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2016年03月11日
原発事故から５年 許されぬ安全神話の復活
--The Asahi Shimbun, March 10
EDITORIAL: Despite utilities’ attempts, nuclear safety myth can never be revived
（社説）原発事故から５年 許されぬ安全神話の復活
Japan should become a society that is not dependent on nuclear power generation as quickly as possible.
できるだけ早く原子力発電に頼らない社会を実現すべきだ。
Five years have passed since the Great East Japan Earthquake and subsequent tsunami devastated wide areas in the northeastern Tohoku region on March 11, 2011, triggering the crisis at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
東日本大震災と福島第一原発の事故が起きてから、明日で５年になる。
Our editorials will continue arguing for a nuclear-free future for Japanese society.
私たちは社説で改めて、「原発ゼロ社会」の実現を訴えていく。
The Otsu District Court in Shiga Prefecture on March 9 issued an injunction against the operation of two reactors at Kansai Electric Power Co.’s Takahama nuclear power plant in Fukui Prefecture. The court told the utility to immediately shut down the No. 3 reactor at the plant and keep the No. 4 unit off-line. Both reactors were restarted earlier this year, but a malfunction automatically shut down the No. 4 unit on Feb. 29.
大津地裁はきのう、関西電力高浜３、４号機（福井県）の運転を差し止める仮処分決定を出した。
It was the first time for a Japanese court to order a halt to an online nuclear reactor.
稼働中の原発を司法が止めるのは初めてのことだ。
The Abe administration can hardly claim that its policy decisions concerning nuclear power generation have been solidly based on lessons learned from the Fukushima nuclear disaster.
安倍政権は、福島の原発事故の教訓をできる限り生かしたとは到底言えない。
Rather, the administration has been trying to revive the nuclear power policy that was in place before the disaster and restart as many reactors as possible.
原発政策を震災前に押し戻し、再稼働へ突き進もうとしている。
The court decision echoes public anxiety about the government’s move to gradually regain Japan’s nuclear capacity without serious public debate on the issue.
今回の地裁の判断は、なし崩しの再稼働に対する国民の不安に沿ったものでもある。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s government should sincerely respond to the important social changes caused by the triple meltdown and take steps toward a major shift in energy policy.
安倍政権は、原発事故がもたらした社会の変化に真摯（しんし）に向き合い、エネルギー政策の大きな転換へと動くべきである。
MANY QUESTIONS ABOUT NEW SAFETY STANDARDS
■新基準にも疑問
As for the Takahama plant, the Fukui District Court issued an injunction against plans to restart the two reactors in April last year.
高浜をめぐっては昨年４月にも福井地裁が再稼働を禁じる仮処分決定を出した。
Although another judge at the district court repealed the injunction eight months later, the fact remains that the judiciary has twice denied the safety of reactors that passed the Nuclear Regulation Authority’s stricter safety standards introduced after the Fukushima disaster.
約８カ月後に別の裁判長が取り消したとはいえ、原子力規制委員会が「新規制基準に適合している」と判断した原発の安全性が２度にわたり否定された。
When the Fukui District Court in April rejected the restarts of the reactors, proponents of nuclear power generation played down the importance of the order, saying it was “an exceptional decision by an exceptional judge.”
After the Otsu District Court’s injunction, however, this argument no longer holds water.
昨年４月の際、原発推進の立場からは「特異な裁判長による特異な判断」との批判もあったが、もはやそんなとらえ方をするわけにはいかない。
Looking back on the harrowing accident in Fukushima Prefecture, the district court pointed out that a severe nuclear accident could cause environmental destruction beyond national borders. It is hard to assert that efficiency in power generation should be pursued even at the risk of devastating disasters, the court maintained.
今回の決定は、事故を振り返り、環境破壊は国を超える可能性さえあるとし、「単に発電の効率性をもって、甚大な災禍とひきかえにすべきだとは言い難い」と述べた。
The court also contended that the NRA and Kansai Electric have made insufficient efforts to pinpoint the causes of the Fukushima accident.
そのうえで事故原因の究明について関電や規制委の姿勢は不十分と批判。
The NRA’s endorsement of the safety of a reactor cannot be seen as a base for a sense of security within society, the court said.
規制委の許可がただちに社会の安心の基礎となるとは考えられないと断じた。
The court’s decision that meeting the new regulatory standards alone does not necessarily ensure the safety of a reactor has huge implications.
新たな規制基準を満たしたとしても、それだけで原発の安全性が確保されるわけではない。その司法判断の意味は重い。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga has said the Abe administration remains committed to promoting reactor restarts in line with the NRA’s judgments.
安倍政権は「規制委の判断を尊重して再稼働を進める方針に変わりない」（菅官房長官）としている。
But the administration should carefully consider the significance of the fact that the judiciary has raised fundamental questions about the entire system of post-Fukushima nuclear safety regulation.
だが、事故後の安全規制の仕組み全般について、司法が根源的な疑問を呈した意味をよく考えるべきだ。
EVACUATION PLANS IN DOUBT
■問われる避難計画
An Asahi Shimbun editorial published in July 2011 called for the creation of a society without nuclear power.
朝日新聞は２０１１年７月に社説で「原発ゼロ社会」を提言した。
While supporting the temporary operation of the minimum number of reactors that are absolutely needed to meet electricity demand, the editorial proposed that nuclear power generation should be phased out in two to three decades by decommissioning dangerous and aging reactors.
当面どうしても必要な原発の稼働は認めるものの、危険度の高い原発や古い原発から閉めて２０〜３０年後をめどにすべて廃炉にするという考えだ。
In fact, all nuclear reactors in Japan were off-line for about two years and one month over the past five years. No serious power crunches or economic upheavals took place during the period, disproving initial warnings about such possibilities.
The experiences during the period have shown that the number of “absolutely necessary nuclear reactors” is not that many. This lends weight to the argument that strict conditions must be met for restarting a reactor.
実際にはこの５年のうち約２年１カ月は国内の原発がすべて止まっていた。当初心配された深刻な電力不足や経済の大混乱は起きず、「どうしても必要な原発」はさほど多くないことがわかった。再稼働の条件は厳しく設定すべきである。
A growing number of Japanese are calling for the immediate shutdown of all reactors or a steady reduction in Japan’s dependence on nuclear energy. An Asahi Shimbun public opinion poll in February confirmed this trend; a majority of respondents voiced opposition to reactor restarts.
原発の即時全面停止や依存度低減といった脱原発を求める世論が高まり、先月の朝日新聞の世論調査でも過半数が再稼働に反対している。
The Abe administration initially pledged to lower the nation’s dependence on nuclear power over time. But it has gradually ratcheted up its rhetoric in promoting nuclear power generation through remarks that appear designed to create a new “nuclear safety myth.”
安倍政権は当初は「原発依存度の低減」を掲げたが、徐々に新たな「安全神話」を思わせる言動が目立っている。
In his 2013 speech supporting Tokyo’s bid to host the 2020 Summer Olympics, Abe told the world that the situation concerning radioactive water from the crippled Fukushima plant was “under control.”
安倍首相は１３年、東京五輪招致で原発の汚染水状況を「アンダーコントロール（管理下にある）」と世界にアピールした。
He has also contended in the Diet that the NRA’s new safety standards were “the strictest in the world.”
規制委の新基準についても国会で「世界一厳しい」と持ち上げた。
But the Otsu District Court’s decision adjudged the standards as insufficient for giving the green light to a reactor restart.
だが、今回の地裁決定は、その基準も再稼働の十分条件ではないとの判断を示した。
In addition, there have been serious concerns about the lack of effective and reliable plans for emergency evacuations during severe nuclear accidents.
さらに避難計画の不備はかねて懸念の的だった。
The new safety standards do not cover evacuation plans, and the NRA does not examine such plans when it evaluates the safety of a reactor.
新基準に避難計画は入っておらず、規制委の審査対象になっていない。
In the case of the Takahama plant, a severe nuclear accident would force about 180,000 residents in Fukui, Kyoto and Shiga prefectures to evacuate. But no drill to ascertain the viability of evacuation plans was conducted before the two reactors resumed operations.
高浜の場合、福井、京都、滋賀の３府県にまたがる約１８万人が避難を余儀なくされるが、再稼働前に計画の実効性を確かめる訓練も実施されなかった。
The court referred to the government’s “obligation to develop regulatory standards from a broad perspective that also covers the need of evacuation plans.” The government should immediately respond to this proposition.
地裁は「避難計画をも視野に入れた幅広い規制基準をつくる義務が国家にあるのではないか」と投げかけた。政府がただちに答えるべき問いだ。
NUCLEAR POWER OF GREAT PUBLIC CONCERN
■国民の重大な関心事
Despite the enormous scale of damage caused by the Fukushima accident, the responsibility of those who had championed nuclear power generation has yet to be clarified.
あれだけの事故でありながら原発を推進してきた人たちの責任は明らかになっていない。
As the Otsu District Court pointed out, the Japanese public who watched the disaster unfold at the Fukushima No. 1 plant understand the “overwhelming scope” of the damages caused by the accident as well as the “great confusion” that arose during the evacuation process.
大津地裁が言う通り、原発事故を経験した国民は事故の影響の範囲について、「圧倒的な広さとその避難に大きな混乱が生じたことを知悉（ちしつ）している」。
Yet both the government and electric utilities are working in tandem to restart reactors as if they have forgotten what happened five years ago.
にもかかわらず、政府と電力会社は事故を忘れたかのように再稼働へ足並みをそろえる。
Some revelations have cast serious doubt about utilities’ commitment to learning lessons from the accident and putting the top priority on safety.
Tokyo Electric Power Co., operator of the stricken Fukushima plant, recently “discovered” a guideline in its operational manual that would have allowed it to announce core meltdowns much earlier than it did.
Kyushu Electric Power Co. has asked for the NRA’s permission to withdraw a plan to build a quake-proof building that can serve as an on-site response center during a severe nuclear accident. The company promised to build the emergency facility at its Sendai nuclear power plant before it restarted two reactors at the plant last year.
東京電力が炉心溶融の判定基準を今ごろ「発見」したり、九州電力が川内（せんだい）原発の再稼働前に約束していた免震重要棟の建設を撤回したりと、事業者の反省、安全優先の徹底は怪しい。
These episodes raise suspicions that the utilities are returning to their pre-disaster practice of cunningly using experts to make key decisions about their nuclear power operations within the close-knit pro-nuclear community.
専門家をうまく使い、事故前のように仲間内で決めようとしているのか。疑念が膨らむ。
Many issues concerning nuclear power policy are too complicated and arcane for ordinary citizens to easily understand. But the Fukushima nuclear crisis has reminded Japanese that nuclear power generation is an issue that is directly linked to their livelihoods and lifestyle choices.
原子力政策は難解だが、原発は、人びとの暮らし方、生き方の選択と直結した問題であることを事故は思い起こさせた。
No matter how hard they try to revive the safety myth about nuclear power, government policymakers and members of the “nuclear village,” the closed and small community of people and organizations with vested interests in promoting nuclear power, will never be able to bring the nation back to the days before the Fukushima disaster.
政権と少数の「原発ムラ」関係者たちが、いくら安全神話を復活させようとしても、事故前に戻ることはできない。
Nuclear power generation has already become a familiar issue and a matter of serious concern to the great majority of Japanese.
原発はすでに大多数の国民の、身近で重大な関心事なのである。
EDITORIAL: Despite utilities’ attempts, nuclear safety myth can never be revived
（社説）原発事故から５年 許されぬ安全神話の復活
Japan should become a society that is not dependent on nuclear power generation as quickly as possible.
できるだけ早く原子力発電に頼らない社会を実現すべきだ。
Five years have passed since the Great East Japan Earthquake and subsequent tsunami devastated wide areas in the northeastern Tohoku region on March 11, 2011, triggering the crisis at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
東日本大震災と福島第一原発の事故が起きてから、明日で５年になる。
Our editorials will continue arguing for a nuclear-free future for Japanese society.
私たちは社説で改めて、「原発ゼロ社会」の実現を訴えていく。
The Otsu District Court in Shiga Prefecture on March 9 issued an injunction against the operation of two reactors at Kansai Electric Power Co.’s Takahama nuclear power plant in Fukui Prefecture. The court told the utility to immediately shut down the No. 3 reactor at the plant and keep the No. 4 unit off-line. Both reactors were restarted earlier this year, but a malfunction automatically shut down the No. 4 unit on Feb. 29.
