が、教育現場を疑心暗鬼とさせ萎縮させることがあれば、教育の生命が失われる」
Sudo also called for the "utmost restraint" in the enforcement of this practice and any rendering of adverse dispositions.
「強制や不利益処分は可能な限り謙抑的であるべきだ」（須藤正彦裁判長）、
And Justice Katsumi Chiba noted, "It is important to create an environment in which any display of respect for the national anthem and the national flag will be spontaneous, not forced."
「国旗・国歌が強制的にではなく、自発的な敬愛の対象となるような環境を整えることが重要だ」（千葉勝美裁判官）。
We have repeatedly made the same arguments. The Supreme Court acknowledged in its majority opinion that the principal's order indirectly limited freedom of thought and conscience, but said that the constraint is permissible in view of the established history and meaning of the ceremony in question and the status of teachers as public servants.
いずれも私たちが繰り返し主張してきたことと重なる。法廷意見も、職務命令が思想・良心の自由の間接的な制約になると認めた。そのうえで、長年の慣例や式典の意義、公務員の立場などを考えれば、そうした制約も許され得るとしている。
We should note that the highest court was not unconditional in ruling this case constitutional.
手放し、無条件の合憲判断ではないことに留意しよう。
We stress this point to the nation's educational administrators, and especially to Osaka prefectural assembly members, who will be voting soon on a draft ordinance that would oblige teachers to stand during the singing of the national anthem.
教育行政に携わる人、そして起立条例案の採決が迫る大阪府議会の関係者は、判決の趣旨をしっかり理解してほしい。
But we are frankly disappointed with the Supreme Court, and we cannot trust it.
一方で、最高裁の姿勢には疑念と失望を禁じ得ない。
The plaintiff, a former teacher, was reprimanded for refusing to stand just once.
原告の元教員は１度だけ起立を拒み、戒告処分を受けた。
But even though he obeyed the principal's order later on so as not to further disrupt the ceremonies, he was refused re-employment as a contract worker when he reached his mandatory retirement age.
その後は現場を混乱させたくないとの思いで命令に従ったが、定年後の再雇用を認められなかった。
However, the school re-employed another teacher who had been disciplined much more severely for a different reason. This teacher had been suspended and had his salary cut.
ところが、別の理由で停職や減給などもっと重い処分を受けた教員は採用された。
The Tokyo District Court ruled that the school abused its discretionary power by treating the plaintiff unfairly in comparison with the other teacher, but this ruling was reversed by the Tokyo High Court.
The Supreme Court effectively upheld the appellate court's decision by examining only the constitutionality of the principal's order and not going into the appropriateness of the school's decision not to re-employ the plaintiff.
一審の東京地裁は扱いの不均衡を踏まえ、裁量権の乱用があったとしたが、最高裁は職務命令と憲法の関係のみを論じ、不採用の当否は判断しなかった。結果として、原告が逆転敗訴した二審判決が確定した。
This was an important issue, and the Supreme Court could easily have addressed it, had it wanted to. But it did not, which forces us to conclude that it dodged the issue on purpose.
最高裁にその思いがあれば審理できるにもかかわらず、そしてそれに値する重要な問題であるのに、あえて避けたとしか思えない。
In failing to come to the plaintiff's rescue, the Supreme Court undermined its own plausibility in its call for "careful consideration" of the matter in its verdict.
このようなケースにすら救いの手を伸べず、ただ判決文の中で「慎重な配慮」を求めても説得力に欠けよう。
The judiciary's important mission is to stand up for the minority by not being influenced by the wishes of the majority or prevalent social trends.
多数者の意向や勢いに流されず、少数者を保護する。それが司法の大切な使命だ。
The legal profession must be especially thorough and discriminating when dealing with cases involving freedom of thought, conscience, expression or religious belief.
とりわけ思想、良心、表現、信教など精神的自由に関する分野では、厳格なチェックが求められる。
When a court of law abandons that responsibility, our society loses its diversity and will eventually decline.
裁判所がその職務を放棄したとき、私たちの社会は多様性を失い、やがて色あせていく。
妥当な記事だと思いますが、皆さんのご意見はいかがでしょうか？
そもそも、思想・良心の自由を保障する憲法の条項をたてにして、厳かな儀式のとき騒ぐ人のほうがおかしい。
議論するのはかまわないが、儀式中、儀式の雰囲気を損なう行為はやめて欲しいものだ。
そういう人は、もともと教員には不向きなのだと考えます。
（スラチャイ記）
2011/06/02
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 1
EDITORIAL: Decision on 'Kimigayo' evades crucial question of minority rights
君が代判決―司法の務め尽くしたか
Supreme Court justices are allowed to write their own opinions on controversial cases that are separate from the court's majority opinion.
最高裁の裁判官は、多数決で決まる法廷意見とは別に、個別意見を表明することができる。
Whether they express concurring or dissenting opinions, these statements help us better understand the court's position on a given issue by providing arguments and observations that are not included in the majority opinion.
結論に反対する内容ではなくても、最大公約数である法廷意見の足りない点を補い、意のあるところを説くことで、判決をめぐる議論と理解は深まる。
The Supreme Court ruled on May 30 that a Tokyo public high school principal who ordered faculty members to stand and sing the "Kimigayo" national anthem during a graduation ceremony did not violate Article 19 of the Constitution, which guarantees freedom of thought and conscience.
卒業式などの君が代斉唱の際、都立学校の校長が教員に起立斉唱を命じても、思想・良心の自由を保障する憲法に違反しない――。
But the verdict was accompanied by lengthy opinions written by the justices.
そう述べた判決にも長文の補足意見がついた。
Presiding Justice Masahiko Sudo of the court wrote: "If teachers become fearful and suspicious of one another because the enforcement (of singing the national anthem) entails disciplinary measures against noncompliers, the spirit of education will die."
「不利益処分を伴う強制が、教育現場を疑心暗鬼とさせ萎縮させることがあれば、教育の生命が失われる」
Sudo also called for the "utmost restraint" in the enforcement of this practice and any rendering of adverse dispositions.
「強制や不利益処分は可能な限り謙抑的であるべきだ」（須藤正彦裁判長）、
And Justice Katsumi Chiba noted, "It is important to create an environment in which any display of respect for the national anthem and the national flag will be spontaneous, not forced."
「国旗・国歌が強制的にではなく、自発的な敬愛の対象となるような環境を整えることが重要だ」（千葉勝美裁判官）。
We have repeatedly made the same arguments. The Supreme Court acknowledged in its majority opinion that the principal's order indirectly limited freedom of thought and conscience, but said that the constraint is permissible in view of the established history and meaning of the ceremony in question and the status of teachers as public servants.
いずれも私たちが繰り返し主張してきたことと重なる。法廷意見も、職務命令が思想・良心の自由の間接的な制約になると認めた。そのうえで、長年の慣例や式典の意義、公務員の立場などを考えれば、そうした制約も許され得るとしている。
We should note that the highest court was not unconditional in ruling this case constitutional.
手放し、無条件の合憲判断ではないことに留意しよう。
We stress this point to the nation's educational administrators, and especially to Osaka prefectural assembly members, who will be voting soon on a draft ordinance that would oblige teachers to stand during the singing of the national anthem.
教育行政に携わる人、そして起立条例案の採決が迫る大阪府議会の関係者は、判決の趣旨をしっかり理解してほしい。
But we are frankly disappointed with the Supreme Court, and we cannot trust it.
一方で、最高裁の姿勢には疑念と失望を禁じ得ない。
The plaintiff, a former teacher, was reprimanded for refusing to stand just once.
原告の元教員は１度だけ起立を拒み、戒告処分を受けた。
But even though he obeyed the principal's order later on so as not to further disrupt the ceremonies, he was refused re-employment as a contract worker when he reached his mandatory retirement age.
その後は現場を混乱させたくないとの思いで命令に従ったが、定年後の再雇用を認められなかった。
However, the school re-employed another teacher who had been disciplined much more severely for a different reason. This teacher had been suspended and had his salary cut.
ところが、別の理由で停職や減給などもっと重い処分を受けた教員は採用された。
The Tokyo District Court ruled that the school abused its discretionary power by treating the plaintiff unfairly in comparison with the other teacher, but this ruling was reversed by the Tokyo High Court.
The Supreme Court effectively upheld the appellate court's decision by examining only the constitutionality of the principal's order and not going into the appropriateness of the school's decision not to re-employ the plaintiff.
一審の東京地裁は扱いの不均衡を踏まえ、裁量権の乱用があったとしたが、最高裁は職務命令と憲法の関係のみを論じ、不採用の当否は判断しなかった。結果として、原告が逆転敗訴した二審判決が確定した。
This was an important issue, and the Supreme Court could easily have addressed it, had it wanted to. But it did not, which forces us to conclude that it dodged the issue on purpose.
最高裁にその思いがあれば審理できるにもかかわらず、そしてそれに値する重要な問題であるのに、あえて避けたとしか思えない。
In failing to come to the plaintiff's rescue, the Supreme Court undermined its own plausibility in its call for "careful consideration" of the matter in its verdict.
このようなケースにすら救いの手を伸べず、ただ判決文の中で「慎重な配慮」を求めても説得力に欠けよう。
The judiciary's important mission is to stand up for the minority by not being influenced by the wishes of the majority or prevalent social trends.
多数者の意向や勢いに流されず、少数者を保護する。それが司法の大切な使命だ。
The legal profession must be especially thorough and discriminating when dealing with cases involving freedom of thought, conscience, expression or religious belief.
