英字新聞

The Yomiuri Shimbun January 5, 2014
Vigilance must be maintained over China-ROK ‘anti-Japan’ ties
朝鮮半島の変動　警戒すべき中韓の「反日」接近（1月5日付・読売社説）

　◆米との連携で「北」の急変に備えよ

There has been a seismic change on the Korean Peninsula, where the Cold War structure remains, as South Korea, with Japan and the United States in the background, is in a military face-off with North Korea, which is supported by China.
　日米両国を背にした韓国と、中国が支える北朝鮮とが軍事的に対峙(たいじ)する冷戦構造が今なお続く朝鮮半島で、大きな地殻変動が起きている。

China, the world’s second-largest economic power, and South Korea are becoming rapidly closer to each other, indicating they are set to strengthen ties through their mutually shared anti-Japan sentiment. How will this affect the course of Northeast Asia, coupled with uncertain prospects over North Korea?
　経済強国に成長した中国と韓国の急速な接近である。反日を触媒に、その紐帯(ちゅうたい)を強める気配だ。不透明な北朝鮮情勢と合わせ、新たな動きは北東アジアの行方にどう影響するのか。

Japan should remain coolheaded in assessing this development so it can decide on appropriate countermeasures.
　日本は冷静に見極め、適切な対策を練らねばならない。

Working on history issues
　◆「歴史認識」で共闘も

South Korean President Park Geun Hye, whose administration will enter its second year next month, apparently regards China as an important partner, while at the same time stepping up criticism against Japan.
　２月に就任２年目に入る韓国の朴槿恵大統領は、中国を重視する一方、対日批判を強めている。

Last year, China became the second country for Park to visit as South Korean president following the United States. This was not just because China is her country’s biggest trading partner. Apparently, she aimed to showcase close ties with her Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, to check North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, who has not visited China since the inauguration of his regime.
　朴氏が昨年、米国に次ぐ訪問先に、日本でなく中国を選んだのは、最大の貿易相手国という理由だけではない。習近平国家主席との密接な関係を見せつけ、訪中していない北朝鮮の金正恩第１書記を牽制(けんせい)する狙いもあったのだろう。

Park’s visit also caused speculation that she plans to form a united front with China against Japan over the perception of history and territorial issues.
　同時に、中国と歴史認識や領土問題で対日共闘を図ろうとしているのかと警戒せざるを得ない。

China and South Korea took advantage of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s visit to the war-related Yasukuni Shrine at the end of last year to justify their anti-Japan stance, calling the visit proof of the revival of Japan’s militarism and its drift to the right.
　中韓は、昨年末の安倍首相の靖国神社参拝を「右傾化、軍国主義復活の証しだ」と、反日主張の正当化に利用している。

If China and South Korea form a united front against Japan, it could lead to weakening cooperation among Tokyo, Washington and Seoul, which is centered on the Japan-U.S. and U.S.-South Korea alliances.
　中韓の共闘が進むのは、憂慮すべき事態だ。日米と米韓の同盟関係を軸にした日米韓連携を弱める動きにつながるからだ。

Park even criticized Japan during her talks with U.S. Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel when he visited South Korea in September. The president countered Hagel when he referred to the importance of security cooperation among the three countries, saying, “Trust has not been established due to the [Japanese] leadership, which has repeatedly made regressive remarks on historical and territorial issues.”
　朴氏は昨年９月、日米韓の安保協力の重要性を説くヘーゲル米国防長官に、「歴史や領土問題で時代逆行発言を繰り返す（日本）指導部のせいで信頼が築けない」と、対日批判を披瀝(ひれき)した。

It is highly questionable for a country’s leader to criticize Japan during a meeting with a senior official from a third country. In particular, it is hard to accept her self-centered opinions that blame Japan for the failure to maintain security cooperation between the two countries.
　第三国の要人を相手に日本を批判してやまぬ朴氏の言動は、一国の指導者としていかがなものか。特に、日本と安保協力ができない責任は日本にある、という身勝手な主張は、到底容認できない。

South Korea postponed the signing of the General Security of Military Information Agreement in 2012 just before it was to be concluded between Tokyo and Seoul. The agreement is crucial for sharing confidential information on North Korea.
　北朝鮮にかかわる機密の共有に不可欠な日韓軍事情報包括保護協定（ＧＳＯＭＩＡ）の締結を、直前になってキャンセルしたのは韓国ではなかったか。