大津地裁はきのう、関西電力高浜３、４号機（福井県）の運転を差し止める仮処分決定を出した。
It was the first time for a Japanese court to order a halt to an online nuclear reactor.
稼働中の原発を司法が止めるのは初めてのことだ。
The Abe administration can hardly claim that its policy decisions concerning nuclear power generation have been solidly based on lessons learned from the Fukushima nuclear disaster.
安倍政権は、福島の原発事故の教訓をできる限り生かしたとは到底言えない。
Rather, the administration has been trying to revive the nuclear power policy that was in place before the disaster and restart as many reactors as possible.
原発政策を震災前に押し戻し、再稼働へ突き進もうとしている。
The court decision echoes public anxiety about the government’s move to gradually regain Japan’s nuclear capacity without serious public debate on the issue.
今回の地裁の判断は、なし崩しの再稼働に対する国民の不安に沿ったものでもある。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s government should sincerely respond to the important social changes caused by the triple meltdown and take steps toward a major shift in energy policy.
安倍政権は、原発事故がもたらした社会の変化に真摯（しんし）に向き合い、エネルギー政策の大きな転換へと動くべきである。
MANY QUESTIONS ABOUT NEW SAFETY STANDARDS
■新基準にも疑問
As for the Takahama plant, the Fukui District Court issued an injunction against plans to restart the two reactors in April last year.
高浜をめぐっては昨年４月にも福井地裁が再稼働を禁じる仮処分決定を出した。
Although another judge at the district court repealed the injunction eight months later, the fact remains that the judiciary has twice denied the safety of reactors that passed the Nuclear Regulation Authority’s stricter safety standards introduced after the Fukushima disaster.
約８カ月後に別の裁判長が取り消したとはいえ、原子力規制委員会が「新規制基準に適合している」と判断した原発の安全性が２度にわたり否定された。
When the Fukui District Court in April rejected the restarts of the reactors, proponents of nuclear power generation played down the importance of the order, saying it was “an exceptional decision by an exceptional judge.”
After the Otsu District Court’s injunction, however, this argument no longer holds water.
昨年４月の際、原発推進の立場からは「特異な裁判長による特異な判断」との批判もあったが、もはやそんなとらえ方をするわけにはいかない。
Looking back on the harrowing accident in Fukushima Prefecture, the district court pointed out that a severe nuclear accident could cause environmental destruction beyond national borders. It is hard to assert that efficiency in power generation should be pursued even at the risk of devastating disasters, the court maintained.
今回の決定は、事故を振り返り、環境破壊は国を超える可能性さえあるとし、「単に発電の効率性をもって、甚大な災禍とひきかえにすべきだとは言い難い」と述べた。
The court also contended that the NRA and Kansai Electric have made insufficient efforts to pinpoint the causes of the Fukushima accident.
そのうえで事故原因の究明について関電や規制委の姿勢は不十分と批判。
The NRA’s endorsement of the safety of a reactor cannot be seen as a base for a sense of security within society, the court said.
規制委の許可がただちに社会の安心の基礎となるとは考えられないと断じた。
The court’s decision that meeting the new regulatory standards alone does not necessarily ensure the safety of a reactor has huge implications.
新たな規制基準を満たしたとしても、それだけで原発の安全性が確保されるわけではない。その司法判断の意味は重い。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga has said the Abe administration remains committed to promoting reactor restarts in line with the NRA’s judgments.
安倍政権は「規制委の判断を尊重して再稼働を進める方針に変わりない」（菅官房長官）としている。
But the administration should carefully consider the significance of the fact that the judiciary has raised fundamental questions about the entire system of post-Fukushima nuclear safety regulation.
だが、事故後の安全規制の仕組み全般について、司法が根源的な疑問を呈した意味をよく考えるべきだ。
EVACUATION PLANS IN DOUBT
■問われる避難計画
An Asahi Shimbun editorial published in July 2011 called for the creation of a society without nuclear power.
朝日新聞は２０１１年７月に社説で「原発ゼロ社会」を提言した。
While supporting the temporary operation of the minimum number of reactors that are absolutely needed to meet electricity demand, the editorial proposed that nuclear power generation should be phased out in two to three decades by decommissioning dangerous and aging reactors.
当面どうしても必要な原発の稼働は認めるものの、危険度の高い原発や古い原発から閉めて２０〜３０年後をめどにすべて廃炉にするという考えだ。
In fact, all nuclear reactors in Japan were off-line for about two years and one month over the past five years. No serious power crunches or economic upheavals took place during the period, disproving initial warnings about such possibilities.
The experiences during the period have shown that the number of “absolutely necessary nuclear reactors” is not that many. This lends weight to the argument that strict conditions must be met for restarting a reactor.
実際にはこの５年のうち約２年１カ月は国内の原発がすべて止まっていた。当初心配された深刻な電力不足や経済の大混乱は起きず、「どうしても必要な原発」はさほど多くないことがわかった。再稼働の条件は厳しく設定すべきである。
A growing number of Japanese are calling for the immediate shutdown of all reactors or a steady reduction in Japan’s dependence on nuclear energy. An Asahi Shimbun public opinion poll in February confirmed this trend; a majority of respondents voiced opposition to reactor restarts.
原発の即時全面停止や依存度低減といった脱原発を求める世論が高まり、先月の朝日新聞の世論調査でも過半数が再稼働に反対している。
The Abe administration initially pledged to lower the nation’s dependence on nuclear power over time. But it has gradually ratcheted up its rhetoric in promoting nuclear power generation through remarks that appear designed to create a new “nuclear safety myth.”
安倍政権は当初は「原発依存度の低減」を掲げたが、徐々に新たな「安全神話」を思わせる言動が目立っている。
In his 2013 speech supporting Tokyo’s bid to host the 2020 Summer Olympics, Abe told the world that the situation concerning radioactive water from the crippled Fukushima plant was “under control.”
安倍首相は１３年、東京五輪招致で原発の汚染水状況を「アンダーコントロール（管理下にある）」と世界にアピールした。
He has also contended in the Diet that the NRA’s new safety standards were “the strictest in the world.”
規制委の新基準についても国会で「世界一厳しい」と持ち上げた。
But the Otsu District Court’s decision adjudged the standards as insufficient for giving the green light to a reactor restart.
だが、今回の地裁決定は、その基準も再稼働の十分条件ではないとの判断を示した。
In addition, there have been serious concerns about the lack of effective and reliable plans for emergency evacuations during severe nuclear accidents.
さらに避難計画の不備はかねて懸念の的だった。
The new safety standards do not cover evacuation plans, and the NRA does not examine such plans when it evaluates the safety of a reactor.
新基準に避難計画は入っておらず、規制委の審査対象になっていない。
In the case of the Takahama plant, a severe nuclear accident would force about 180,000 residents in Fukui, Kyoto and Shiga prefectures to evacuate. But no drill to ascertain the viability of evacuation plans was conducted before the two reactors resumed operations.
高浜の場合、福井、京都、滋賀の３府県にまたがる約１８万人が避難を余儀なくされるが、再稼働前に計画の実効性を確かめる訓練も実施されなかった。
The court referred to the government’s “obligation to develop regulatory standards from a broad perspective that also covers the need of evacuation plans.” The government should immediately respond to this proposition.
地裁は「避難計画をも視野に入れた幅広い規制基準をつくる義務が国家にあるのではないか」と投げかけた。政府がただちに答えるべき問いだ。
NUCLEAR POWER OF GREAT PUBLIC CONCERN
■国民の重大な関心事
Despite the enormous scale of damage caused by the Fukushima accident, the responsibility of those who had championed nuclear power generation has yet to be clarified.
あれだけの事故でありながら原発を推進してきた人たちの責任は明らかになっていない。
As the Otsu District Court pointed out, the Japanese public who watched the disaster unfold at the Fukushima No. 1 plant understand the “overwhelming scope” of the damages caused by the accident as well as the “great confusion” that arose during the evacuation process.
大津地裁が言う通り、原発事故を経験した国民は事故の影響の範囲について、「圧倒的な広さとその避難に大きな混乱が生じたことを知悉（ちしつ）している」。
Yet both the government and electric utilities are working in tandem to restart reactors as if they have forgotten what happened five years ago.
にもかかわらず、政府と電力会社は事故を忘れたかのように再稼働へ足並みをそろえる。
Some revelations have cast serious doubt about utilities’ commitment to learning lessons from the accident and putting the top priority on safety.
Tokyo Electric Power Co., operator of the stricken Fukushima plant, recently “discovered” a guideline in its operational manual that would have allowed it to announce core meltdowns much earlier than it did.
Kyushu Electric Power Co. has asked for the NRA’s permission to withdraw a plan to build a quake-proof building that can serve as an on-site response center during a severe nuclear accident. The company promised to build the emergency facility at its Sendai nuclear power plant before it restarted two reactors at the plant last year.
東京電力が炉心溶融の判定基準を今ごろ「発見」したり、九州電力が川内（せんだい）原発の再稼働前に約束していた免震重要棟の建設を撤回したりと、事業者の反省、安全優先の徹底は怪しい。
These episodes raise suspicions that the utilities are returning to their pre-disaster practice of cunningly using experts to make key decisions about their nuclear power operations within the close-knit pro-nuclear community.
専門家をうまく使い、事故前のように仲間内で決めようとしているのか。疑念が膨らむ。
Many issues concerning nuclear power policy are too complicated and arcane for ordinary citizens to easily understand. But the Fukushima nuclear crisis has reminded Japanese that nuclear power generation is an issue that is directly linked to their livelihoods and lifestyle choices.
原子力政策は難解だが、原発は、人びとの暮らし方、生き方の選択と直結した問題であることを事故は思い起こさせた。
No matter how hard they try to revive the safety myth about nuclear power, government policymakers and members of the “nuclear village,” the closed and small community of people and organizations with vested interests in promoting nuclear power, will never be able to bring the nation back to the days before the Fukushima disaster.
政権と少数の「原発ムラ」関係者たちが、いくら安全神話を復活させようとしても、事故前に戻ることはできない。
Nuclear power generation has already become a familiar issue and a matter of serious concern to the great majority of Japanese.
原発はすでに大多数の国民の、身近で重大な関心事なのである。
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2016年03月10日
慰安婦問題 日韓合意を育てるには
--The Asahi Shimbun, March 9
EDITORIAL: Tokyo and Seoul must be faithful to agreement on 'comfort women'
（社説）慰安婦問題 日韓合意を育てるには
In its concluding observations, the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) on March 7 criticized Japan for failing to "fully adopt a victim-centered approach" over the December 2015 Japan-South Korea agreement on the "comfort women" issue.
国連の女子差別撤廃委員会（ＣＥＤＡＷ）は、慰安婦問題をめぐる昨年末の日韓合意について「被害者中心のアプローチが十分にとられていない」などと遺憾を表す最終見解を発表した。
The Japanese government reacted with displeasure.
"That's a real shame as it (the panel's reaction) diverges greatly from the reception of the international community," Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida told a news conference on March 8.
これに対し、岸田文雄外相が「国際社会の受け止めとはかけ離れている」と述べるなど、日本政府は反発している。
But doesn't such a knee-jerk reaction to the CEDAW observations only convey to the people of both Japan and South Korea a message that is incongruous with the spirit of the agreement?
しかし、国連委員会の見解に対して反発するだけでは、合意の精神から離れたメッセージを日韓両国民に送ることにならないか。
We believe the only reasonable response to the CEDAW observations now is to act faithfully on each clause of the agreement, one by one.
こうした見解や見方に対する答えは、合意の中身を一つずつ着実に実行に移していくことに尽きるはずだ。
For decades, the comfort women issue plagued both Tokyo and Seoul, and the partners were finally able to reach an agreement at the end of the landmark 50th year of the normalization of their diplomatic ties.
慰安婦問題は、日韓国交正常化５０年という節目の年の最後になってようやく合意をみた、両国政府にとって長年の懸案だった。
U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, as well as the leaders of the United States and other countries, hailed the efforts made by Tokyo and Seoul to reach that accord.
合意に対して、国連の潘基文（パンギムン）・事務総長や米国をはじめとする国々から、日韓のその努力と成果に対して歓迎の意を表する動きがあった。
However, the contents of the agreement can hardly be said to have been fully appreciated in either country. In fact, there still remain very hard feelings about the agreement in both countries, particularly in South Korea.