とりわけ思想、良心、表現、信教など精神的自由に関する分野では、厳格なチェックが求められる。
When a court of law abandons that responsibility, our society loses its diversity and will eventually decline.
裁判所がその職務を放棄したとき、私たちの社会は多様性を失い、やがて色あせていく。
2011年05月29日
新エネ目標―太陽と風で挑戦しよう
こういう記事を朝日ってる記事というのでしょうか＾＾。
そういえば菅首相とソフトバンクの孫社長が料理屋で新エネ談義をしていましたね。
ソーラーパネルは分野が違うような気がしますが。
（スラチャイ記）
2011/05/28
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 27
EDITORIAL: Use solar and wind power to achieve new energy target
新エネ目標―太陽と風で挑戦しよう
Prime Minister Naoto Kan made public a new plan to drastically move up the target date to raise the ratio of natural energy to 20 percent of total electric power supply from 2030 to "the earliest possible time during the 2020s."
菅直人首相が、発電量に占める自然エネルギーの割合を２０％に高める時期を、２０３０年から「２０２０年代のできるだけ早い時期」に大幅に前倒しする新目標を明らかにした。
It is no doubt an ambitious target, but the government and the private sector must use their ingenuity to tackle it.
かなり野心的な目標には違いないが、まずは挑戦してみよう。官民挙げて、知恵を出し合うことが必要だ。
The accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant virtually made it impossible to build new nuclear power plants as planned.
福島第一原発の事故で、原発の新増設を計画通り進めるのは事実上不可能になった。
To advance measures to fight global warming, we cannot go back to the use of coal and oil.
温暖化対策を進める以上、石炭や石油にも戻れない。
A dramatic increase in the use of natural energy is indispensable to secure needed energy.
必要な電力を確保するには、自然エネルギーの飛躍的な活用が欠かせない。
Politicians, on their responsibility, may set a deliberately high goal.
政治の責任で、あえて高い目標を掲げることはあっていい。
Only then can the government employ all policy measures to promote technological innovation aggressively.
それでこそ、政策を総動員し、技術革新を強力に後押しすることができる。
However, the ratio of natural energy, including large-scale hydroelectric power generation, currently makes up only slightly less than 10 percent.
ただ、自然エネルギーの割合は現在、大型の水力を含めても１０％足らずしかない。
The path to realize the 20 percent goal is difficult.
２０％実現の道はたやすくはない。
Analysts say natural energy, easily influenced by weather conditions, lacks stability. Unless costs are reduced, consumers would bear a heavier burden in the form of increased utility charges.
自然エネルギーは天候に左右され、安定性を欠くと指摘されている。
コストダウンが進まなければ、電気料金の値上げという形で消費者の負担が増すことにもなる。
The prime minister also announced plans to install solar panels on the roofs of 10 million homes.
首相は１千万戸の屋根に太陽光パネルを設置するとも語った。
He clearly attaches importance to solar energy as the key of natural energy sources.
自然エネルギーの要として、太陽光重視は明らかだ。
As if to respond to the government move, Softbank Corp. and local governments across the nation announced a project to install solar panels in fallow rice paddies and abandoned farmland.
政府の動きに呼応するかのように、ソフトバンクと全国の自治体が、休耕田や耕作放棄地に太陽光パネルを設置する「電田プロジェクト」を発表した。
The government must consider drastic deregulation and incentive measures to make the most of ingenious ideas developed by the private sector and local communities.
民間や地域の創意工夫を最大限に生かすため、大胆な規制緩和や奨励策を検討すべきだ。
The reduction in solar energy costs can be realized not only through the efficiency of volume production but also by technological advancement.
太陽光のコスト引き下げは、量産効果だけでなく、先端技術の進歩に負うところも大きい。
Given the target date of slightly more than 10 years from now, achieving the goal with solar power alone seems difficult.
あと１０年余という目標期限を考えると、太陽光だけに頼っていては、目標達成は難しかろう。
International trends show that the spread of wind power generation, which is less costly than solar power, is pronounced.
世界の趨勢（すうせい）をみると、太陽光より低コストの風力の広がりが顕著だ。
Some statistics show that the volume of wind power generation facilities is 4.5 times that of solar power.
風力の発電設備量は太陽光の４．５倍という統計もある。
Japan can focus more on wind power as an energy source that can be put to immediate use.
即戦力として、もっと風力に目を向けてもよい。
The Kan administration must quickly draw up a concrete plan on how to achieve its target by attaching importance on which area with what means.
どのような分野に、どのようなてこ入れをして、目標達成を目指すのか。菅政権は、具体的な道筋を描く作業に急いで取りかからねばならない。
Meanwhile, in his meeting with French President Nicolas Sarkozy, the prime minister said he will continue to actively use nuclear power generation after ensuring its safety.
一方、首相はフランスのサルコジ大統領との会談で、安全性を確保したうえで、原発を「活用していく」と語った。
How does the shift to natural energy sources link with active use of nuclear power?
自然エネルギーへのシフトと原発の活用はどうつながるのか。
It is time to start full-fledged debate on what to do with nuclear power generation itself.
原発そのものを今後どうしていくのか、そろそろ本格的な議論を始めるべき時ではないか。
It might be too late if we wait for the results of investigations into the accident.
事故の検証結果を待ってからというのでは、遅きに失しよう。
そういえば菅首相とソフトバンクの孫社長が料理屋で新エネ談義をしていましたね。
ソーラーパネルは分野が違うような気がしますが。
（スラチャイ記）
2011/05/28
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 27
EDITORIAL: Use solar and wind power to achieve new energy target
新エネ目標―太陽と風で挑戦しよう
Prime Minister Naoto Kan made public a new plan to drastically move up the target date to raise the ratio of natural energy to 20 percent of total electric power supply from 2030 to "the earliest possible time during the 2020s."
菅直人首相が、発電量に占める自然エネルギーの割合を２０％に高める時期を、２０３０年から「２０２０年代のできるだけ早い時期」に大幅に前倒しする新目標を明らかにした。
It is no doubt an ambitious target, but the government and the private sector must use their ingenuity to tackle it.
かなり野心的な目標には違いないが、まずは挑戦してみよう。官民挙げて、知恵を出し合うことが必要だ。
The accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant virtually made it impossible to build new nuclear power plants as planned.
福島第一原発の事故で、原発の新増設を計画通り進めるのは事実上不可能になった。
To advance measures to fight global warming, we cannot go back to the use of coal and oil.
温暖化対策を進める以上、石炭や石油にも戻れない。
A dramatic increase in the use of natural energy is indispensable to secure needed energy.
必要な電力を確保するには、自然エネルギーの飛躍的な活用が欠かせない。
Politicians, on their responsibility, may set a deliberately high goal.
政治の責任で、あえて高い目標を掲げることはあっていい。
Only then can the government employ all policy measures to promote technological innovation aggressively.
それでこそ、政策を総動員し、技術革新を強力に後押しすることができる。
However, the ratio of natural energy, including large-scale hydroelectric power generation, currently makes up only slightly less than 10 percent.
ただ、自然エネルギーの割合は現在、大型の水力を含めても１０％足らずしかない。
The path to realize the 20 percent goal is difficult.
２０％実現の道はたやすくはない。
Analysts say natural energy, easily influenced by weather conditions, lacks stability. Unless costs are reduced, consumers would bear a heavier burden in the form of increased utility charges.
自然エネルギーは天候に左右され、安定性を欠くと指摘されている。
コストダウンが進まなければ、電気料金の値上げという形で消費者の負担が増すことにもなる。
The prime minister also announced plans to install solar panels on the roofs of 10 million homes.
首相は１千万戸の屋根に太陽光パネルを設置するとも語った。
He clearly attaches importance to solar energy as the key of natural energy sources.
自然エネルギーの要として、太陽光重視は明らかだ。
As if to respond to the government move, Softbank Corp. and local governments across the nation announced a project to install solar panels in fallow rice paddies and abandoned farmland.
政府の動きに呼応するかのように、ソフトバンクと全国の自治体が、休耕田や耕作放棄地に太陽光パネルを設置する「電田プロジェクト」を発表した。
The government must consider drastic deregulation and incentive measures to make the most of ingenious ideas developed by the private sector and local communities.
民間や地域の創意工夫を最大限に生かすため、大胆な規制緩和や奨励策を検討すべきだ。
The reduction in solar energy costs can be realized not only through the efficiency of volume production but also by technological advancement.
太陽光のコスト引き下げは、量産効果だけでなく、先端技術の進歩に負うところも大きい。
Given the target date of slightly more than 10 years from now, achieving the goal with solar power alone seems difficult.
あと１０年余という目標期限を考えると、太陽光だけに頼っていては、目標達成は難しかろう。
International trends show that the spread of wind power generation, which is less costly than solar power, is pronounced.
世界の趨勢（すうせい）をみると、太陽光より低コストの風力の広がりが顕著だ。
Some statistics show that the volume of wind power generation facilities is 4.5 times that of solar power.
風力の発電設備量は太陽光の４．５倍という統計もある。
Japan can focus more on wind power as an energy source that can be put to immediate use.
即戦力として、もっと風力に目を向けてもよい。
The Kan administration must quickly draw up a concrete plan on how to achieve its target by attaching importance on which area with what means.