Last month, the Ground Self-Defense Force, now participating in a U.N. peacekeeping mission in South Sudan, provided South Korean forces with 10,000 rounds of ammunition for assault rifles without asking for payment. This development highlighted how important it is for the two countries to regularly build cooperation so that they can provide military materials and share duties with each other.
　昨年１２月、南スーダン派遣の国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）で陸上自衛隊が韓国軍に小銃弾１万発を無償提供した事例は、日韓が普段から、軍需物資や役務を相互提供できる協力体制を作っておくことの重要性を示したと言えよう。

For China, which has been trying to change the status quo by force in the East and South China seas, closer ties with South Korea mean it can exercise more influence over the Yellow Sea and the Korean Peninsula.
　東シナ海や南シナ海で力による現状変更を迫る中国にとって、韓国との緊密化は、黄海や朝鮮半島への影響力強化を意味する。

There are indications Xi could visit South Korea, possibly even this year. Could his trip add momentum to South Korea’s tilt toward China regarding security affairs, too? Given that closer Beijing-Seoul relations could weaken the alliance between the United States and South Korea, the outcome of the possible China-South Korea summit talks must be watched closely.
　年内にも、習氏が韓国を訪れる可能性がある。韓国が、安全保障面でも対中傾斜を深める契機となるのかどうか。米韓同盟の弱体化につながり得るだけに中韓首脳会談の行方を注視したい。

Keep framework intact
　◆正常化の枠組み崩すな

Chilled relations between Japan and South Korea have prevented Abe and Park from meeting for talks. The relationship could be irrevocably damaged depending on a ruling South Korea’s Supreme Court is expected to hand down, possibly in January, over damage compensation litigation filed against Japanese companies that forced Koreans to labor for them during World War II.
　安倍首相と朴氏の会談が開けずにいる日韓関係を、決定的に悪化させかねないのが、月内にも見込まれる韓国人元徴用工の損害賠償請求訴訟の韓国最高裁判決だ。

Should a decision by the top court against the Japanese firms be finalized, and should the South Korean government acknowledge this ruling, the foundation of the framework formed by the 1965 basic bilateral treaty to normalize bilateral diplomatic ties could crumble.
　日本企業の敗訴が確定し、それを韓国政府が追認するなら、１９６５年の日韓国交正常化の枠組みは根底から崩れる。

The South Korean government, which signed an agreement attached to the 1965 pact that states problems regarding property and claims between the two countries “have been settled completely and finally,” should declare that the Japanese companies have no obligation to pay any compensation. This would be the obvious duty in the international community of a nation governed by the rule of law.
　「完全かつ最終的に解決された」と明記した請求権協定に署名した韓国政府は、日本側に支払い義務はないと明言すべきだ。それが、国際社会における法治国家としての当然の務めである。

The situation in North Korea remains worrisome. The power base of supreme leader Kim Jong Un, two years after taking over power from his father, can hardly be said to have solidified. Attesting to this is the dismissal and execution in December of Jang Sung Taek, vice chairman of Pyongyang’s National Defense Commission.
　一方、北朝鮮では権力の父子継承から２年を経て、金正恩氏の権力基盤はなお盤石でない。張成沢・国防委員会副委員長の解任・処刑は、その証左だ。

Because of the instability of the power structure upholding this regime of terror, Kim will likely become more reliant on the military and push ahead with strengthening his country’s nuclear weapons capability. The political setup that places top priority on military affairs, however, is bound only to hamper alleviation of international economic sanctions against Pyongyang. Under the circumstances, the North’s policy of rebuilding its dwindling economy is doomed to fail.
　恐怖政治が支配する不安定な権力構造の下、金氏は軍への依存を強め、核戦力増強に一層邁進(まいしん)するだろう。軍事最優先の政治は、国際社会による経済制裁の緩和を妨げるだけだ。じり貧状態の経済の再建路線は破綻するほかない。

Concerns are rising that the Kim regime, in a bid to divert swelling popular discontent in the country, may resort to yet another military provocation. Vigilance must be paid to the possibility of Pyongyang charging ahead with a new nuclear test or firing a long-range ballistic missile under the guise of “a satellite launch.”
　金政権が国内の不満をかわすため、武力挑発する懸念は深まっている。核実験や「人工衛星打ち上げ」と称する長距離ミサイル発射の強行に、警戒が必要である。