しかし、日韓双方の国内で合意内容が浸透したと言える状況にはない。むしろ、日韓両国、とりわけ韓国国内には強い反対意見があるのが現状だ。
Precisely because such is the case, no final resolution to the comfort women issue can be hoped for unless the governments abide by the agreement. And for that, the political leaders of both nations must be firmly resolved to abide by it.
それだけに、政府間で約束が守られなければ、最終的な解決など望めない。そのためには日韓の政治指導者の強い意思が欠かせない。
Fortunately, some signs of change have been seen. For example, when a lawmaker of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party called the women "professional prostitutes" after the agreement was signed, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, speaking in the Diet, immediately chastised the offending lawmaker for misrepresenting the spirit of the agreement.
実際、変化の兆しも出てきてはいる。日韓合意の発表後、慰安婦のことを「職業としての娼婦（しょうふ）」と発言した自民党の国会議員に対し、安倍首相は国会ですぐに「合意を踏まえた発言を」などと諭した。
And on the South Korean side, Foreign Minister Yun Byung-se made no mention of the comfort women issue when he recently attended a U.N. Human Rights Council session. This was a first since President Park Geun-hye took office in 2013.
一方、韓国の尹炳世（ユンビョンセ）外相は先日開かれた国連人権理事会で、慰安婦問題について言及しなかった。朴政権になって初めてのことだ。
It is vital that both Tokyo and Seoul continue making these efforts.
双方とも、こうした努力を重ねることが重要だ。
Under the agreement, the Japanese government is to pledge 1 billion yen ($8.8 million) to a fund to be established by the South Korean government for carrying out "projects for recovering the honor and dignity and healing the psychological wounds of all comfort women."
日韓は、韓国政府が作る財団に日本が政府予算から１０億円を出すことで一致している。「元慰安婦の名誉と尊厳の回復、心の傷の癒やしのための事業」にあたるためだ。
This arrangement partly addresses the CEDAW's reference to Japan's need to "adopt a victim-centered approach."
最終見解の勧告にある「被害者中心のアプローチ」に重なる部分がある。
The agreement also confirms both countries' intention to resolve the comfort women issue "finally and irreversibly."
また、両政府は慰安婦問題の「最終的かつ不可逆的」な解決も確認しあっている。
Both governments must strive to honor this agreement and continue to calmly exchange their views based on objective facts.
両国政府関係者は、この合意が保たれるように努力し、双方が事実に基づいた冷静な主張を重ねていく必要がある。
To change the international community's perception of the comfort women issue, it is vital that Japan and South Korea work together to act fully and faithfully on the agreement and let it grow strong by deepening their mutual trust.
日韓が手を携えて合意の内容を着実に履行する。互いに信頼関係を深めながら大きく育てていく。慰安婦問題をみつめる国際社会の視線を変えることも、こうした取り組みの積み重ねにかかっているはずだ。
EDITORIAL: Tokyo and Seoul must be faithful to agreement on 'comfort women'
（社説）慰安婦問題 日韓合意を育てるには
In its concluding observations, the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) on March 7 criticized Japan for failing to "fully adopt a victim-centered approach" over the December 2015 Japan-South Korea agreement on the "comfort women" issue.
国連の女子差別撤廃委員会（ＣＥＤＡＷ）は、慰安婦問題をめぐる昨年末の日韓合意について「被害者中心のアプローチが十分にとられていない」などと遺憾を表す最終見解を発表した。
The Japanese government reacted with displeasure.
"That's a real shame as it (the panel's reaction) diverges greatly from the reception of the international community," Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida told a news conference on March 8.
これに対し、岸田文雄外相が「国際社会の受け止めとはかけ離れている」と述べるなど、日本政府は反発している。
But doesn't such a knee-jerk reaction to the CEDAW observations only convey to the people of both Japan and South Korea a message that is incongruous with the spirit of the agreement?
しかし、国連委員会の見解に対して反発するだけでは、合意の精神から離れたメッセージを日韓両国民に送ることにならないか。
We believe the only reasonable response to the CEDAW observations now is to act faithfully on each clause of the agreement, one by one.
こうした見解や見方に対する答えは、合意の中身を一つずつ着実に実行に移していくことに尽きるはずだ。
For decades, the comfort women issue plagued both Tokyo and Seoul, and the partners were finally able to reach an agreement at the end of the landmark 50th year of the normalization of their diplomatic ties.
慰安婦問題は、日韓国交正常化５０年という節目の年の最後になってようやく合意をみた、両国政府にとって長年の懸案だった。
U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, as well as the leaders of the United States and other countries, hailed the efforts made by Tokyo and Seoul to reach that accord.
合意に対して、国連の潘基文（パンギムン）・事務総長や米国をはじめとする国々から、日韓のその努力と成果に対して歓迎の意を表する動きがあった。
However, the contents of the agreement can hardly be said to have been fully appreciated in either country. In fact, there still remain very hard feelings about the agreement in both countries, particularly in South Korea.
しかし、日韓双方の国内で合意内容が浸透したと言える状況にはない。むしろ、日韓両国、とりわけ韓国国内には強い反対意見があるのが現状だ。
Precisely because such is the case, no final resolution to the comfort women issue can be hoped for unless the governments abide by the agreement. And for that, the political leaders of both nations must be firmly resolved to abide by it.
それだけに、政府間で約束が守られなければ、最終的な解決など望めない。そのためには日韓の政治指導者の強い意思が欠かせない。
Fortunately, some signs of change have been seen. For example, when a lawmaker of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party called the women "professional prostitutes" after the agreement was signed, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, speaking in the Diet, immediately chastised the offending lawmaker for misrepresenting the spirit of the agreement.
実際、変化の兆しも出てきてはいる。日韓合意の発表後、慰安婦のことを「職業としての娼婦（しょうふ）」と発言した自民党の国会議員に対し、安倍首相は国会ですぐに「合意を踏まえた発言を」などと諭した。
And on the South Korean side, Foreign Minister Yun Byung-se made no mention of the comfort women issue when he recently attended a U.N. Human Rights Council session. This was a first since President Park Geun-hye took office in 2013.
一方、韓国の尹炳世（ユンビョンセ）外相は先日開かれた国連人権理事会で、慰安婦問題について言及しなかった。朴政権になって初めてのことだ。
It is vital that both Tokyo and Seoul continue making these efforts.
双方とも、こうした努力を重ねることが重要だ。
Under the agreement, the Japanese government is to pledge 1 billion yen ($8.8 million) to a fund to be established by the South Korean government for carrying out "projects for recovering the honor and dignity and healing the psychological wounds of all comfort women."
日韓は、韓国政府が作る財団に日本が政府予算から１０億円を出すことで一致している。「元慰安婦の名誉と尊厳の回復、心の傷の癒やしのための事業」にあたるためだ。
This arrangement partly addresses the CEDAW's reference to Japan's need to "adopt a victim-centered approach."
最終見解の勧告にある「被害者中心のアプローチ」に重なる部分がある。
The agreement also confirms both countries' intention to resolve the comfort women issue "finally and irreversibly."
また、両政府は慰安婦問題の「最終的かつ不可逆的」な解決も確認しあっている。
Both governments must strive to honor this agreement and continue to calmly exchange their views based on objective facts.
両国政府関係者は、この合意が保たれるように努力し、双方が事実に基づいた冷静な主張を重ねていく必要がある。
To change the international community's perception of the comfort women issue, it is vital that Japan and South Korea work together to act fully and faithfully on the agreement and let it grow strong by deepening their mutual trust.
日韓が手を携えて合意の内容を着実に履行する。互いに信頼関係を深めながら大きく育てていく。慰安婦問題をみつめる国際社会の視線を変えることも、こうした取り組みの積み重ねにかかっているはずだ。
2016年03月09日
「停波」発言 放送局の姿勢を見たい
--The Asahi Shimbun, March 7
EDITORIAL: Broadcasters must stand up to LDP pressure
（社説）「停波」発言 放送局の姿勢を見たい
Communications minister Sanae Takaichi has reiterated that she or others in her post could order broadcasters to suspend operations if they repeatedly air politically unfair programs.
政治的に公平でない番組を繰り返し流した場合、時の総務大臣の判断で、放送局に電波停止を命じることもありうる――。
高市早苗総務相が、こう繰り返し表明している。
Takaichi, who also said some of her predecessors made similar remarks, has ruled out changing her position despite a series of statements by media executives and legal scholars criticizing her assertion.
これまでの総務大臣も同様のことを述べてきた、とも言っている。放送関係者や法学者らによる批判声明が相次いでいるが、考えを変えるつもりはないという。
Takaichi doesn’t understand the spirit of the Broadcast Law.
高市氏は放送法の意義を理解していない。
The principal aim of the law is to secure the freedom of expression guaranteed by the Constitution.
放送法の精神は、憲法が保障する表現の自由を確保することにある。
The law’s Article 4, which requires political fairness in broadcasting, should not be used as a legal base to penalize broadcasters with orders to suspend their operations. That’s because there can be no clear definition of the term “political fairness.”
様々に解釈できる「政治的公平」を定めた第４条を、停波という処分と結びつけるべきではない。
The communications minister, who is a politician, cannot be expected to serve as a good judge of whether a program is politically fair or not.
番組が政治的に公平か否か、自身も政治家である大臣が判断することには矛盾がある。
The current Liberal Democratic Party has taken a series of aggressive actions to meddle in the content of TV programs. The ruling party has made “requests” and conducted “interviews” that could be regarded as attempts to intimidate broadcasters.
いまの自民党は、番組内容にまで踏み込み、威圧ともとれる「要望」や「事情聴取」などでテレビへの干渉を強めている。
Coming from a Cabinet minister of this high-handed governing party, Takaichi’s reference to possibly ordering broadcasters to suspend programs can be taken as an open challenge to the freedom of broadcasting.
そんな政権党の大臣が「停波」を口にすることは、放送の自由への圧力と受け止められる。
What is worrisome is that TV broadcasters could be daunted by her words.
心配なのは、テレビ報道に萎縮が広がることだ。
Some employees of TV stations have reportedly said they feel silent pressure from their higher-ups. Others have mentioned growing signs that the people involved in producing TV programs are exercising self-restraint and using their own judgment to avoid provoking controversy.
「上から無言のプレッシャーがある」「自主規制や忖度（そんたく）によって萎縮が蔓延（まんえん）している」。現場にはそんな声があるという。
The people’s right to know, a foundation of democracy, would be seriously undermined if broadcasters conduct docile news reporting out of fear of being labeled “unfair” by the government.
政権から「公平ではない」と言われるのを恐れて報道が手ぬるくなれば、民主主義社会の基本である国民の知る権利の足元が掘り崩される。
Even if they are undaunted by the government’s threat, TV broadcasters would lose the trust of viewers if they suspect TV programs are made in line with the government’s wishes.
実際は萎縮していないとしても、視聴者が「政権の意に沿った放送だろう」と疑えば、テレビ報道は信頼を失う。
Takaichi’s remarks have effectively aroused such suspicions among the public. The situation is causing heavy losses for society.
高市氏の発言は結果として、こうした疑念を膨らませている。社会にとって大きな損失である。
Asked about Takaichi’s remarks, the heads of all the national TV networks have stressed that broadcasters are committed to the principle of “independence and autonomy.” They should demonstrate their commitment to the principle through their programs.
在京キー局のトップはみな、記者会見で高市氏の発言について問われ、「放送は自主自律」と答えている。その覚悟を具体的に示してほしい。
Some TV broadcasters have already aired programs that dug into this issue and showed their own positions while providing viewers with information to think about related questions themselves.
すでに、この問題を掘り下げて、視聴者に考える材料を提供しながら、自らの姿勢を示した報道番組もある。
But such moves have been limited in scope and show no signs of developing into a major trend.
だが、そうした動きは一部にとどまり、広がりが見えない。
Many newscasters who have criticized the government will be replaced as part of program changes this spring. This has made Japanese TV viewers attentive to the attitudes of TV broadcasters toward news reporting.
春の番組改編で、政権に厳しくものを言ってきたキャスターが次々と交代することもあり、視聴者は今後の報道姿勢を注目している。
As an important player in journalism, TV stations should do more to communicate their views and opinions directly to viewers.
テレビ局は報道の担い手として、自分たちの考え方を、もっと積極的に直接視聴者に伝えたらどうだろうか。
Article 1 of the Broadcast Law says the law’s purpose is to “ensure that broadcasting will contribute to the sound development of democracy by clarifying the professional responsibilities of those who are involved in broadcasting.”