どのような分野に、どのようなてこ入れをして、目標達成を目指すのか。菅政権は、具体的な道筋を描く作業に急いで取りかからねばならない。
Meanwhile, in his meeting with French President Nicolas Sarkozy, the prime minister said he will continue to actively use nuclear power generation after ensuring its safety.
一方、首相はフランスのサルコジ大統領との会談で、安全性を確保したうえで、原発を「活用していく」と語った。
How does the shift to natural energy sources link with active use of nuclear power?
自然エネルギーへのシフトと原発の活用はどうつながるのか。
It is time to start full-fledged debate on what to do with nuclear power generation itself.
原発そのものを今後どうしていくのか、そろそろ本格的な議論を始めるべき時ではないか。
It might be too late if we wait for the results of investigations into the accident.
事故の検証結果を待ってからというのでは、遅きに失しよう。
2011年05月28日
原発・東電調査―もっと権限を与えよ
失敗学で反省するのは大切ですがほどほどに。
それよりクリーンエネルギーの開発や徐放射線技術の開発に力をいれたほうがよい。
（スラチャイ記）
2011/05/27
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 26, 2011
EDITORIAL: Neutral, powerful panels needed to investigate Fukushima accident
原発・東電調査―もっと権限を与えよ
A prominent expert in the study of failures has been tapped to probe a colossal crisis management failure.
失敗学の大家が、途方もない「大失敗」の真相に迫る。
The government chose Yotaro Hatamura, a University of Tokyo professor emeritus of engineering, to head a committee that will soon be appointed to investigate into the disastrous accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
政府は、福島第一原発の事故調査・検証委員会をつくる。委員長は、東京大学名誉教授の工学者、畑村洋太郎さんだ。
The study of failures advocated by Hatamura is aimed at preventing major accidents by disclosing all the facts about small system failures, whatever they may be.
畑村さんが唱える「失敗学」は、どんなシステムであれ、小さな失敗の経緯を包み隠さず明らかにすることで大事故を防ごうという立場をとる。
This time, Hatamura's mission is to inquire into a huge accident after the fact.
今回は、すでに巨大事故が起こった後ではある。
Still, scrutinizing the Fukushima disaster from Hatamura's viewpoint can contribute greatly to efforts to prevent similar crises at nuclear power plants around the world.
それでも国内外の原発で同じような災害を起こさせないために、畑村流の視点で調べる意義は大きい。
What is crucial for getting to the bottom of the accident is to make sure that all relevant facts are revealed.
解明への鍵は「包み隠さず」だ。
The success of the investigation hinges on whether the people involved will tell the truth while offering information that could threaten their positions or interests.
関係者が都合の悪い資料も出して、事実を語るかどうか。
The way the investigation panel works, as described by the government, raises concerns about this point.
政府が発表した事故調のしくみに心配がある。
There is no existent law that directly requires people involved to respond to the panel's requests for interviews or the submission of materials.
聴取や資料提出への協力を義務づける直接の法律がない。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yukio Edano has said government employees who refuse to cooperate with the panel can be disciplined punishment under the law governing their profession. But that is not enough.
協力しない政府関係者は「公務員法上の懲戒の対象になり得る」（枝野幸男官房長官）というだけでは心もとない。
This issue is particularly important for the investigation because the panel will have to deal with the so-called "nuclear power village," a community of people with vested interests in promoting nuclear energy bound closely together by mutual dependence.
とりわけ今回は、向き合う相手が同じ分野で強固にもたれあう「原子力村」である。
The President's Commission on the Accident at Three Mile Island, the investigation panel set up by U.S. President Jimmy Carter after the 1979 accident at the nuclear power plant in Pennsylvania, tried to examine the disaster from a position independent of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
１９７９年の米国スリーマイル島原発事故で設けられた大統領委員会は、原子力規制委員会のさらに外側で事故を検証しようとした。
But the panel was apparently dependent on the country's nuclear power community for necessary data.
だが必要なデータはどうしても「原子力村」頼みになったらしい。
The Japan Transport Safety Board, which conducts investigations into airplane and train accidents, has strong investigative powers under the law enacted to establish the entity.
航空機や列車などの事故を調べる運輸安全委員会は、設置法で強い力が与えられている。
New legislation should be enacted to give sufficient power and independence to the panel tasked with inquiring into the devastating accident at the Fukushima nuclear power station.
これだけの大事故だ。今回の事故調には独立性と調査権限を保障する法律をつくるべきだ。
The panel's members should include competent and influential people recruited from outside the nuclear power village.
委員には「村外」から有能で強力な人材を集めなくてはならない。
It would be a good idea to seek opinions from overseas experts and get critics of nuclear power generation involved in the probe.
海外からも専門家の見解を得る。原発に批判的な専門家も参加してもらう。
Such outsiders would help pressure people in the village to cooperate with the efforts to uncover the truth.
そんな工夫も求められる。「村」の人々がどれほど解明に協力するか。そのにらみを利かす役割である。
The separate committee in charge of examining the management and financial health of the plant's operator, Tokyo Electric Power Co., should also be given strong powers.
強い権限が必要なのは、東電の経営や財務内容を調べる委員会も同じだ。
This committee's mission is to ferret out waste in the utility's management as well as its disposable assets in order to secure as much money as possible for compensation for damages caused by the accident. The panel will face many big obstacles to accomplish its goals.
賠償原資をできるだけ多くするために、経営の無駄や処分できる資産を洗い出すのが目的だが、多くの困難がある。
Companies have a general tendency to conceal or try to avoid revealing information unfavorable to them.
ただでさえ企業は自分たちの不利になる情報を隠したり、出し渋ったりしがちだ。
In addition, electric power companies farm out a wide range of tasks and operations to other firms.
加えて電力会社の場合、外注が多い。
To get the whole picture of an electric utility's operation, it is necessary to require its many layers of subcontractors to disclose relevant information.
実態を把握するためには、何層にもわたる下請け企業にも情報開示を求めなければなるまい。
The work to assess Tepco's ability to pay compensation requires a group of experienced lawyers and accountants skilled in negotiating with businesses.
査定では、経験が豊かで企業との交渉力にたけた弁護士や会計士を集める必要がある。
The government is facing two important challenges concerning the Fukushima disaster: learning necessary lessons from what happened to prevent future nuclear disasters and ensuring swift and fair compensation for the damage caused by the accident.
未来の災厄を防ぎ、公平な賠償を早く進める。
The success of efforts to tackle these two challenges depends on whether a neutral and powerful panel will be created for each.
いずれも、中立で強力な委員会を築けるかどうかが成否を分ける。
それよりクリーンエネルギーの開発や徐放射線技術の開発に力をいれたほうがよい。
（スラチャイ記）
2011/05/27
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 26, 2011
EDITORIAL: Neutral, powerful panels needed to investigate Fukushima accident
原発・東電調査―もっと権限を与えよ
A prominent expert in the study of failures has been tapped to probe a colossal crisis management failure.
失敗学の大家が、途方もない「大失敗」の真相に迫る。
The government chose Yotaro Hatamura, a University of Tokyo professor emeritus of engineering, to head a committee that will soon be appointed to investigate into the disastrous accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
政府は、福島第一原発の事故調査・検証委員会をつくる。委員長は、東京大学名誉教授の工学者、畑村洋太郎さんだ。
The study of failures advocated by Hatamura is aimed at preventing major accidents by disclosing all the facts about small system failures, whatever they may be.
畑村さんが唱える「失敗学」は、どんなシステムであれ、小さな失敗の経緯を包み隠さず明らかにすることで大事故を防ごうという立場をとる。
This time, Hatamura's mission is to inquire into a huge accident after the fact.
今回は、すでに巨大事故が起こった後ではある。
Still, scrutinizing the Fukushima disaster from Hatamura's viewpoint can contribute greatly to efforts to prevent similar crises at nuclear power plants around the world.
それでも国内外の原発で同じような災害を起こさせないために、畑村流の視点で調べる意義は大きい。
What is crucial for getting to the bottom of the accident is to make sure that all relevant facts are revealed.
解明への鍵は「包み隠さず」だ。
The success of the investigation hinges on whether the people involved will tell the truth while offering information that could threaten their positions or interests.
関係者が都合の悪い資料も出して、事実を語るかどうか。
The way the investigation panel works, as described by the government, raises concerns about this point.
政府が発表した事故調のしくみに心配がある。
There is no existent law that directly requires people involved to respond to the panel's requests for interviews or the submission of materials.
聴取や資料提出への協力を義務づける直接の法律がない。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yukio Edano has said government employees who refuse to cooperate with the panel can be disciplined punishment under the law governing their profession. But that is not enough.
協力しない政府関係者は「公務員法上の懲戒の対象になり得る」（枝野幸男官房長官）というだけでは心もとない。
This issue is particularly important for the investigation because the panel will have to deal with the so-called "nuclear power village," a community of people with vested interests in promoting nuclear energy bound closely together by mutual dependence.
とりわけ今回は、向き合う相手が同じ分野で強固にもたれあう「原子力村」である。
The President's Commission on the Accident at Three Mile Island, the investigation panel set up by U.S. President Jimmy Carter after the 1979 accident at the nuclear power plant in Pennsylvania, tried to examine the disaster from a position independent of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
１９７９年の米国スリーマイル島原発事故で設けられた大統領委員会は、原子力規制委員会のさらに外側で事故を検証しようとした。
But the panel was apparently dependent on the country's nuclear power community for necessary data.
だが必要なデータはどうしても「原子力村」頼みになったらしい。
The Japan Transport Safety Board, which conducts investigations into airplane and train accidents, has strong investigative powers under the law enacted to establish the entity.