放送法第１条には「放送に携わる者の職責を明らかにすることによって、放送が健全な民主主義の発達に資するようにする」とある。
TV broadcasters have a duty to clearly show how they are trying to fulfill these responsibilities.
それをどう実践しているのか、分かりやすく見せてほしい。
EDITORIAL: Broadcasters must stand up to LDP pressure
（社説）「停波」発言 放送局の姿勢を見たい
Communications minister Sanae Takaichi has reiterated that she or others in her post could order broadcasters to suspend operations if they repeatedly air politically unfair programs.
政治的に公平でない番組を繰り返し流した場合、時の総務大臣の判断で、放送局に電波停止を命じることもありうる――。
高市早苗総務相が、こう繰り返し表明している。
Takaichi, who also said some of her predecessors made similar remarks, has ruled out changing her position despite a series of statements by media executives and legal scholars criticizing her assertion.
これまでの総務大臣も同様のことを述べてきた、とも言っている。放送関係者や法学者らによる批判声明が相次いでいるが、考えを変えるつもりはないという。
Takaichi doesn’t understand the spirit of the Broadcast Law.
高市氏は放送法の意義を理解していない。
The principal aim of the law is to secure the freedom of expression guaranteed by the Constitution.
放送法の精神は、憲法が保障する表現の自由を確保することにある。
The law’s Article 4, which requires political fairness in broadcasting, should not be used as a legal base to penalize broadcasters with orders to suspend their operations. That’s because there can be no clear definition of the term “political fairness.”
様々に解釈できる「政治的公平」を定めた第４条を、停波という処分と結びつけるべきではない。
The communications minister, who is a politician, cannot be expected to serve as a good judge of whether a program is politically fair or not.
番組が政治的に公平か否か、自身も政治家である大臣が判断することには矛盾がある。
The current Liberal Democratic Party has taken a series of aggressive actions to meddle in the content of TV programs. The ruling party has made “requests” and conducted “interviews” that could be regarded as attempts to intimidate broadcasters.
いまの自民党は、番組内容にまで踏み込み、威圧ともとれる「要望」や「事情聴取」などでテレビへの干渉を強めている。
Coming from a Cabinet minister of this high-handed governing party, Takaichi’s reference to possibly ordering broadcasters to suspend programs can be taken as an open challenge to the freedom of broadcasting.
そんな政権党の大臣が「停波」を口にすることは、放送の自由への圧力と受け止められる。
What is worrisome is that TV broadcasters could be daunted by her words.
心配なのは、テレビ報道に萎縮が広がることだ。
Some employees of TV stations have reportedly said they feel silent pressure from their higher-ups. Others have mentioned growing signs that the people involved in producing TV programs are exercising self-restraint and using their own judgment to avoid provoking controversy.
「上から無言のプレッシャーがある」「自主規制や忖度（そんたく）によって萎縮が蔓延（まんえん）している」。現場にはそんな声があるという。
The people’s right to know, a foundation of democracy, would be seriously undermined if broadcasters conduct docile news reporting out of fear of being labeled “unfair” by the government.
政権から「公平ではない」と言われるのを恐れて報道が手ぬるくなれば、民主主義社会の基本である国民の知る権利の足元が掘り崩される。
Even if they are undaunted by the government’s threat, TV broadcasters would lose the trust of viewers if they suspect TV programs are made in line with the government’s wishes.
実際は萎縮していないとしても、視聴者が「政権の意に沿った放送だろう」と疑えば、テレビ報道は信頼を失う。
Takaichi’s remarks have effectively aroused such suspicions among the public. The situation is causing heavy losses for society.
高市氏の発言は結果として、こうした疑念を膨らませている。社会にとって大きな損失である。
Asked about Takaichi’s remarks, the heads of all the national TV networks have stressed that broadcasters are committed to the principle of “independence and autonomy.” They should demonstrate their commitment to the principle through their programs.
在京キー局のトップはみな、記者会見で高市氏の発言について問われ、「放送は自主自律」と答えている。その覚悟を具体的に示してほしい。
Some TV broadcasters have already aired programs that dug into this issue and showed their own positions while providing viewers with information to think about related questions themselves.
すでに、この問題を掘り下げて、視聴者に考える材料を提供しながら、自らの姿勢を示した報道番組もある。
But such moves have been limited in scope and show no signs of developing into a major trend.
だが、そうした動きは一部にとどまり、広がりが見えない。
Many newscasters who have criticized the government will be replaced as part of program changes this spring. This has made Japanese TV viewers attentive to the attitudes of TV broadcasters toward news reporting.
春の番組改編で、政権に厳しくものを言ってきたキャスターが次々と交代することもあり、視聴者は今後の報道姿勢を注目している。
As an important player in journalism, TV stations should do more to communicate their views and opinions directly to viewers.
テレビ局は報道の担い手として、自分たちの考え方を、もっと積極的に直接視聴者に伝えたらどうだろうか。
Article 1 of the Broadcast Law says the law’s purpose is to “ensure that broadcasting will contribute to the sound development of democracy by clarifying the professional responsibilities of those who are involved in broadcasting.”
放送法第１条には「放送に携わる者の職責を明らかにすることによって、放送が健全な民主主義の発達に資するようにする」とある。
TV broadcasters have a duty to clearly show how they are trying to fulfill these responsibilities.
それをどう実践しているのか、分かりやすく見せてほしい。
2016年03月08日
衆院制度改革 放置できぬ格差拡大
--The Asahi Shimbun, March 6
EDITORIAL: LDP needs to be serious about narrowing vote-value gap
（社説）衆院制度改革 放置できぬ格差拡大
There must be absolutely no further delay in the long-overdue electoral reform to redress grievous inequalities in representation.
To reduce the glaring disparity in the relative weight of a vote in Lower House single-seat constituencies, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party should respond positively to the major reapportionment and redistricting proposals made by its junior coalition partner, Komeito, and the opposition Democratic Party of Japan.
もはや待ったなしである。衆院小選挙区の一票の格差是正に向け、自民党は公明党や民主党が主張する定数配分の抜本改革案に歩み寄るべきだ。
The 2015 national census has confirmed the worsening of the situation. A vote in the least populous Miyagi No. 5 district is “worth” the value of 2.334 votes in the most populous Tokyo No. 1, according to preliminary figures announced by the internal affairs ministry on Feb. 26.
総務省が先月発表した２０１５年国勢調査の速報値によれば、人口が最も少ない宮城５区と最多の東京１区を比べると、格差は２・３３４倍となった。
The maximum gap in vote value narrowed to a ratio of 1.998 to 1 as a result of the changes made in 2013, which reduced the number of single-seat constituencies in five prefectures by one each.
But the latest demographic data have found a vote-value disparity of more than two--the standard of the Supreme Court for ruling “a state of unconstitutionality”--in 37 districts, including 14 in Tokyo, when compared with Miyagi No. 5.
１３年の「０増５減」に伴う区割り見直しで最大格差は１・９９８倍に縮小していたが、今回の調査では２倍以上の格差があるのは３７選挙区に上る。
As a formula to allocate Lower House seats to the 47 prefectures, a research council on the electoral system in January recommended the adoption of an apportion method that was proposed by John Quincy Adams, the sixth president of the United States.
都道府県の間の定数配分の計算式として、衆院議長の諮問機関である有識者調査会は「アダムズ方式」の導入による抜本改革を答申した。
Many parties including the DPJ and Komeito have said they will accept the proposal. While the LDP has shown a reluctance to immediately adopt the method, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has promised to “respect” the panel’s recommendations.
民主、公明など多くの党が受け入れを表明し、消極的な自民党も安倍首相が「尊重する」と答弁している。
The question is when the Adams method should be introduced.
残る焦点は、アダムズ方式をいつ導入するかだ。
In line with the panel’s proposal, which called for a net reduction of six seats elected in single-seat constituencies, the DPJ has proposed a combination of an increase of seven in the seats allocated to five prefectures and a reduction of one each in 13 prefectures, changes based on the 2010 national census. Komeito argues for an adjustment comprising an increase of nine seats combined with a reduction of 15 based on the 2015 data.
答申が求めた小選挙区定数の６削減を前提に定数配分を見直す場合、民主党は１０年調査に基づく「７増１３減」を、公明党は１５年調査に基づく「９増１５減」を主張している。
Abe, however, is apparently tilting toward the idea of limiting the immediate changes based on the 2015 census to cut six seats through redistricting within six prefectures. He prefers postponing a major overhaul based on the Adams apportion method until after the full census scheduled for 2020.
一方、安倍首相は１５年調査では、選挙区画見直しによる是正と定数の６減にとどめ、アダムズ方式導入による抜本改革は２０年の大規模調査以降に実施するとの方針だ。
Abe claims his position is in line with the council’s recommendations, which said a reapportionment based on the Adams formula should be carried out in response to the findings of full censuses conducted once a decade.
アダムズ方式による配分見直しは１０年ごとの大規模国勢調査に基づき実施するとの答申に沿ったものだ、と首相はいう。
It is true that the panel didn’t propose any specific time frame for the reform. But Abe’s position ignores the reality of serious inequality in the value of votes.
確かに、答申に導入時期は書いていない。だが、首相の言い分は、投票価値の不平等という現実から目を背けている。
What is important is not to follow the letter of the panel’s recommendations. The crucial issue is how to respond to the calls for substantial electoral reform made by the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court declared the past three Lower House elections to have been conducted “in a state of unconstitutionality” because of a sharp vote-value disparity. The court has also urged an early abolition of the method of first distributing one seat to each of the 47 prefectures before allocating the remaining seats.
大事なことは、答申に形式的に沿うことではない。過去３回の衆院選を違憲状態と判断し、「１人別枠」という定数配分方式の速やかな撤廃という最高裁の求めにどう応えるかだ。
The LDP’s “zero increase and six reduction” proposal would effectively keep the “one seat to each prefecture first” system intact.
自民党が今回実施するという「０増６減」では、１人別枠方式は実質的に温存される。
Given that at least one Lower House election will be held by the time of the next national census, Komeito’s argument for introducing the Adams approach immediately by applying it to the newest demographic data is the most reasonable one.
次の国勢調査までに少なくとも１回は衆院選があることを考えれば、最新データをもとにアダムズ方式を導入するとの公明党の主張が最も理にかなう。
Lower House Speaker Tadamori Oshima, who is serving as a broker in the negotiations over the issue among the parties, has expressed a desire to see the emergence of consensus by the end of this month. Abe should agree to the proposal put forward by Komeito, the LDP’s political ally.
調整役の大島衆院議長は今月中に結論を出したいというが、安倍首相は友党・公明党の主張を受け入れるべきだ。
We can understand the argument that slashing the number of seats allocated to sparsely populated areas would make it difficult to incorporate the voices of people in rural areas into the central government’s policies.
人口が少ない地域の定数が減れば、地方の声が国政に届きにくくなるという指摘があるのはわかる。
But the constitutional imperative of equality in the value of votes should not be obscured by this problem, which should be discussed from a different viewpoint.
ただ、それは憲法が求める「投票価値の平等」とは別の観点から論ずべき問題だ。
The judiciary has ordered that the existing inequality should be redressed as quickly as possible. The legislature has a responsibility to carry out the order.
いまある不平等を、できるだけ早く正す。それが司法の要請であり、立法府の責任である。
EDITORIAL: LDP needs to be serious about narrowing vote-value gap
（社説）衆院制度改革 放置できぬ格差拡大
There must be absolutely no further delay in the long-overdue electoral reform to redress grievous inequalities in representation.
To reduce the glaring disparity in the relative weight of a vote in Lower House single-seat constituencies, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party should respond positively to the major reapportionment and redistricting proposals made by its junior coalition partner, Komeito, and the opposition Democratic Party of Japan.
もはや待ったなしである。衆院小選挙区の一票の格差是正に向け、自民党は公明党や民主党が主張する定数配分の抜本改革案に歩み寄るべきだ。
The 2015 national census has confirmed the worsening of the situation. A vote in the least populous Miyagi No. 5 district is “worth” the value of 2.334 votes in the most populous Tokyo No. 1, according to preliminary figures announced by the internal affairs ministry on Feb. 26.
総務省が先月発表した２０１５年国勢調査の速報値によれば、人口が最も少ない宮城５区と最多の東京１区を比べると、格差は２・３３４倍となった。
The maximum gap in vote value narrowed to a ratio of 1.998 to 1 as a result of the changes made in 2013, which reduced the number of single-seat constituencies in five prefectures by one each.
But the latest demographic data have found a vote-value disparity of more than two--the standard of the Supreme Court for ruling “a state of unconstitutionality”--in 37 districts, including 14 in Tokyo, when compared with Miyagi No. 5.
１３年の「０増５減」に伴う区割り見直しで最大格差は１・９９８倍に縮小していたが、今回の調査では２倍以上の格差があるのは３７選挙区に上る。
As a formula to allocate Lower House seats to the 47 prefectures, a research council on the electoral system in January recommended the adoption of an apportion method that was proposed by John Quincy Adams, the sixth president of the United States.
都道府県の間の定数配分の計算式として、衆院議長の諮問機関である有識者調査会は「アダムズ方式」の導入による抜本改革を答申した。
Many parties including the DPJ and Komeito have said they will accept the proposal. While the LDP has shown a reluctance to immediately adopt the method, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has promised to “respect” the panel’s recommendations.
民主、公明など多くの党が受け入れを表明し、消極的な自民党も安倍首相が「尊重する」と答弁している。
The question is when the Adams method should be introduced.
残る焦点は、アダムズ方式をいつ導入するかだ。
In line with the panel’s proposal, which called for a net reduction of six seats elected in single-seat constituencies, the DPJ has proposed a combination of an increase of seven in the seats allocated to five prefectures and a reduction of one each in 13 prefectures, changes based on the 2010 national census. Komeito argues for an adjustment comprising an increase of nine seats combined with a reduction of 15 based on the 2015 data.
答申が求めた小選挙区定数の６削減を前提に定数配分を見直す場合、民主党は１０年調査に基づく「７増１３減」を、公明党は１５年調査に基づく「９増１５減」を主張している。
Abe, however, is apparently tilting toward the idea of limiting the immediate changes based on the 2015 census to cut six seats through redistricting within six prefectures. He prefers postponing a major overhaul based on the Adams apportion method until after the full census scheduled for 2020.
一方、安倍首相は１５年調査では、選挙区画見直しによる是正と定数の６減にとどめ、アダムズ方式導入による抜本改革は２０年の大規模調査以降に実施するとの方針だ。
Abe claims his position is in line with the council’s recommendations, which said a reapportionment based on the Adams formula should be carried out in response to the findings of full censuses conducted once a decade.
アダムズ方式による配分見直しは１０年ごとの大規模国勢調査に基づき実施するとの答申に沿ったものだ、と首相はいう。
It is true that the panel didn’t propose any specific time frame for the reform. But Abe’s position ignores the reality of serious inequality in the value of votes.
確かに、答申に導入時期は書いていない。だが、首相の言い分は、投票価値の不平等という現実から目を背けている。
What is important is not to follow the letter of the panel’s recommendations. The crucial issue is how to respond to the calls for substantial electoral reform made by the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court declared the past three Lower House elections to have been conducted “in a state of unconstitutionality” because of a sharp vote-value disparity. The court has also urged an early abolition of the method of first distributing one seat to each of the 47 prefectures before allocating the remaining seats.
大事なことは、答申に形式的に沿うことではない。過去３回の衆院選を違憲状態と判断し、「１人別枠」という定数配分方式の速やかな撤廃という最高裁の求めにどう応えるかだ。
The LDP’s “zero increase and six reduction” proposal would effectively keep the “one seat to each prefecture first” system intact.
自民党が今回実施するという「０増６減」では、１人別枠方式は実質的に温存される。
Given that at least one Lower House election will be held by the time of the next national census, Komeito’s argument for introducing the Adams approach immediately by applying it to the newest demographic data is the most reasonable one.
次の国勢調査までに少なくとも１回は衆院選があることを考えれば、最新データをもとにアダムズ方式を導入するとの公明党の主張が最も理にかなう。
Lower House Speaker Tadamori Oshima, who is serving as a broker in the negotiations over the issue among the parties, has expressed a desire to see the emergence of consensus by the end of this month. Abe should agree to the proposal put forward by Komeito, the LDP’s political ally.
調整役の大島衆院議長は今月中に結論を出したいというが、安倍首相は友党・公明党の主張を受け入れるべきだ。
We can understand the argument that slashing the number of seats allocated to sparsely populated areas would make it difficult to incorporate the voices of people in rural areas into the central government’s policies.
人口が少ない地域の定数が減れば、地方の声が国政に届きにくくなるという指摘があるのはわかる。
But the constitutional imperative of equality in the value of votes should not be obscured by this problem, which should be discussed from a different viewpoint.
ただ、それは憲法が求める「投票価値の平等」とは別の観点から論ずべき問題だ。
The judiciary has ordered that the existing inequality should be redressed as quickly as possible. The legislature has a responsibility to carry out the order.
いまある不平等を、できるだけ早く正す。それが司法の要請であり、立法府の責任である。
2016年03月07日
中国全人代開幕 経済減速でも続く「強軍路線」
The Yomiuri Shimbun
China’s People’s Congress prioritizes military despite economic slowdown
中国全人代開幕 経済減速でも続く「強軍路線」
Can China bring its economy to a soft landing by comprehensively employing policies such as structural reforms and fiscal measures?
構造改革や財政出動といった政策を総動員し、経済の軟着陸を図ることができるか。
China’s National People’s Congress has opened.
中国の全国人民代表大会（全人代＝国会）が開幕した。
In his address to the congress, Premier Li Keqiang announced the nation’s economic growth target will be set at “at least 6.5 percent” in the 13th five-year plan for economic and social policies from 2016 to 2020, down from an annual average of 7 percent in the previous plan. The figure was fixed in anticipation of such factors as a declining labor force.
李克強首相は演説で、２０１６〜２０年の経済・社会政策に関する「第１３次５か年計画」の成長率目標を、前計画の年平均７％から引き下げ、「６・５％以上」に設定すると表明した。労働人口の減少などを見込んだものだ。
Li also said the country would further strengthen active fiscal policies. China intends to raise the ratio of the fiscal deficit to the gross domestic product to 3 percent this year from 2.4 percent last year, and expand fiscal expenditure.
李氏は「積極的な財政政策を一層強化する」とも述べた。今年は国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）に対する財政赤字の比率を前年の２・４％から３％に引き上げ、財政支出を拡大する方針だという。
The slowdown of the Chinese economy has triggered low crude oil prices and economic downturns in other emerging economies.
中国経済の減速は、原油安や新興国の景気悪化を招いている。
The primary cause for confusion on world financial markets is suspicion whether China will be able to smoothly shift to consumption-oriented stable growth from the high-growth model that depends on investment and exports.
投資や輸出に依存する高成長モデルから、消費主体の安定成長への転換が順調に進むかどうかを疑う見方が、世界の金融市場を混乱させた主因である。
The administration of President Xi Jinping must fulfill the responsibility of eliminating market concerns through appropriate management of the economy.
習近平政権は、適切な経済運営で、市場の不安を払拭する責務を果たさねばならない。
The key will be painful reforms, including the selection of ballooning government-owned companies, and the merger and abolition of excessive production facilities, such as those for iron and steel production. It will also be necessary to foster advanced technology industries in robotics, medicine and other fields as a driving force for new economic growth.
カギを握るのは、肥大化する国有企業の淘汰とうたや鉄鋼などの過剰生産設備の統廃合といった痛みを伴う改革だ。新たな成長の牽引けんいん役として、ロボットや医療などの先端技術産業の育成も必要だろう。
Defense spending grows
It is also important to narrow the income gap between urban and farming areas and create a middle class that can drive consumption-led growth.
都市と農村の所得格差を縮め、消費主導の成長を担う中間層を創出していくことも大切となる。
Meanwhile, the expansion of China’s military power does not stop. China said at the congress that it would raise its military spending this year by 7.6 percent from the previous year. This is more than triple Japan’s defense-related spending. Although the increase is the first single-digit rise in six years, there is no change to the continuing growth of the country’s military budget.
一方、中国の軍事力の膨張は止まらない。全人代で発表された今年の軍事予算は前年より７・６％増えた。日本の防衛関係費の３倍以上だ。６年ぶりに１桁の伸びになったものの、予算規模が一段と増大したことに変わりはない。
Li stressed in his address that China would proceed with preparations for military struggle. This reflects the Xi administration’s policy of maintaining a strong military to try to remove U.S. influence in Asia by force.
李氏は演説で、「軍事闘争への備えを進める」と強調した。アジアから米国の影響力を力ずくで排除しようとする習政権の「強軍路線」を示したものと言えよう。
To cope readily with modern warfare, China implemented a military structural reform to establish joint operation of its air, sea and ground forces and a missile force. Budgets for the air and sea forces will receive priority.
中国は、現代戦に即応するため、陸海空３軍とロケット軍の統合運用体制を整える軍の機構改革を実施した。海空軍に予算を重点投入するのだろう。
Specifically, the focus of the military buildup is expected to be the construction of submarines and a domestically produced aircraft carrier to support its ambitious maritime advances. China will also likely stress the development of a new type of stealth fighter and a nuclear and missile buildup.
具体的には、野心的な海洋進出を支える潜水艦や国産空母などの建造が中心となる。新型ステルス戦闘機の開発、核・ミサイルの増強にも力を入れるとみられる。
Above all, China’s military spending is said to largely exceed what was announced. Beijing will not be able to eliminate concerns in the international community if it does not explain sufficiently about its spending to make artificial islands in the South China Sea into military strongholds and other developments. The opaque military expansion of the Xi administration only escalates regional tensions.
中国の軍事費は、そもそも公表分を大きく上回るとされる。南シナ海の人工島を軍事拠点化する費用などについて十分な説明がなければ、国際社会の懸念は拭えまい。習政権の不透明な軍拡は、地域の緊張を高めるだけである。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 6, 2016)
China’s People’s Congress prioritizes military despite economic slowdown
中国全人代開幕 経済減速でも続く「強軍路線」
Can China bring its economy to a soft landing by comprehensively employing policies such as structural reforms and fiscal measures?
構造改革や財政出動といった政策を総動員し、経済の軟着陸を図ることができるか。
China’s National People’s Congress has opened.
中国の全国人民代表大会（全人代＝国会）が開幕した。
In his address to the congress, Premier Li Keqiang announced the nation’s economic growth target will be set at “at least 6.5 percent” in the 13th five-year plan for economic and social policies from 2016 to 2020, down from an annual average of 7 percent in the previous plan. The figure was fixed in anticipation of such factors as a declining labor force.
李克強首相は演説で、２０１６〜２０年の経済・社会政策に関する「第１３次５か年計画」の成長率目標を、前計画の年平均７％から引き下げ、「６・５％以上」に設定すると表明した。労働人口の減少などを見込んだものだ。
Li also said the country would further strengthen active fiscal policies. China intends to raise the ratio of the fiscal deficit to the gross domestic product to 3 percent this year from 2.4 percent last year, and expand fiscal expenditure.
李氏は「積極的な財政政策を一層強化する」とも述べた。今年は国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）に対する財政赤字の比率を前年の２・４％から３％に引き上げ、財政支出を拡大する方針だという。
The slowdown of the Chinese economy has triggered low crude oil prices and economic downturns in other emerging economies.
中国経済の減速は、原油安や新興国の景気悪化を招いている。
The primary cause for confusion on world financial markets is suspicion whether China will be able to smoothly shift to consumption-oriented stable growth from the high-growth model that depends on investment and exports.
投資や輸出に依存する高成長モデルから、消費主体の安定成長への転換が順調に進むかどうかを疑う見方が、世界の金融市場を混乱させた主因である。
The administration of President Xi Jinping must fulfill the responsibility of eliminating market concerns through appropriate management of the economy.
習近平政権は、適切な経済運営で、市場の不安を払拭する責務を果たさねばならない。
The key will be painful reforms, including the selection of ballooning government-owned companies, and the merger and abolition of excessive production facilities, such as those for iron and steel production. It will also be necessary to foster advanced technology industries in robotics, medicine and other fields as a driving force for new economic growth.
カギを握るのは、肥大化する国有企業の淘汰とうたや鉄鋼などの過剰生産設備の統廃合といった痛みを伴う改革だ。新たな成長の牽引けんいん役として、ロボットや医療などの先端技術産業の育成も必要だろう。
Defense spending grows
It is also important to narrow the income gap between urban and farming areas and create a middle class that can drive consumption-led growth.
都市と農村の所得格差を縮め、消費主導の成長を担う中間層を創出していくことも大切となる。
Meanwhile, the expansion of China’s military power does not stop. China said at the congress that it would raise its military spending this year by 7.6 percent from the previous year. This is more than triple Japan’s defense-related spending. Although the increase is the first single-digit rise in six years, there is no change to the continuing growth of the country’s military budget.