航空機や列車などの事故を調べる運輸安全委員会は、設置法で強い力が与えられている。
New legislation should be enacted to give sufficient power and independence to the panel tasked with inquiring into the devastating accident at the Fukushima nuclear power station.
これだけの大事故だ。今回の事故調には独立性と調査権限を保障する法律をつくるべきだ。
The panel's members should include competent and influential people recruited from outside the nuclear power village.
委員には「村外」から有能で強力な人材を集めなくてはならない。
It would be a good idea to seek opinions from overseas experts and get critics of nuclear power generation involved in the probe.
海外からも専門家の見解を得る。原発に批判的な専門家も参加してもらう。
Such outsiders would help pressure people in the village to cooperate with the efforts to uncover the truth.
そんな工夫も求められる。「村」の人々がどれほど解明に協力するか。そのにらみを利かす役割である。
The separate committee in charge of examining the management and financial health of the plant's operator, Tokyo Electric Power Co., should also be given strong powers.
強い権限が必要なのは、東電の経営や財務内容を調べる委員会も同じだ。
This committee's mission is to ferret out waste in the utility's management as well as its disposable assets in order to secure as much money as possible for compensation for damages caused by the accident. The panel will face many big obstacles to accomplish its goals.
賠償原資をできるだけ多くするために、経営の無駄や処分できる資産を洗い出すのが目的だが、多くの困難がある。
Companies have a general tendency to conceal or try to avoid revealing information unfavorable to them.
ただでさえ企業は自分たちの不利になる情報を隠したり、出し渋ったりしがちだ。
In addition, electric power companies farm out a wide range of tasks and operations to other firms.
加えて電力会社の場合、外注が多い。
To get the whole picture of an electric utility's operation, it is necessary to require its many layers of subcontractors to disclose relevant information.
実態を把握するためには、何層にもわたる下請け企業にも情報開示を求めなければなるまい。
The work to assess Tepco's ability to pay compensation requires a group of experienced lawyers and accountants skilled in negotiating with businesses.
査定では、経験が豊かで企業との交渉力にたけた弁護士や会計士を集める必要がある。
The government is facing two important challenges concerning the Fukushima disaster: learning necessary lessons from what happened to prevent future nuclear disasters and ensuring swift and fair compensation for the damage caused by the accident.
未来の災厄を防ぎ、公平な賠償を早く進める。
The success of efforts to tackle these two challenges depends on whether a neutral and powerful panel will be created for each.
いずれも、中立で強力な委員会を築けるかどうかが成否を分ける。
2011年05月26日
原発事故調査―第三者機関で解明を
スリーマイル島原発事故でカーター大統領がとった処置に習えばよい。
原子力以外の専門家や地域代表らも含めた特別な委員会を設ける。
再発防止が難しいと評価される原発は閉鎖する。
（スラチャイ記）
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 24
EDITORIAL: Independent panel needed to investigate Fukushima nuclear crisis
原発事故調査―第三者機関で解明を
Few days pass without news that makes us wonder if the government is telling the truth about the disastrous nuclear accident triggered by the Great East Japan Earthquake.
原発事故で日本政府が語ることは真実なのか――。こんな疑念がぬぐえない日々が続く。
On May 23, the Lower House special committee on reconstruction from the March 11 earthquake and tsunami asked about the government's suspected involvement in the decision to temporarily suspend the injection of seawater into a crippled reactor the day after the accident broke out at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
きのうの衆院東日本大震災復興特別委員会でも、事故翌日に原発への海水注入が一時中断されたことに対して、政府の関与がただされた。
The government said it was a voluntary decision by the plant operator, Tokyo Electric Power Co. (TEPCO). But the answers from government officials to the questions failed to dispel suspicions that the prime minister's office influenced the company's decision.
政府は東京電力の自主判断だと説明したが、首相官邸の意向が東電の判断に影響した可能性は払拭（ふっしょく）しきれなかった。
It is easy to imagine the utter confusion within the government and TEPCO at that time.
当時の政府と東電内部の混乱は想像に難くない。
Efforts to uncover what actually happened should be made carefully.
真相解明には慎重を期さねばならない。
That is all the more reason why it is essential to get an independent entity to look into the nuclear crisis in an inquiry clearly separated from policy debate on recovery and rebuilding in the devastated areas.
だからこそ、復旧・復興の政策論議と切り離した、第三者機関による検証作業が欠かせない。
Prime Minister Naoto Kan has pledged to set up a committee of experts for an investigation into the accident. He should announce the specifics of the envisioned fact-finding committee as soon as possible.
菅直人首相も専門家による事故調査委員会をつくると明言している。速やかに具体像を示してほしい。
There are two important factors in appointing the committee.
その際に重視すべき点が二つある。
One is to secure its independence and neutrality.
一つは独立性、中立性の担保だ。
To be able to carry out careful examinations and fair assessments, the investigation panel should be clearly independent of the people and organizations involved in dealing with the accident, including TEPCO, Kan, the other Cabinet members concerned, the Nuclear Safety Commission and the Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency.
事故対応にあたっている東電、菅首相、関係閣僚、原子力安全委員会、原子力安全・保安院らの判断をつぶさに検証するには、いずれとも距離を置かねばならない。
In selecting the committee members, it is absolutely necessary to ensure that the core members will not include anyone who is affiliated with the "nuclear power village," the close-knit community of politicians, industry executives, scientists and other people with vested interests in promoting nuclear energy.
委員の人選では、原発を推進してきた「原子力村」の関係者を中核から外すことが絶対条件だ。
To earn international confidence in the panel, it is also important to seek some forms of cooperation from relevant international organizations and foreign experts.
国際社会の信認を得るには、国際機関や外国の専門家にも、何らかの協力をあおごう。
From the viewpoint of the principle of separation of powers, which requires the legislature to check the government, the main opposition Liberal Democratic Party's idea to set up an investigation committee within the Diet is worth serious consideration.
三権分立に基づき、立法府が行政府をチェックするという意味では、自民党が検討中の国会内に調査委を設ける方式も一案だろう。
There is, however, concern that the panel could degenerate into an arena for partisan warfare under the divided Diet with the opposition in control of the Upper House.
ただ、ねじれ国会のもとで党利党略のぶつかり合いの場になるようでは困る。
Following the 1979 Three Mile Island accident, U.S. President Jimmy Carter created a special committee that included experts in areas other than nuclear energy and local community representatives.
１９７９年の米スリーマイル島原発事故では、カーター大統領（当時）が原子力以外の専門家や地域代表らも含めた特別な委員会を設けた。
As he recognized the importance of allowing outsiders to take part in the probe into the accident, Carter decided not to leave the task solely to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
原子力規制委員会（ＮＲＣ）任せにせず、外部の目を重視したためだ。
Japan should learn from his bold action.
この大胆さは見習う価値がある。
Secondly, the panel should be given strong investigative powers to accomplish its mission, which should be clearly defined as preventing another nuclear disaster.
二つめは、強い調査権限を付与しつつ、調査の目的は再発防止なのだと明確にすることだ。
Depending on the results of the investigation, some of the people responsible for dealing with the crisis may have to be held strictly accountable.
結果しだいでは、関係者の責任が厳しく問われる場面もあり得る。
What is more important than putting the blame on someone, however, is to learn valuable lessons from the Fukushima disaster that will help efforts to minimize the damage through the best possible responses should a similar situation arise somewhere in the world.
だが、罪状を暴き立てるよりも大事なのは、世界中の原発で同様の事態が起きた時、最善の対応で被害を最小限に抑える知恵を見いだすことなのだ。
There are also tasks that need to be done before the start of the planned investigation committee.
調査委の発足前にも着手すべき作業がある。
All the necessary materials and records concerning the entire chain of events should be safely kept, while all key people involved should be interviewed for testimonies while their memories are still fresh.
事故直後からの資料や記録が散逸しないよう保存し、記憶が薄れる前に関係者の証言を集めておくことだ。
As a country that has experienced one of the worst nuclear accidents in human history, Japan should make an exhaustive investigation into what happened and fully disclose the findings.
史上最悪レベルの原発事故を起こした国として、徹底検証をして、その結果を包み隠さず公表する。
That's the only way for the nation to regain the trust of people both at home and abroad.
国内外の信頼を回復するには、これしかない。
原子力以外の専門家や地域代表らも含めた特別な委員会を設ける。
再発防止が難しいと評価される原発は閉鎖する。
（スラチャイ記）
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 24
EDITORIAL: Independent panel needed to investigate Fukushima nuclear crisis
原発事故調査―第三者機関で解明を
Few days pass without news that makes us wonder if the government is telling the truth about the disastrous nuclear accident triggered by the Great East Japan Earthquake.
原発事故で日本政府が語ることは真実なのか――。こんな疑念がぬぐえない日々が続く。
On May 23, the Lower House special committee on reconstruction from the March 11 earthquake and tsunami asked about the government's suspected involvement in the decision to temporarily suspend the injection of seawater into a crippled reactor the day after the accident broke out at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
きのうの衆院東日本大震災復興特別委員会でも、事故翌日に原発への海水注入が一時中断されたことに対して、政府の関与がただされた。
The government said it was a voluntary decision by the plant operator, Tokyo Electric Power Co. (TEPCO). But the answers from government officials to the questions failed to dispel suspicions that the prime minister's office influenced the company's decision.
政府は東京電力の自主判断だと説明したが、首相官邸の意向が東電の判断に影響した可能性は払拭（ふっしょく）しきれなかった。
It is easy to imagine the utter confusion within the government and TEPCO at that time.
当時の政府と東電内部の混乱は想像に難くない。
Efforts to uncover what actually happened should be made carefully.
真相解明には慎重を期さねばならない。
That is all the more reason why it is essential to get an independent entity to look into the nuclear crisis in an inquiry clearly separated from policy debate on recovery and rebuilding in the devastated areas.
だからこそ、復旧・復興の政策論議と切り離した、第三者機関による検証作業が欠かせない。
Prime Minister Naoto Kan has pledged to set up a committee of experts for an investigation into the accident. He should announce the specifics of the envisioned fact-finding committee as soon as possible.
菅直人首相も専門家による事故調査委員会をつくると明言している。速やかに具体像を示してほしい。
There are two important factors in appointing the committee.
その際に重視すべき点が二つある。
One is to secure its independence and neutrality.
一つは独立性、中立性の担保だ。
To be able to carry out careful examinations and fair assessments, the investigation panel should be clearly independent of the people and organizations involved in dealing with the accident, including TEPCO, Kan, the other Cabinet members concerned, the Nuclear Safety Commission and the Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency.
事故対応にあたっている東電、菅首相、関係閣僚、原子力安全委員会、原子力安全・保安院らの判断をつぶさに検証するには、いずれとも距離を置かねばならない。
In selecting the committee members, it is absolutely necessary to ensure that the core members will not include anyone who is affiliated with the "nuclear power village," the close-knit community of politicians, industry executives, scientists and other people with vested interests in promoting nuclear energy.
委員の人選では、原発を推進してきた「原子力村」の関係者を中核から外すことが絶対条件だ。
To earn international confidence in the panel, it is also important to seek some forms of cooperation from relevant international organizations and foreign experts.
国際社会の信認を得るには、国際機関や外国の専門家にも、何らかの協力をあおごう。
From the viewpoint of the principle of separation of powers, which requires the legislature to check the government, the main opposition Liberal Democratic Party's idea to set up an investigation committee within the Diet is worth serious consideration.
三権分立に基づき、立法府が行政府をチェックするという意味では、自民党が検討中の国会内に調査委を設ける方式も一案だろう。
There is, however, concern that the panel could degenerate into an arena for partisan warfare under the divided Diet with the opposition in control of the Upper House.
ただ、ねじれ国会のもとで党利党略のぶつかり合いの場になるようでは困る。
Following the 1979 Three Mile Island accident, U.S. President Jimmy Carter created a special committee that included experts in areas other than nuclear energy and local community representatives.
１９７９年の米スリーマイル島原発事故では、カーター大統領（当時）が原子力以外の専門家や地域代表らも含めた特別な委員会を設けた。
As he recognized the importance of allowing outsiders to take part in the probe into the accident, Carter decided not to leave the task solely to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
原子力規制委員会（ＮＲＣ）任せにせず、外部の目を重視したためだ。
Japan should learn from his bold action.
この大胆さは見習う価値がある。
Secondly, the panel should be given strong investigative powers to accomplish its mission, which should be clearly defined as preventing another nuclear disaster.
二つめは、強い調査権限を付与しつつ、調査の目的は再発防止なのだと明確にすることだ。
Depending on the results of the investigation, some of the people responsible for dealing with the crisis may have to be held strictly accountable.
結果しだいでは、関係者の責任が厳しく問われる場面もあり得る。
What is more important than putting the blame on someone, however, is to learn valuable lessons from the Fukushima disaster that will help efforts to minimize the damage through the best possible responses should a similar situation arise somewhere in the world.
だが、罪状を暴き立てるよりも大事なのは、世界中の原発で同様の事態が起きた時、最善の対応で被害を最小限に抑える知恵を見いだすことなのだ。
There are also tasks that need to be done before the start of the planned investigation committee.
調査委の発足前にも着手すべき作業がある。
All the necessary materials and records concerning the entire chain of events should be safely kept, while all key people involved should be interviewed for testimonies while their memories are still fresh.
事故直後からの資料や記録が散逸しないよう保存し、記憶が薄れる前に関係者の証言を集めておくことだ。
As a country that has experienced one of the worst nuclear accidents in human history, Japan should make an exhaustive investigation into what happened and fully disclose the findings.
史上最悪レベルの原発事故を起こした国として、徹底検証をして、その結果を包み隠さず公表する。
That's the only way for the nation to regain the trust of people both at home and abroad.
国内外の信頼を回復するには、これしかない。
2011年05月23日
参院議長発言―危機の中で「倒閣」の愚
この問題に関する読売と朝日の論調は正反対で興味深い。
どちらの論理が正しいのであろうか。
（スラチャイ記）
2011/05/22
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 21
EDITORIAL: Nishioka's call for Kan's resignation can only lead to political turmoil
参院議長発言―危機の中で「倒閣」の愚
Politicians should have the freedom to call for the resignation of a government official or a Diet member they disapprove of.
政治家が気に入らない相手に辞めてしまえ、という。それはご勝手にどうぞ、である。
But that doesn't mean that the chief of one of the three branches of government should be allowed to urge the head of another branch to step down.
だが、三権の長の一人が、もう一人の長に退陣を迫るというのであれば話は違う。
Such an action by a person in one of the highest offices in the nation is outrageous and outlandish.
乱暴すぎる異様な光景と言うしかない。
Upper House President Takeo Nishioka sent a letter to Prime Minister Naoto Kan urging him to "resign immediately."
西岡武夫参院議長が菅直人首相に「即刻、辞任すべきだ」とする書簡を送った。
Nishioka also called for Kan's departure at a news conference and in an article he wrote for The Yomiuri Shimbun.
記者会見や読売新聞への寄稿でも同じ趣旨の主張を繰り返している。
Nishioka, who was a member of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan until he assumed his current post, cited Kan's inept responses to the Great East Japan Earthquake and the nuclear disaster triggered by the earthquake as the reason for his high-profile political attack against the embattled premier.
理由は東日本大震災や、原発事故での対応のまずさだという。
Nishioka went so far as to argue that if Kan refuses to step down, the opposition parties should submit a no-confidence motion against his Cabinet to the Lower House before this year's Group of Eight summit, slated to be held in France on May 26.
辞めないなら、２６日からの主要国首脳会議（Ｇ８サミット）の前に「野党が衆院に内閣不信任決議案を出す以外に道はない」とまで言い切っている。
Public distrust of the Kan administration has been growing by the day due to its poor and delayed responses to the March 11 earthquake and tsunami and its failure to disclose adequate information about the accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
確かに、菅政権の震災対応の遅れや原発事故の情報公開の不十分さに、人々は日に日に不信感を募らせている。
It is hardly surprising that criticism of Kan's leadership has also grown in the Diet.
国会でも批判が高まるのは無理からぬところもある。
However, for the representative of the legislature to argue for the resignation of the prime minister, who heads the administrative branch--without any decision by the legislature--is an ethical transgression that cannot be overlooked.
しかし、立法府の代表が院としての決定もないのに、行政府の長である首相の進退を口にするのは看過できない。
By convention, the Upper House president, like the Lower House speaker, leaves his or her political party in order to perform their duty with fairness and political neutrality.
議長は公正中立を旨とし、わざわざ会派を離脱する慣例がある。
Nishioka's remarks clearly exceed the boundaries of the role he is expected to perform.
そんな議長ののりを越えている。
In addition, Nishioka is the president of the Upper House.
しかも、西岡氏は参院の議長である。
In the designation of the prime minister, the Lower House's decision takes precedence over the Upper House's.
Only the Lower House has the power to pass a no-confidence motion against the Cabinet.
首相指名は衆院の決定が優越し、内閣不信任決議も衆院だけに許されている。
In other words, the Upper House is expected to act as the seat of common sense that distances itself from any power struggles.
参院は権力争いから距離を置く、「良識の府」としての役割を求められているのだ。
By making a public call for the prime minister's resignation, Nishioka is making the house look like an arena of political conflict.
なのに、議長が公然と首相退陣を唱えるのでは、まるで「権力の府」そのものではないか。
This is no time for discussing whether Kan should remain in office, in the first place.
それに、そもそもいま首相の進退を論じている場合なのか。
When the nation is going through such a crisis, lawmakers obviously should join hands in tackling challenges instead of trying to undermine the efforts of their colleagues.
危機のさなかには、足を引っ張るのではなく、力を合わせる。
We are fed up with the nation's political situation where common sense doesn't prevail.
そんな当たり前のことができない政治のありさまには、うんざりしてしまう。
Quoting the phrase "Don't change horses in a midstream," Nishioka said Kan doesn't even have the determination to cross the rushing stream. He asserted that the risk of allowing the current situation to continue is bigger than the risk of changing horses.
西岡氏は「急流で馬を乗り換えるな」という言葉を引いたうえで、首相には激流に立ち向かう決意もすべもないとし、「乗り換える危険よりも、現状の危険が大きい」と切り捨てる。
The anti-Kan group within the DPJ is echoing Nishioka's criticism of the prime minister.
こんな物言いに、民主党内の「反菅」勢力が呼応する構えも見せている。
If the opposition parties submit a no-confidence motion against the Cabinet, the DPJ group led by former party chief Ichiro Ozawa and its political allies within the party may vote for the motion, ensuring its passage.