一方、中国の軍事力の膨張は止まらない。全人代で発表された今年の軍事予算は前年より７・６％増えた。日本の防衛関係費の３倍以上だ。６年ぶりに１桁の伸びになったものの、予算規模が一段と増大したことに変わりはない。
Li stressed in his address that China would proceed with preparations for military struggle. This reflects the Xi administration’s policy of maintaining a strong military to try to remove U.S. influence in Asia by force.
李氏は演説で、「軍事闘争への備えを進める」と強調した。アジアから米国の影響力を力ずくで排除しようとする習政権の「強軍路線」を示したものと言えよう。
To cope readily with modern warfare, China implemented a military structural reform to establish joint operation of its air, sea and ground forces and a missile force. Budgets for the air and sea forces will receive priority.
中国は、現代戦に即応するため、陸海空３軍とロケット軍の統合運用体制を整える軍の機構改革を実施した。海空軍に予算を重点投入するのだろう。
Specifically, the focus of the military buildup is expected to be the construction of submarines and a domestically produced aircraft carrier to support its ambitious maritime advances. China will also likely stress the development of a new type of stealth fighter and a nuclear and missile buildup.
具体的には、野心的な海洋進出を支える潜水艦や国産空母などの建造が中心となる。新型ステルス戦闘機の開発、核・ミサイルの増強にも力を入れるとみられる。
Above all, China’s military spending is said to largely exceed what was announced. Beijing will not be able to eliminate concerns in the international community if it does not explain sufficiently about its spending to make artificial islands in the South China Sea into military strongholds and other developments. The opaque military expansion of the Xi administration only escalates regional tensions.
中国の軍事費は、そもそも公表分を大きく上回るとされる。南シナ海の人工島を軍事拠点化する費用などについて十分な説明がなければ、国際社会の懸念は拭えまい。習政権の不透明な軍拡は、地域の緊張を高めるだけである。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 6, 2016)
2016年03月06日
安倍首相へ あなたの憲法なのか
--The Asahi Shimbun, March 4
EDITORIAL: The Constitution is not Abe’s plaything
（社説）安倍首相へ あなたの憲法なのか
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe continues to show his ardent ambition to amend Japan’s postwar Constitution.
安倍首相が、憲法改正で踏み込んだ発言を続けている。
At a recent Upper House Budget Committee session, Abe voiced his desire to bring pro-amendment forces together for the two-thirds majority in both house of the Diet required to initiate the process for constitutional amendments, which includes a national referendum. He then indicated a time frame for achieving the goal.
“I want to amend the Constitution while I am still in office,” he said.
改憲案を国民投票にかけるのに必要な３分の２以上の議席確保をめざす考えに続き、先の参院予算委員会では「私の在任中に成し遂げたいと考えている」と、期限まで示した。
Politicians are expected to talk about their policy goals.
政治家だから、自らの政治目標を語ることは一般的にはあるだろう。
But there is serious confusion of priorities in Abe’s agenda for constitutional amendments.
しかし、憲法へのの態度にはあべこべがある。
One problem is how he intends to rewrite the Constitution.
ひとつは改憲の進め方だ。
He says he will first seek to secure a two-thirds majority for pro-amendment politicians in both Diet houses. When asked which part of the Constitution he wants to change, however, he has repeatedly said that each party should make its own proposal for debate at the Commission on the Constitution of both houses.
首相はまず３分の２の勢力を集めたいという。では憲法のどこをどう変えるのかと問われると、「各党が（案を）出して、（国会の）憲法審査会で議論していくことが求められている」と繰り返す。
This is tantamount to saying he just wants to make any amendment to the Constitution, starting where there is the least resistance.
何でもいいから変えたい、やりやすいところからやりたい。こう言っているに等しい。
Abe’s approach to this policy challenge probably reflects his long-held wish to recreate the Constitution, which was “imposed” on Japan by the United States.
背景には、米国に「押しつけられた」憲法を、自らの手で制定し直したいとの思いがあるのだろう。
It is true that political discourse on the Constitution during the postwar era has been dominated by the amendment issue.
戦後の憲法論争が「変える」「変えない」を焦点にしてきたのも確かだ。
We can understand arguments to revise specific parts of the Constitution to correct perceived shortcomings.
憲法のここが不都合だから、こう正したい、そんな議論なら分かる。
But if Abe’s campaign for constitutional amendments puts priority on rewriting the document itself, then he is putting the cart before the horse.
だが、「とにかく変える」ことが何よりも先だというなら、順序が逆さまだ。
Abe’s interest in protecting the Constitution stands in sharp contrast to his solid commitment to revising it. This is another example of his misplaced priorities.
一方、首相は改憲への意欲に比べ、憲法を守ることにはこだわりがないようだ。もうひとつのあべこべである。
Abe has overturned the government’s traditional interpretation of the Constitution regarding Japan’s right to collective self-defense.
Only through discussions within his administration, Abe has thrown away the official government position, endorsed by successive Cabinets, that Japan must amend war-renouncing Article 9 if it wants to take part in collective self-defense.
憲法を改正しなければ集団的自衛権の行使はできないとの歴代内閣の解釈を、内部の議論だけで覆してしまう。
Despite repeated calls by the Supreme Court for reapportionment of Diet seats to realize equality in vote value, Abe has been trying to postpone taking necessary steps to tackle the problem.
最高裁から定数配分を見直し、投票価値の平等を実現するよう繰り返し求められても、先送りを図る。
More recently, Abe has refused to reprove communications minister Sanae Takaichi for her assertion that the government can legally shut down broadcasters that continue to air “biased political reports.”
最近は、高市総務相が放送法などをたてにテレビ局の電波停止の可能性に触れ、首相もこれを容認した。
A group of experts, including Yoichi Higuchi, professor emeritus of the Constitution at the University of Tokyo, said at a news conference in Tokyo on March 2 that it would be unconstitutional for Takaichi to take such a move based solely on the Broadcast Law’s Article 4, which requires political fairness and neutrality in broadcasting.
これには樋口陽一・東大名誉教授らが、「政治的公平」などを定めた放送法の文言だけを根拠に処分を行うのは違憲だとの見解を表明している。
“The basic principle of a free democratic society that any person cannot appoint themselves as court judges about matters they are involved in is important,” Higuchi said of Takaichi’s claim.
樋口氏は「何人（なんぴと）も自分自身が関わっている事柄について裁判官となってはならない」と批判する。
By this comment Higuchi meant politicians are not entitled to determine the definition of political fairness.
何が政治的公平かを政治家が判断することはおかしい、との指摘である。
The Constitution imposes various restraints on the government’s power to prevent violations of people’s rights, such as freedom of expression.
憲法は、表現の自由など国民の権利がおかされないよう、権力に様々な制約を課している。
But the Abe administration has shown a disturbing tendency to disregard these restraints without much hesitation.
ところが安倍政権は、こうした制約を乗り越えてしまうことに、あまりにためらいがない。
The administration’s lack of respect for the Constitution seems to be behind its anything-is-good attitude regarding its constitutional amendment agenda.
憲法を軽んじる姿勢が、中身はともかく改憲をという態度につながっているのではないか。
Abe is part of the government, whose power and authority is defined and limited by the Constitution. He must understand that the Constitution is not the possession of the person who is in power.
安倍首相は憲法によって縛られる側にいる。憲法は、権力者たるあなたのものではない。
EDITORIAL: The Constitution is not Abe’s plaything
（社説）安倍首相へ あなたの憲法なのか
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe continues to show his ardent ambition to amend Japan’s postwar Constitution.
安倍首相が、憲法改正で踏み込んだ発言を続けている。
At a recent Upper House Budget Committee session, Abe voiced his desire to bring pro-amendment forces together for the two-thirds majority in both house of the Diet required to initiate the process for constitutional amendments, which includes a national referendum. He then indicated a time frame for achieving the goal.
“I want to amend the Constitution while I am still in office,” he said.
改憲案を国民投票にかけるのに必要な３分の２以上の議席確保をめざす考えに続き、先の参院予算委員会では「私の在任中に成し遂げたいと考えている」と、期限まで示した。
Politicians are expected to talk about their policy goals.
政治家だから、自らの政治目標を語ることは一般的にはあるだろう。
But there is serious confusion of priorities in Abe’s agenda for constitutional amendments.
しかし、憲法へのの態度にはあべこべがある。
One problem is how he intends to rewrite the Constitution.
ひとつは改憲の進め方だ。
He says he will first seek to secure a two-thirds majority for pro-amendment politicians in both Diet houses. When asked which part of the Constitution he wants to change, however, he has repeatedly said that each party should make its own proposal for debate at the Commission on the Constitution of both houses.
首相はまず３分の２の勢力を集めたいという。では憲法のどこをどう変えるのかと問われると、「各党が（案を）出して、（国会の）憲法審査会で議論していくことが求められている」と繰り返す。
This is tantamount to saying he just wants to make any amendment to the Constitution, starting where there is the least resistance.
何でもいいから変えたい、やりやすいところからやりたい。こう言っているに等しい。
Abe’s approach to this policy challenge probably reflects his long-held wish to recreate the Constitution, which was “imposed” on Japan by the United States.
背景には、米国に「押しつけられた」憲法を、自らの手で制定し直したいとの思いがあるのだろう。
It is true that political discourse on the Constitution during the postwar era has been dominated by the amendment issue.
戦後の憲法論争が「変える」「変えない」を焦点にしてきたのも確かだ。
We can understand arguments to revise specific parts of the Constitution to correct perceived shortcomings.
憲法のここが不都合だから、こう正したい、そんな議論なら分かる。
But if Abe’s campaign for constitutional amendments puts priority on rewriting the document itself, then he is putting the cart before the horse.
だが、「とにかく変える」ことが何よりも先だというなら、順序が逆さまだ。
Abe’s interest in protecting the Constitution stands in sharp contrast to his solid commitment to revising it. This is another example of his misplaced priorities.
一方、首相は改憲への意欲に比べ、憲法を守ることにはこだわりがないようだ。もうひとつのあべこべである。
Abe has overturned the government’s traditional interpretation of the Constitution regarding Japan’s right to collective self-defense.
Only through discussions within his administration, Abe has thrown away the official government position, endorsed by successive Cabinets, that Japan must amend war-renouncing Article 9 if it wants to take part in collective self-defense.
憲法を改正しなければ集団的自衛権の行使はできないとの歴代内閣の解釈を、内部の議論だけで覆してしまう。
Despite repeated calls by the Supreme Court for reapportionment of Diet seats to realize equality in vote value, Abe has been trying to postpone taking necessary steps to tackle the problem.
最高裁から定数配分を見直し、投票価値の平等を実現するよう繰り返し求められても、先送りを図る。
More recently, Abe has refused to reprove communications minister Sanae Takaichi for her assertion that the government can legally shut down broadcasters that continue to air “biased political reports.”
最近は、高市総務相が放送法などをたてにテレビ局の電波停止の可能性に触れ、首相もこれを容認した。
A group of experts, including Yoichi Higuchi, professor emeritus of the Constitution at the University of Tokyo, said at a news conference in Tokyo on March 2 that it would be unconstitutional for Takaichi to take such a move based solely on the Broadcast Law’s Article 4, which requires political fairness and neutrality in broadcasting.
これには樋口陽一・東大名誉教授らが、「政治的公平」などを定めた放送法の文言だけを根拠に処分を行うのは違憲だとの見解を表明している。
“The basic principle of a free democratic society that any person cannot appoint themselves as court judges about matters they are involved in is important,” Higuchi said of Takaichi’s claim.
樋口氏は「何人（なんぴと）も自分自身が関わっている事柄について裁判官となってはならない」と批判する。
By this comment Higuchi meant politicians are not entitled to determine the definition of political fairness.
何が政治的公平かを政治家が判断することはおかしい、との指摘である。
The Constitution imposes various restraints on the government’s power to prevent violations of people’s rights, such as freedom of expression.
憲法は、表現の自由など国民の権利がおかされないよう、権力に様々な制約を課している。
But the Abe administration has shown a disturbing tendency to disregard these restraints without much hesitation.
ところが安倍政権は、こうした制約を乗り越えてしまうことに、あまりにためらいがない。
The administration’s lack of respect for the Constitution seems to be behind its anything-is-good attitude regarding its constitutional amendment agenda.