野党が不信任案を出したとき、小沢一郎元代表のグループなどが賛成に回り、可決される展開もありうるかもしれない。
But there are wide differences over key policy issues between the main opposition Liberal Democratic Party, which is calling for the abolition of the new childcare allowance program the DPJ-led government has introduced, and the Ozawa group, which has vowed to keep the program alive.
There will be no prospect for a workable ruling coalition between the LDP and the Ozawa group if they join forces to force Kan to resign. There can only be deeper political confusion.
だが子ども手当などの施策を撤回せよという自民党と、固守を唱える小沢氏らが倒閣だけで一致した先に、政権の展望は開けない。あるのは、さらなる混迷に違いない。
We have no choice now but to give spurs to our horses in order to cross the rushing stream in front of us.
急流を乗り切るまでは、馬を叱咤（しった）し、激励し、前に進ませるしかない。
Debate on whether Kan should leave office should wait until the crisis is over.
進退を論じるのは、そのあとでいい。
どちらの論理が正しいのであろうか。
（スラチャイ記）
2011/05/22
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 21
EDITORIAL: Nishioka's call for Kan's resignation can only lead to political turmoil
参院議長発言―危機の中で「倒閣」の愚
Politicians should have the freedom to call for the resignation of a government official or a Diet member they disapprove of.
政治家が気に入らない相手に辞めてしまえ、という。それはご勝手にどうぞ、である。
But that doesn't mean that the chief of one of the three branches of government should be allowed to urge the head of another branch to step down.
だが、三権の長の一人が、もう一人の長に退陣を迫るというのであれば話は違う。
Such an action by a person in one of the highest offices in the nation is outrageous and outlandish.
乱暴すぎる異様な光景と言うしかない。
Upper House President Takeo Nishioka sent a letter to Prime Minister Naoto Kan urging him to "resign immediately."
西岡武夫参院議長が菅直人首相に「即刻、辞任すべきだ」とする書簡を送った。
Nishioka also called for Kan's departure at a news conference and in an article he wrote for The Yomiuri Shimbun.
記者会見や読売新聞への寄稿でも同じ趣旨の主張を繰り返している。
Nishioka, who was a member of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan until he assumed his current post, cited Kan's inept responses to the Great East Japan Earthquake and the nuclear disaster triggered by the earthquake as the reason for his high-profile political attack against the embattled premier.
理由は東日本大震災や、原発事故での対応のまずさだという。
Nishioka went so far as to argue that if Kan refuses to step down, the opposition parties should submit a no-confidence motion against his Cabinet to the Lower House before this year's Group of Eight summit, slated to be held in France on May 26.
辞めないなら、２６日からの主要国首脳会議（Ｇ８サミット）の前に「野党が衆院に内閣不信任決議案を出す以外に道はない」とまで言い切っている。
Public distrust of the Kan administration has been growing by the day due to its poor and delayed responses to the March 11 earthquake and tsunami and its failure to disclose adequate information about the accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
確かに、菅政権の震災対応の遅れや原発事故の情報公開の不十分さに、人々は日に日に不信感を募らせている。
It is hardly surprising that criticism of Kan's leadership has also grown in the Diet.
国会でも批判が高まるのは無理からぬところもある。
However, for the representative of the legislature to argue for the resignation of the prime minister, who heads the administrative branch--without any decision by the legislature--is an ethical transgression that cannot be overlooked.
しかし、立法府の代表が院としての決定もないのに、行政府の長である首相の進退を口にするのは看過できない。
By convention, the Upper House president, like the Lower House speaker, leaves his or her political party in order to perform their duty with fairness and political neutrality.
議長は公正中立を旨とし、わざわざ会派を離脱する慣例がある。
Nishioka's remarks clearly exceed the boundaries of the role he is expected to perform.
そんな議長ののりを越えている。
In addition, Nishioka is the president of the Upper House.
しかも、西岡氏は参院の議長である。
In the designation of the prime minister, the Lower House's decision takes precedence over the Upper House's.
Only the Lower House has the power to pass a no-confidence motion against the Cabinet.
首相指名は衆院の決定が優越し、内閣不信任決議も衆院だけに許されている。
In other words, the Upper House is expected to act as the seat of common sense that distances itself from any power struggles.
参院は権力争いから距離を置く、「良識の府」としての役割を求められているのだ。
By making a public call for the prime minister's resignation, Nishioka is making the house look like an arena of political conflict.
なのに、議長が公然と首相退陣を唱えるのでは、まるで「権力の府」そのものではないか。
This is no time for discussing whether Kan should remain in office, in the first place.
それに、そもそもいま首相の進退を論じている場合なのか。
When the nation is going through such a crisis, lawmakers obviously should join hands in tackling challenges instead of trying to undermine the efforts of their colleagues.
危機のさなかには、足を引っ張るのではなく、力を合わせる。
We are fed up with the nation's political situation where common sense doesn't prevail.
そんな当たり前のことができない政治のありさまには、うんざりしてしまう。
Quoting the phrase "Don't change horses in a midstream," Nishioka said Kan doesn't even have the determination to cross the rushing stream. He asserted that the risk of allowing the current situation to continue is bigger than the risk of changing horses.
西岡氏は「急流で馬を乗り換えるな」という言葉を引いたうえで、首相には激流に立ち向かう決意もすべもないとし、「乗り換える危険よりも、現状の危険が大きい」と切り捨てる。
The anti-Kan group within the DPJ is echoing Nishioka's criticism of the prime minister.
こんな物言いに、民主党内の「反菅」勢力が呼応する構えも見せている。
If the opposition parties submit a no-confidence motion against the Cabinet, the DPJ group led by former party chief Ichiro Ozawa and its political allies within the party may vote for the motion, ensuring its passage.
野党が不信任案を出したとき、小沢一郎元代表のグループなどが賛成に回り、可決される展開もありうるかもしれない。
But there are wide differences over key policy issues between the main opposition Liberal Democratic Party, which is calling for the abolition of the new childcare allowance program the DPJ-led government has introduced, and the Ozawa group, which has vowed to keep the program alive.
There will be no prospect for a workable ruling coalition between the LDP and the Ozawa group if they join forces to force Kan to resign. There can only be deeper political confusion.
だが子ども手当などの施策を撤回せよという自民党と、固守を唱える小沢氏らが倒閣だけで一致した先に、政権の展望は開けない。あるのは、さらなる混迷に違いない。
We have no choice now but to give spurs to our horses in order to cross the rushing stream in front of us.
急流を乗り切るまでは、馬を叱咤（しった）し、激励し、前に進ませるしかない。
Debate on whether Kan should leave office should wait until the crisis is over.
進退を論じるのは、そのあとでいい。
2011年05月22日
マイナス成長―変革力育む環境作りを
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 20
EDITORIAL: Competition needed to stoke innovation, creativity
マイナス成長―変革力育む環境作りを
As expected, the Great East Japan Earthquake caused great damage to the nation's economy.
東日本大震災が日本経済に与えた痛手はやはり大きかった。
Gross domestic product for the January-March period showed an annualized drop of 3.7 percent in real terms.
GDP has contracted for two consecutive quarters since the October-December period, when the economy started to level off.
今年１〜３月期の国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）は実質で年率３．７％減少し、踊り場に入った昨年１０〜１２月期から２四半期連続のマイナスとなった。
Before the March 11 disaster, the nation's economy was expected to go on an offensive in an increasingly multipolar global market following the recovery of the U.S. economy. But the earthquake took the wind out of Japan's sails.
本来なら日本経済は、米経済の持ち直しを受け、多極化する世界市場に向けて攻勢に出ていたはずだ。その出ばなを震災でくじかれた。
The April-June quarter is also expected to undergo economic contraction, according to private-sector estimates.
民間予測では４〜６月期もマイナスという。
While demand for reconstruction rose smoothly after the 1995 Great Hanshin Earthquake, the situation this time differs mainly on two points.
阪神大震災の時には復興需要がスムーズに出てきたが、今回は主に二つの点で事情が異なる。
One is the accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant operated by Tokyo Electric Power Co.
まず、東京電力の福島第一原発の事故だ。
With the decline in electric power supply centering on the Tokyo metropolitan area covered by TEPCO, prolonged restrictions on economic activities are unavoidable.
東電がカバーする首都圏を中心に電力供給の低下により、経済活動への制約が長引くことが避けられない。
Second, the supply chain, or a highly mutually dependent supply network of parts that developed in the assembly-oriented manufacturing industry, suffered serious damage.
さらに、組み立て型製造業で発達したサプライチェーンと呼ばれる高度に相互依存的な部品供給態勢が、深刻な打撃を被ったことだ。
For example, assembly plants of many automakers would stop if a semiconductor plant is unable to make microcontrollers for electronic controls.
たとえば半導体工場で電子制御用のマイコンがつくれなくなると、それだけで多くの自動車会社の組み立て工場が止まる、という事態だ。
The earthquake put before us a new question: What should be done for the Japanese economy to continue to provide top-level products and services to meet the needs and purchasing power of various markets around the world?
日本経済が、今後も最高の製品やサービスを世界の様々な市場のニーズと購買力に合わせて提供していくためには、どうしたらいいのか。震災は新たな課題を突きつけた。
Japan must come up with highly advanced products that cannot be found anywhere else to overcome the yen's appreciation and continue exporting.
日本が円高を克服して輸出を続けるには、一芸を究めるような高度な製品作りが切り札になる。
However, manufacturing centers of such products tend to be concentrated on one site when volume efficiency and other factors are taken into account.
だが、これは量産効果などを踏まえると製造場所が１カ所に絞られる傾向が強まる。
Such risks were exposed by the severing of the supply chain by the earthquake.
震災によるサプライチェーンの分断は、このリスクを顕在化させた。
There is also a possibility that international customers may re-examine their overdependence on Japanese parts and materials.
世界の顧客が部品や素材の日本への過度な依存を見直す可能性もある。
Manufacturers are urged to disperse production centers and take other measures to prevent customers from going elsewhere.
客離れに至らぬよう、生産拠点の分散などの手を打っていきたい。
Meanwhile, the expansion of the service industry is attracting attention as a growth strategy.
一方、成長戦略としてサービス産業の拡充に期待が集まっている。
Still, there is a need to review Japan's real capabilities comprehensively when we think about the failure of two giant service companies--TEPCO's nuclear power plant accident and Mizuho Bank's system trouble--both triggered by the earthquake.
だが、震災が引き金となった二つの巨大サービス企業のつまずき、すなわち東電の原発事故と、みずほ銀行のシステム障害を考えると、日本の実力を総点検する必要がある。
Large corporations protected by monopoly or oligopoly may be suffering from systemic fatigue more than we realize.
独占や寡占に守られた大企業は、私たちが自覚する以上に制度疲労を起こしているのではないか。
Such a situation may be standing in the way of innovation and nipping creative ideas in the bud.
それが革新や創造の芽を摘んでいないか。
If so, creating an environment to make companies stronger through competition becomes more important than ever.
とすれば、競争を通じて企業を鍛え直す環境作りが一段と重要になる。
Kaoru Yosano, minister in charge of economic and fiscal policy, expressed confidence for the future, saying, "The resilience of the Japanese economy is sufficiently strong."
与謝野馨経済財政相は「日本経済の反発力は十分に強い」と先行きに自信を見せた。
But instead of simply relying on natural resilience, we should sort out our strengths and weaknesses and cultivate the power to transform ourselves and open up the future with new ideas and ingenuity.
だが、自然な反発力に期待するだけでなく、強みと弱みを洗い出し、新たな発想や工夫で未来を切り開く変革力も育みたい。
EDITORIAL: Competition needed to stoke innovation, creativity
マイナス成長―変革力育む環境作りを
As expected, the Great East Japan Earthquake caused great damage to the nation's economy.
東日本大震災が日本経済に与えた痛手はやはり大きかった。
Gross domestic product for the January-March period showed an annualized drop of 3.7 percent in real terms.
GDP has contracted for two consecutive quarters since the October-December period, when the economy started to level off.
今年１〜３月期の国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）は実質で年率３．７％減少し、踊り場に入った昨年１０〜１２月期から２四半期連続のマイナスとなった。
Before the March 11 disaster, the nation's economy was expected to go on an offensive in an increasingly multipolar global market following the recovery of the U.S. economy. But the earthquake took the wind out of Japan's sails.
本来なら日本経済は、米経済の持ち直しを受け、多極化する世界市場に向けて攻勢に出ていたはずだ。その出ばなを震災でくじかれた。
The April-June quarter is also expected to undergo economic contraction, according to private-sector estimates.
民間予測では４〜６月期もマイナスという。
While demand for reconstruction rose smoothly after the 1995 Great Hanshin Earthquake, the situation this time differs mainly on two points.
阪神大震災の時には復興需要がスムーズに出てきたが、今回は主に二つの点で事情が異なる。
One is the accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant operated by Tokyo Electric Power Co.
まず、東京電力の福島第一原発の事故だ。
With the decline in electric power supply centering on the Tokyo metropolitan area covered by TEPCO, prolonged restrictions on economic activities are unavoidable.
東電がカバーする首都圏を中心に電力供給の低下により、経済活動への制約が長引くことが避けられない。
Second, the supply chain, or a highly mutually dependent supply network of parts that developed in the assembly-oriented manufacturing industry, suffered serious damage.
さらに、組み立て型製造業で発達したサプライチェーンと呼ばれる高度に相互依存的な部品供給態勢が、深刻な打撃を被ったことだ。
For example, assembly plants of many automakers would stop if a semiconductor plant is unable to make microcontrollers for electronic controls.
たとえば半導体工場で電子制御用のマイコンがつくれなくなると、それだけで多くの自動車会社の組み立て工場が止まる、という事態だ。
The earthquake put before us a new question: What should be done for the Japanese economy to continue to provide top-level products and services to meet the needs and purchasing power of various markets around the world?
日本経済が、今後も最高の製品やサービスを世界の様々な市場のニーズと購買力に合わせて提供していくためには、どうしたらいいのか。震災は新たな課題を突きつけた。
Japan must come up with highly advanced products that cannot be found anywhere else to overcome the yen's appreciation and continue exporting.
日本が円高を克服して輸出を続けるには、一芸を究めるような高度な製品作りが切り札になる。
However, manufacturing centers of such products tend to be concentrated on one site when volume efficiency and other factors are taken into account.
だが、これは量産効果などを踏まえると製造場所が１カ所に絞られる傾向が強まる。
Such risks were exposed by the severing of the supply chain by the earthquake.
震災によるサプライチェーンの分断は、このリスクを顕在化させた。
There is also a possibility that international customers may re-examine their overdependence on Japanese parts and materials.
世界の顧客が部品や素材の日本への過度な依存を見直す可能性もある。
Manufacturers are urged to disperse production centers and take other measures to prevent customers from going elsewhere.
客離れに至らぬよう、生産拠点の分散などの手を打っていきたい。
Meanwhile, the expansion of the service industry is attracting attention as a growth strategy.
一方、成長戦略としてサービス産業の拡充に期待が集まっている。
Still, there is a need to review Japan's real capabilities comprehensively when we think about the failure of two giant service companies--TEPCO's nuclear power plant accident and Mizuho Bank's system trouble--both triggered by the earthquake.
だが、震災が引き金となった二つの巨大サービス企業のつまずき、すなわち東電の原発事故と、みずほ銀行のシステム障害を考えると、日本の実力を総点検する必要がある。
Large corporations protected by monopoly or oligopoly may be suffering from systemic fatigue more than we realize.
独占や寡占に守られた大企業は、私たちが自覚する以上に制度疲労を起こしているのではないか。
Such a situation may be standing in the way of innovation and nipping creative ideas in the bud.
それが革新や創造の芽を摘んでいないか。
If so, creating an environment to make companies stronger through competition becomes more important than ever.
とすれば、競争を通じて企業を鍛え直す環境作りが一段と重要になる。
Kaoru Yosano, minister in charge of economic and fiscal policy, expressed confidence for the future, saying, "The resilience of the Japanese economy is sufficiently strong."
与謝野馨経済財政相は「日本経済の反発力は十分に強い」と先行きに自信を見せた。
But instead of simply relying on natural resilience, we should sort out our strengths and weaknesses and cultivate the power to transform ourselves and open up the future with new ideas and ingenuity.
だが、自然な反発力に期待するだけでなく、強みと弱みを洗い出し、新たな発想や工夫で未来を切り開く変革力も育みたい。
2011年05月18日
復興基本法案―「現場感覚」で歩み寄れ
被災者の思いを肌で感じれば、与野党の足の引っ張り合いどころではなくなるだろう。
被災者の目線に立った復興基本法案を望む。
福島第一、完全なメルトダウン。
復旧には１０年かかる。（スリーマイル島原発事故はメルトダウンで炉心を取り出すまで１０年かかった）
なぜ工程表を動かさないのか、理解不能。
（スラチャイ記）
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 15
EDITORIAL: Partisan bickering is wasting time in helping disaster victims
復興基本法案―「現場感覚」で歩み寄れ
The Kan Cabinet submitted to the Diet the basic reconstruction bill that stipulates the guiding philosophy and the framework of undertaking the country's reconstruction efforts in the aftermath of the Great East Japan Earthquake.
菅内閣が、東日本大震災からの復興の理念や実行体制を定める基本法案を国会に提出した。
It has been two months since the huge quake and tsunami. Compared with the response after the Great Hanshin Earthquake in 1995, the submission of the basic bill is one month late. As a result, the creation of a recovery framework will also lag. The political response is sluggish and frustrating.
震災から２カ月余り。阪神大震災の時の基本法に比べ、１カ月遅い提出だ。その結果、復興に臨む体制作りも遅れる。政治のもたつきが歯がゆい。
The bill was delayed because although the government's basic bill seeks to create a reconstruction headquarters that includes all Cabinet members, Shizuka Kamei, chief of the People's New Party, had proposed a "reconstruction implementation headquarters" that includes cross-party heavyweights, and suggested the idea to opposition parties.
直接の理由は、全閣僚が参加する「復興対策本部」を設ける基本法案に対し、与野党幹部が加わる「復興実施本部」案を亀井静香国民新党代表が提唱し、野党側に打診したことだ。
In the end, the opposition parties refused to come on board, so the government went back to the original plan to set up a recovery headquarters under the Cabinet.
結局野党側は応じず、対策本部を設ける案に戻った。
Under Kamei's plan, decisions would have been made by party leaders for the Cabinet to follow. This would have obfuscated the responsibilities of the prime minister and the Cabinet ministers. It must be said that this was an unrealistic idea to begin with. Prime Minister Naoto Kan should not have listened to Kamei in the first place.
与野党幹部で方針を決め、内閣が従う亀井構想では、首相や閣僚の責任が不明確になる。元々無理があったと言わざるを得ない。菅直人首相は、亀井氏の誘いに乗るべきではなかった。
There was so much fuss because, despite experiencing the quake, the opposition and ruling parties cannot find it in themselves to cooperate fully. Both the opposition and the government are responsible for wasting precious time.