憲法を軽んじる姿勢が、中身はともかく改憲をという態度につながっているのではないか。
Abe is part of the government, whose power and authority is defined and limited by the Constitution. He must understand that the Constitution is not the possession of the person who is in power.
安倍首相は憲法によって縛られる側にいる。憲法は、権力者たるあなたのものではない。
2016年03月05日
対「北」制裁決議 厳格な履行へカギ握る中国
The Yomiuri Shimbun
China holds key to strictly enforcing sanctions resolution on North Korea
対「北」制裁決議 厳格な履行へカギ握る中国
It is crucial for the international community to stand united and crank up the pressure on North Korea to bring about Pyongyang’s abandonment of its nuclear weapons program.
国際社会が結束して、北朝鮮への圧力を強め、核放棄の実現につなげることが肝要である。
The U.N. Security Council has unanimously adopted a resolution that significantly strengthens sanctions on North Korea in response to its latest defiant nuclear test and launch of a long-range ballistic missile.
核実験と長距離弾道ミサイル発射を強行した北朝鮮に対して、国連安全保障理事会が制裁を大幅に強化する決議を全会一致で採択した。
This is the fifth resolution imposing sanctions on North Korea. While it was unusual that it took nearly two months after the nuclear test to reach an agreement on the resolution, the sanctions are the toughest imposed on North Korea to date.
対北朝鮮制裁決議は５回目だ。核実験実施から２か月近くを要したのは異例だが、これまでにない強力な内容になったと言える。
The resolution obliges states to inspect all cargo going to and from North Korea, rather than limiting inspections to shipments suspected to contain embargoed goods in fields related to Pyongyang’s nuclear and missile development programs.
決議は、北朝鮮に出入りする貨物について、核・ミサイル関連分野などで禁輸品の疑いがある場合に限らず、すべて検査することを各国に義務づけた。
Most noteworthy is that these steps are aimed squarely at revenue sources of the military and the Workers’ Party of Korea − two mainstays of the Kim Jong Un regime.
注目すべきは、金正恩政権の中枢を担う朝鮮労働党や軍の収入源を狙い撃ちした措置である。
The resolution bans, in principle, exports of North Korean mineral resources, including coal and iron ore. It also placed an embargo on aviation fuel, a step aimed at weakening the military. If the sanctions are strictly enforced, we think they will deliver a strong blow to the Kim administration, which has been recklessly pursuing nuclear missile development.
北朝鮮産の石炭や鉄鉱石など鉱物資源の輸出は原則、禁止した。軍の弱体化を狙い、航空用燃料も禁輸とした。制裁が厳格に履行されれば、核ミサイル開発へ暴走する金政権に相当な打撃を与えられるのではないか。
North Korea bristled at moves to adopt the resolution. The official Korean Central News Agency described them as an “infringement on [North Korea’s] sovereignty and [a] grave challenge to it.”
北朝鮮は朝鮮中央通信を通じて、決議採択の動きに対し、「自主権に対する侵害であり、重大な挑戦だ」などと反発している。
Shortly after the resolution was adopted, North Korea fired six projectiles thought to be short-range missiles or rockets into the Sea of Japan. Vigilance must be maintained against further military provocations.
採択直後には、短距離ミサイルかロケット弾とみられる６発を日本海に向けて発射した。さらなる軍事挑発への警戒は怠れまい。
Do not allow loophole
Having China stand front and center is paramount for sharpening the effect of these sanctions. There are suspicions that previously goods were illicitly transported to and from North Korea via China.
制裁の効果を高めるには、中国が前面に立つことが不可欠だ。従来は、中国経由で物資が不正に輸送されている疑いがあった。
The latest sanctions resolution allows, as an exception, the export of North Korean coal and iron ore provided revenue from their sale is spent for civilian purposes. The decision to buy these resources rests with China and other importing nations. This must not become a loophole used to flout the resolution.
今回の制裁決議は、収入が民生用の場合は例外として、北朝鮮産の石炭や鉄鉱石の輸出を認めた。その判断は中国など輸入国に委ねられる。これを抜け道として利用させてはならない。
Discussions on the resolution became protracted because the United States was demanding tough sanctions, which China strongly resisted.
決議を巡る協議は、強力な制裁を求める米国に、中国が強く抵抗し、長期化した。
Chinese President Xi Jinping will visit the United States at the end of March. We wonder if China relented in an attempt to avoid criticism for dragging out the resolution discussions at a time when Washington and Beijing are at odds over the situation in the South China Sea.
習近平国家主席は今月末に訪米する。中国が譲歩したのは、南シナ海情勢で米国と対立する中、制裁協議の引き延ばしへの批判を避けようとしたためではないか。
Russia wanted to make changes to the resolution during the final stage of the discussions. It appears Russia’s intention was to secure some influence in Korean Peninsula affairs.
ロシアも協議の最終局面で決議の修正を求めた。朝鮮半島問題での影響力を確保しようという思惑があったのだろう。
Japan, as a nonpermanent member of the Security Council, contributed to the adoption of the resolution. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe emphasized Japan will “work with the international community and rigorously implement [the resolution].”
日本は、安保理非常任理事国として、決議採択に貢献した。安倍首相は「国際社会と協力し、厳格に実施していく」と強調した。
The resolution also mentioned “the humanitarian concerns of the international community” with regard to North Korea. Based on close cooperation among Japan, the United States and South Korea, it is vital that the nuclear and missile problems are linked to seeking progress in resolving the abduction of Japanese nationals by North Korea.
決議は北朝鮮に関し、「国際社会による人道上の懸念」にも言及している。日米韓の連携を基盤に、核、ミサイル問題と連動して、日本人拉致問題の進展を目指すことが欠かせない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 4, 2016)
China holds key to strictly enforcing sanctions resolution on North Korea
対「北」制裁決議 厳格な履行へカギ握る中国
It is crucial for the international community to stand united and crank up the pressure on North Korea to bring about Pyongyang’s abandonment of its nuclear weapons program.
国際社会が結束して、北朝鮮への圧力を強め、核放棄の実現につなげることが肝要である。
The U.N. Security Council has unanimously adopted a resolution that significantly strengthens sanctions on North Korea in response to its latest defiant nuclear test and launch of a long-range ballistic missile.
核実験と長距離弾道ミサイル発射を強行した北朝鮮に対して、国連安全保障理事会が制裁を大幅に強化する決議を全会一致で採択した。
This is the fifth resolution imposing sanctions on North Korea. While it was unusual that it took nearly two months after the nuclear test to reach an agreement on the resolution, the sanctions are the toughest imposed on North Korea to date.
対北朝鮮制裁決議は５回目だ。核実験実施から２か月近くを要したのは異例だが、これまでにない強力な内容になったと言える。
The resolution obliges states to inspect all cargo going to and from North Korea, rather than limiting inspections to shipments suspected to contain embargoed goods in fields related to Pyongyang’s nuclear and missile development programs.
決議は、北朝鮮に出入りする貨物について、核・ミサイル関連分野などで禁輸品の疑いがある場合に限らず、すべて検査することを各国に義務づけた。
Most noteworthy is that these steps are aimed squarely at revenue sources of the military and the Workers’ Party of Korea − two mainstays of the Kim Jong Un regime.
注目すべきは、金正恩政権の中枢を担う朝鮮労働党や軍の収入源を狙い撃ちした措置である。
The resolution bans, in principle, exports of North Korean mineral resources, including coal and iron ore. It also placed an embargo on aviation fuel, a step aimed at weakening the military. If the sanctions are strictly enforced, we think they will deliver a strong blow to the Kim administration, which has been recklessly pursuing nuclear missile development.
北朝鮮産の石炭や鉄鉱石など鉱物資源の輸出は原則、禁止した。軍の弱体化を狙い、航空用燃料も禁輸とした。制裁が厳格に履行されれば、核ミサイル開発へ暴走する金政権に相当な打撃を与えられるのではないか。
North Korea bristled at moves to adopt the resolution. The official Korean Central News Agency described them as an “infringement on [North Korea’s] sovereignty and [a] grave challenge to it.”
北朝鮮は朝鮮中央通信を通じて、決議採択の動きに対し、「自主権に対する侵害であり、重大な挑戦だ」などと反発している。
Shortly after the resolution was adopted, North Korea fired six projectiles thought to be short-range missiles or rockets into the Sea of Japan. Vigilance must be maintained against further military provocations.
採択直後には、短距離ミサイルかロケット弾とみられる６発を日本海に向けて発射した。さらなる軍事挑発への警戒は怠れまい。
Do not allow loophole
Having China stand front and center is paramount for sharpening the effect of these sanctions. There are suspicions that previously goods were illicitly transported to and from North Korea via China.
制裁の効果を高めるには、中国が前面に立つことが不可欠だ。従来は、中国経由で物資が不正に輸送されている疑いがあった。
The latest sanctions resolution allows, as an exception, the export of North Korean coal and iron ore provided revenue from their sale is spent for civilian purposes. The decision to buy these resources rests with China and other importing nations. This must not become a loophole used to flout the resolution.
今回の制裁決議は、収入が民生用の場合は例外として、北朝鮮産の石炭や鉄鉱石の輸出を認めた。その判断は中国など輸入国に委ねられる。これを抜け道として利用させてはならない。
Discussions on the resolution became protracted because the United States was demanding tough sanctions, which China strongly resisted.
決議を巡る協議は、強力な制裁を求める米国に、中国が強く抵抗し、長期化した。
Chinese President Xi Jinping will visit the United States at the end of March. We wonder if China relented in an attempt to avoid criticism for dragging out the resolution discussions at a time when Washington and Beijing are at odds over the situation in the South China Sea.
習近平国家主席は今月末に訪米する。中国が譲歩したのは、南シナ海情勢で米国と対立する中、制裁協議の引き延ばしへの批判を避けようとしたためではないか。
Russia wanted to make changes to the resolution during the final stage of the discussions. It appears Russia’s intention was to secure some influence in Korean Peninsula affairs.
ロシアも協議の最終局面で決議の修正を求めた。朝鮮半島問題での影響力を確保しようという思惑があったのだろう。
Japan, as a nonpermanent member of the Security Council, contributed to the adoption of the resolution. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe emphasized Japan will “work with the international community and rigorously implement [the resolution].”
日本は、安保理非常任理事国として、決議採択に貢献した。安倍首相は「国際社会と協力し、厳格に実施していく」と強調した。
The resolution also mentioned “the humanitarian concerns of the international community” with regard to North Korea. Based on close cooperation among Japan, the United States and South Korea, it is vital that the nuclear and missile problems are linked to seeking progress in resolving the abduction of Japanese nationals by North Korea.
決議は北朝鮮に関し、「国際社会による人道上の懸念」にも言及している。日米韓の連携を基盤に、核、ミサイル問題と連動して、日本人拉致問題の進展を目指すことが欠かせない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 4, 2016)
2016年03月04日
米大統領選 危うさもはらむトランプ旋風
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Republican front-runner Trump accelerates a dangerous whirlwind
米大統領選 危うさもはらむトランプ旋風
Voting was held on Super Tuesday, the biggest day of nominating contests for both the Democratic and Republican parties’ candidates in the U.S. presidential election.
米大統領選で、民主党と共和党の指名候補を争うスーパーチューズデーの投票が行われた。
The day marked the climax of the early-stage primaries in which more than 10 states held primary elections and caucuses. In the Republican race, Donald Trump, a real estate tycoon, and in the Democratic race, Hillary Clinton, a former secretary of state, advanced toward securing their parties’ presidential nominations by winning the most states on the day.
１０を超える州の予備選と党員集会が集中する序盤戦最大のヤマ場だ。共和党は不動産王のドナルド・トランプ氏、民主党はヒラリー・クリントン前国務長官がそれぞれ多くの州で勝利し、指名獲得に前進した。
In his victory speech, Trump boasted that he has expanded the support base of the Republican Party, referring to “the numbers that we got in terms of extra people coming in. They came from the Democratic Party ... And they were independents.”
トランプ氏は勝利宣言で、「民主党員や無党派層がこちら側に来ている」と述べ、支持層が拡大したことを誇示した。
The whirlwind set off by an outsider with no political experience shows no sign of subsiding. Lying behind this development is voters’ anger at “Washington politics,” epitomized by gridlock due to constant partisan conflict. This can also be seen as a manifestation of anti-intellectualism, which is firmly rooted in the United States.