こんな話が出てくるのは、震災を経てなお、与野党が十分に力をあわせられないからだ。貴重な時間を空費した責任は、与野党双方にある。
Deliberations on the bill must be the restart of the undertaking of Japan's recovery. Surely the parties do not reject the need for such a law or the need for an organization that oversees the reconstruction efforts.
基本法案の審議を、出直しの一歩としなければならない。各党とも、基本法の必要性や、復興を担う組織を設けることには異論はなかろう。
The bill should be passed as soon as possible with all the parties adding the necessary revisions.
必要があれば与野党で修正を加え、早く成立させるべきだ。
One of the points of contention was over the nature of the new organization. Would the headquarters be based on a kind of collegial system with Cabinet members? Or would it be a sort of reconstruction agency that stands on par with the other ministries and agencies?
Will the organization propose basic policies and coordinate among the various ministries? Or is it going to implement individual projects as well?
対立点のひとつは、組織のあり方だ。閣僚の合議体である本部か、各省庁と並ぶ復興庁・復興院か。そこは方針の立案や各省との調整にあたるのか、事業の実施まで担うのか。
However, are these differences that serious?
だが、それは深刻な違いだろうか。
People in Kasumigaseki, the Tokyo area where the main government offices are located, often say that attempts to create a trans-ministerial body to remove bureaucratic sectionalism only result in creating other bureaucratic factions within the new organization.
省庁の縦割りを排そうと各省をまたぐ組織を設けたけれど、組織の中に縦割りが生まれた――。霞が関ではしばしばそんな話を耳にする。
No matter what kind of structure you create, that in itself will not remove all the bureaucratic segmentation.
どんな組織にしても、それだけで縦割りがなくなるわけではない。
Surely, the key is whether each and every person involved in the reconstruction efforts can empathize with the victims and think, "This is no time to be thinking of ministerial turf and interests."
かぎは、復興に携わる一人ひとりが被災者の立場に立ち、「縄張りや省益にこだわっている場合ではない」と思えるかどうかにある。
To be able to do that, it is vital for the government to have "sensibilities in tune with people in the disaster area."
そのために大切なのは「現場感覚」ではないか。
The basic bill stipulates that there will be local headquarters under the central headquarters.
基本法案は、対策本部のもとに現地対策本部を置くと定めている。
It will be necessary for the central government to drastically empower the local headquarters with the authority to make quick decisions after it collaborates with local governments.
これを充実させ大胆に権限を委ねる。自治体と連携し、現地で即決できるようにする。
The vice minister who will head the local headquarters, as well as parliamentary secretaries and other staff members, should not be rotated for some time and stay put in the affected areas.
本部長となる副大臣、政務官や職員はしばらく交代させず、被災地で腰を据える。後手に回りがちな状況を改めるには、そんな姿勢が必要だろう。
A new special committee on recovery and nuclear power plant issues will be set up in the Lower House.
衆院に復興や原発問題を審議する特別委員会が設置される。
Here too, the committee members will be tested on whether they have "sensibilities in tune with people suffering in the disaster area."
ここでも現場感覚が問われる。
It might be a good idea for the committee members to spend some time in the affected areas, and even hold committee meetings there.
委員は被災地に泊まり込み、会議も現地で開くくらいのことをしていい。
Once they experience firsthand what the victims are really feeling and thinking, then surely there will be no time for any more partisan bickering.
被災者の思いを肌で感じれば、足の引っ張り合いどころではなくなるだろう。
被災者の目線に立った復興基本法案を望む。
福島第一、完全なメルトダウン。
復旧には１０年かかる。（スリーマイル島原発事故はメルトダウンで炉心を取り出すまで１０年かかった）
なぜ工程表を動かさないのか、理解不能。
（スラチャイ記）
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 15
EDITORIAL: Partisan bickering is wasting time in helping disaster victims
復興基本法案―「現場感覚」で歩み寄れ
The Kan Cabinet submitted to the Diet the basic reconstruction bill that stipulates the guiding philosophy and the framework of undertaking the country's reconstruction efforts in the aftermath of the Great East Japan Earthquake.
菅内閣が、東日本大震災からの復興の理念や実行体制を定める基本法案を国会に提出した。
It has been two months since the huge quake and tsunami. Compared with the response after the Great Hanshin Earthquake in 1995, the submission of the basic bill is one month late. As a result, the creation of a recovery framework will also lag. The political response is sluggish and frustrating.
震災から２カ月余り。阪神大震災の時の基本法に比べ、１カ月遅い提出だ。その結果、復興に臨む体制作りも遅れる。政治のもたつきが歯がゆい。
The bill was delayed because although the government's basic bill seeks to create a reconstruction headquarters that includes all Cabinet members, Shizuka Kamei, chief of the People's New Party, had proposed a "reconstruction implementation headquarters" that includes cross-party heavyweights, and suggested the idea to opposition parties.
直接の理由は、全閣僚が参加する「復興対策本部」を設ける基本法案に対し、与野党幹部が加わる「復興実施本部」案を亀井静香国民新党代表が提唱し、野党側に打診したことだ。
In the end, the opposition parties refused to come on board, so the government went back to the original plan to set up a recovery headquarters under the Cabinet.
結局野党側は応じず、対策本部を設ける案に戻った。
Under Kamei's plan, decisions would have been made by party leaders for the Cabinet to follow. This would have obfuscated the responsibilities of the prime minister and the Cabinet ministers. It must be said that this was an unrealistic idea to begin with. Prime Minister Naoto Kan should not have listened to Kamei in the first place.
与野党幹部で方針を決め、内閣が従う亀井構想では、首相や閣僚の責任が不明確になる。元々無理があったと言わざるを得ない。菅直人首相は、亀井氏の誘いに乗るべきではなかった。
There was so much fuss because, despite experiencing the quake, the opposition and ruling parties cannot find it in themselves to cooperate fully. Both the opposition and the government are responsible for wasting precious time.
こんな話が出てくるのは、震災を経てなお、与野党が十分に力をあわせられないからだ。貴重な時間を空費した責任は、与野党双方にある。
Deliberations on the bill must be the restart of the undertaking of Japan's recovery. Surely the parties do not reject the need for such a law or the need for an organization that oversees the reconstruction efforts.
基本法案の審議を、出直しの一歩としなければならない。各党とも、基本法の必要性や、復興を担う組織を設けることには異論はなかろう。
The bill should be passed as soon as possible with all the parties adding the necessary revisions.
必要があれば与野党で修正を加え、早く成立させるべきだ。
One of the points of contention was over the nature of the new organization. Would the headquarters be based on a kind of collegial system with Cabinet members? Or would it be a sort of reconstruction agency that stands on par with the other ministries and agencies?
Will the organization propose basic policies and coordinate among the various ministries? Or is it going to implement individual projects as well?
対立点のひとつは、組織のあり方だ。閣僚の合議体である本部か、各省庁と並ぶ復興庁・復興院か。そこは方針の立案や各省との調整にあたるのか、事業の実施まで担うのか。
However, are these differences that serious?
だが、それは深刻な違いだろうか。
People in Kasumigaseki, the Tokyo area where the main government offices are located, often say that attempts to create a trans-ministerial body to remove bureaucratic sectionalism only result in creating other bureaucratic factions within the new organization.
省庁の縦割りを排そうと各省をまたぐ組織を設けたけれど、組織の中に縦割りが生まれた――。霞が関ではしばしばそんな話を耳にする。
No matter what kind of structure you create, that in itself will not remove all the bureaucratic segmentation.
どんな組織にしても、それだけで縦割りがなくなるわけではない。
Surely, the key is whether each and every person involved in the reconstruction efforts can empathize with the victims and think, "This is no time to be thinking of ministerial turf and interests."
かぎは、復興に携わる一人ひとりが被災者の立場に立ち、「縄張りや省益にこだわっている場合ではない」と思えるかどうかにある。
To be able to do that, it is vital for the government to have "sensibilities in tune with people in the disaster area."
そのために大切なのは「現場感覚」ではないか。
The basic bill stipulates that there will be local headquarters under the central headquarters.
基本法案は、対策本部のもとに現地対策本部を置くと定めている。
It will be necessary for the central government to drastically empower the local headquarters with the authority to make quick decisions after it collaborates with local governments.
これを充実させ大胆に権限を委ねる。自治体と連携し、現地で即決できるようにする。
The vice minister who will head the local headquarters, as well as parliamentary secretaries and other staff members, should not be rotated for some time and stay put in the affected areas.
本部長となる副大臣、政務官や職員はしばらく交代させず、被災地で腰を据える。後手に回りがちな状況を改めるには、そんな姿勢が必要だろう。
A new special committee on recovery and nuclear power plant issues will be set up in the Lower House.
衆院に復興や原発問題を審議する特別委員会が設置される。
Here too, the committee members will be tested on whether they have "sensibilities in tune with people suffering in the disaster area."
ここでも現場感覚が問われる。
It might be a good idea for the committee members to spend some time in the affected areas, and even hold committee meetings there.
委員は被災地に泊まり込み、会議も現地で開くくらいのことをしていい。
Once they experience firsthand what the victims are really feeling and thinking, then surely there will be no time for any more partisan bickering.
被災者の思いを肌で感じれば、足の引っ張り合いどころではなくなるだろう。