政治経験のないアウトサイダーの旋風は、とどまるところを知らない。党派対立に明け暮れ、物事が決まらない「ワシントン政治」への有権者の怒りが背景にある。米国に根強い「反知性主義」の表れとも言えるだろう。
Trump has proposed that he would build a wall along the U.S.-Mexico border to stop the flow of immigrants, ban all Muslims from entering the United States, and forcibly deport all the illegal immigrants from the country. These radical assertions made by Trump are ones that an established politician cannot afford to make.
「移民の流入を阻止するため、メキシコ国境に壁を築く」「イスラム教徒の入国禁止」「すべての不法移民の強制送還」――。トランプ氏の過激な主張は、既存の政治家には口にできまい。
Novelty appeal
For those people who are angry, feeling their jobs were taken by immigrants, and for those who are hostile to Islam, Trump’s words may strike a chord in their hearts as novel remarks not assimilated into established politics.
移民に職を奪われたと憤り、イスラム教を敵視する人々には、既成政治に染まらない斬新な発言として、心に響くのではないか。
Voters’ hope of entrusting to Trump the task of breaking the current deadlock has begun to spread among a wide range of supporters of the Republican Party. There is even speculation prevailing that Trump is the Republican candidate most likely to win the November election.
トランプ氏に閉塞状況の打破を託す思いは、共和党の幅広い支持者に浸透しつつある。「１１月の本選で勝てる可能性が最も大きい候補」との見方も広がってきた。
A matter of concern is that the party has yet to see policy discussions among candidates deepened at debates or other occasions, with Trump’s assertions left largely unexamined in terms of appropriateness and feasibility.
懸念されるのは、討論会などで政策論争が深まらず、トランプ氏の主張の妥当性や実現性がほとんど検証されていないことだ。
Repetition of such simplistic slogans as “We will overwhelm Japan, China and Mexico in trade,” and “We will make America great again,” sounds like nothing but perilous demagoguery.
「日本や中国、メキシコを貿易で打倒する」「偉大な米国を取り戻す」といった単純なスローガンの繰り返しは、危うい大衆扇動そのものではないか。
Among mainstream Republicans, negative voices have arisen about the prospect of Trump winning the party’s presidential nomination. Yet the very gravity of the whole situation lies in the likelihood that such negative opinions would provoke opposition as “interference by establishment elites,” which may actually help expand Trump’s support.
共和党の主流派には、トランプ氏の指名獲得に否定的な声も出ている。だが、それが「既存支配層の介入」と反発を呼び、トランプ支持がむしろ拡大しかねないところに事態の深刻さがある。
At a victory rally, Clinton said, “Instead of building walls we need to be tearing down barriers ... We need to make America whole again.” It seems Clinton is already thinking about having a showdown with Trump.
クリントン氏は勝利集会で「壁を築くのではない。取り払うのだ」「米国を再び一つにしよう」と語った。トランプ氏との対決を早くも意識しているのだろう。
Her experience of having been the first lady and a senator are Clinton’s strong point and also her weakness. How those people disgruntled with the “establishment elites” evaluate her will be the key to the campaign.
ファーストレディーや上院議員などの経験と実績がクリントン氏の強みであり、弱みだ。「支配層」に不満を持つ人々がどう評価するかが、選挙戦のカギとなる。
It is worrisome that both Trump and Clinton have made clear their opposition to the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement. The accord, which is aimed at reinvigorating trade in Asia and the Pacific regions, must not be scrapped with the change of president.
トランプ、クリントン両氏が、環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）への反対を明言しているのは心配だ。アジア太平洋地域の貿易活性化を目指す協定が、大統領の交代で反故ほごにされてはならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 3, 2016)
Republican front-runner Trump accelerates a dangerous whirlwind
米大統領選 危うさもはらむトランプ旋風
Voting was held on Super Tuesday, the biggest day of nominating contests for both the Democratic and Republican parties’ candidates in the U.S. presidential election.
米大統領選で、民主党と共和党の指名候補を争うスーパーチューズデーの投票が行われた。
The day marked the climax of the early-stage primaries in which more than 10 states held primary elections and caucuses. In the Republican race, Donald Trump, a real estate tycoon, and in the Democratic race, Hillary Clinton, a former secretary of state, advanced toward securing their parties’ presidential nominations by winning the most states on the day.
１０を超える州の予備選と党員集会が集中する序盤戦最大のヤマ場だ。共和党は不動産王のドナルド・トランプ氏、民主党はヒラリー・クリントン前国務長官がそれぞれ多くの州で勝利し、指名獲得に前進した。
In his victory speech, Trump boasted that he has expanded the support base of the Republican Party, referring to “the numbers that we got in terms of extra people coming in. They came from the Democratic Party ... And they were independents.”
トランプ氏は勝利宣言で、「民主党員や無党派層がこちら側に来ている」と述べ、支持層が拡大したことを誇示した。
The whirlwind set off by an outsider with no political experience shows no sign of subsiding. Lying behind this development is voters’ anger at “Washington politics,” epitomized by gridlock due to constant partisan conflict. This can also be seen as a manifestation of anti-intellectualism, which is firmly rooted in the United States.
政治経験のないアウトサイダーの旋風は、とどまるところを知らない。党派対立に明け暮れ、物事が決まらない「ワシントン政治」への有権者の怒りが背景にある。米国に根強い「反知性主義」の表れとも言えるだろう。
Trump has proposed that he would build a wall along the U.S.-Mexico border to stop the flow of immigrants, ban all Muslims from entering the United States, and forcibly deport all the illegal immigrants from the country. These radical assertions made by Trump are ones that an established politician cannot afford to make.
「移民の流入を阻止するため、メキシコ国境に壁を築く」「イスラム教徒の入国禁止」「すべての不法移民の強制送還」――。トランプ氏の過激な主張は、既存の政治家には口にできまい。
Novelty appeal
For those people who are angry, feeling their jobs were taken by immigrants, and for those who are hostile to Islam, Trump’s words may strike a chord in their hearts as novel remarks not assimilated into established politics.
移民に職を奪われたと憤り、イスラム教を敵視する人々には、既成政治に染まらない斬新な発言として、心に響くのではないか。
Voters’ hope of entrusting to Trump the task of breaking the current deadlock has begun to spread among a wide range of supporters of the Republican Party. There is even speculation prevailing that Trump is the Republican candidate most likely to win the November election.
トランプ氏に閉塞状況の打破を託す思いは、共和党の幅広い支持者に浸透しつつある。「１１月の本選で勝てる可能性が最も大きい候補」との見方も広がってきた。
A matter of concern is that the party has yet to see policy discussions among candidates deepened at debates or other occasions, with Trump’s assertions left largely unexamined in terms of appropriateness and feasibility.
懸念されるのは、討論会などで政策論争が深まらず、トランプ氏の主張の妥当性や実現性がほとんど検証されていないことだ。
Repetition of such simplistic slogans as “We will overwhelm Japan, China and Mexico in trade,” and “We will make America great again,” sounds like nothing but perilous demagoguery.
「日本や中国、メキシコを貿易で打倒する」「偉大な米国を取り戻す」といった単純なスローガンの繰り返しは、危うい大衆扇動そのものではないか。
Among mainstream Republicans, negative voices have arisen about the prospect of Trump winning the party’s presidential nomination. Yet the very gravity of the whole situation lies in the likelihood that such negative opinions would provoke opposition as “interference by establishment elites,” which may actually help expand Trump’s support.
共和党の主流派には、トランプ氏の指名獲得に否定的な声も出ている。だが、それが「既存支配層の介入」と反発を呼び、トランプ支持がむしろ拡大しかねないところに事態の深刻さがある。
At a victory rally, Clinton said, “Instead of building walls we need to be tearing down barriers ... We need to make America whole again.” It seems Clinton is already thinking about having a showdown with Trump.
クリントン氏は勝利集会で「壁を築くのではない。取り払うのだ」「米国を再び一つにしよう」と語った。トランプ氏との対決を早くも意識しているのだろう。
Her experience of having been the first lady and a senator are Clinton’s strong point and also her weakness. How those people disgruntled with the “establishment elites” evaluate her will be the key to the campaign.
ファーストレディーや上院議員などの経験と実績がクリントン氏の強みであり、弱みだ。「支配層」に不満を持つ人々がどう評価するかが、選挙戦のカギとなる。
It is worrisome that both Trump and Clinton have made clear their opposition to the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement. The accord, which is aimed at reinvigorating trade in Asia and the Pacific regions, must not be scrapped with the change of president.
トランプ、クリントン両氏が、環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）への反対を明言しているのは心配だ。アジア太平洋地域の貿易活性化を目指す協定が、大統領の交代で反故ほごにされてはならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 3, 2016)
2016年03月03日
原発強制起訴 検証の重要な機会だ
--The Asahi Shimbun, March 1
EDITORIAL: Fukushima disaster trial offers chance to reveal TEPCO's organizational woes
（社説）原発強制起訴 検証の重要な機会だ
A case concerning responsibility for the disaster at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant will be brought to court.
甚大な被害をもたらした福島第一原発事故の責任が、司法の場で問われることになった。
Three former executives of Tokyo Electric Power Co., operator of the plant, face a trial over the nuclear crisis triggered by the Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami in 2011.
Court-appointed lawyers serving as prosecutors filed indictments with the Tokyo District Court on Feb. 29 against the three former executives on charges of professional negligence resulting in death and injury.
東京電力の勝俣恒久元会長ら当時の幹部３人がきのう、業務上過失致死傷罪で強制起訴された。
Former TEPCO Chairman Tsunehisa Katsumata, 75, and two former vice presidents are accused of failing to implement sufficient safety measures against tsunami. A number of patients at hospitals in the vicinity of the plant died in the subsequent evacuation and workers were injured at the plant.
事前の津波対策を怠り、原発周辺の入院患者を死亡させたなどと起訴状は指摘している。
The mandatory indictments reflect public criticisms and suspicions concerning the nuclear accident.
あの事故を「想定外」で片付け、誰の責任も問わぬままでいいのか。
Many citizens have taken a dim view of the fact that nobody has been held accountable for the nuclear accident, which the company claims was “beyond expectation.” TEPCO’s profit-oriented policy is also believed to be behind the failure to take sufficient safety measures at the plant.
東電は利益優先で原発の安全対策を怠ったのではないか――。そうした市民の疑念を反映した強制起訴である。
Such huge accidents are caused by a complicated confluence of factors. There is inevitably a limit to what the trial of the former TEPCO executives can do in terms of clarifying the whole picture of the disaster. The trial will be focused on the three individuals’ criminal liability for negligence from the viewpoint of the law and evidence.
巨大事故は、さまざまな要因が複雑に絡みあって起きる。絞られた争点で元幹部ら個人の過失責任を「法と証拠」に照らして問う法廷は、全容解明の場としては、おのずと限界がある。
Still, the trial can reveal important facts about the information the former executives had before the accident and the decisions they made in responding to the information.
それでも、元幹部が事故前にどんな情報を得ていて、どんな判断をしたかは、これまで十分に明らかになっていない重要なパーツだ。
We also hope the trial will shed light on problems with the organization and corporate culture of a large utility operating many nuclear reactors so that important lessons can be gleaned.
原発を抱える電力会社の組織の在り方や企業風土にも光を当て、教訓がくみ取れる裁判になることを期待する。
After residents and citizens groups filed a criminal complaint, the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office decided not to indict the former executives, citing the difficulty in predicting such an accident.
この事故では告発を受けた東京地検が「今回のような規模の津波は予見できなかった」と不起訴にしたが、
But a committee for the inquest of prosecution comprising 11 citizens has twice decided that the former TEPCO executives should be prosecuted, triggering the process for forced indictment.
１１人の市民からなる検察審査会が２度にわたって「起訴相当」と議決した。
A report on the accident published by TEPCO in 2012 did not make clear who should be held responsible and what kind of lessons should be learned. The document’s descriptions were vague about many key subjects, especially issues regarding TEPCO’s entire organization, such as the company’s advance assumptions about possible tsunami, steps it had taken against the risk, and how the company handled related information during the crisis.
１２年に東電が公表した事故報告書は、事前の津波想定とその対応、事故時の情報の扱いなど、組織全体にかかる問題ほど抽象的な記述で、責任や教訓があいまいなままだ。
The Diet-appointed commission tasked with investigating the nuclear accident said the root cause dated back before the disaster.
国会の事故調査委員会（事故調）は「事故の根源的な原因は震災以前に求められる」と指摘した。
But many questions remain unanswered about how the utility dealt with the risks before the accident.
だが、東電の事前対応に関してはいまも、不明な部分が多い。
Why didn’t TEPCO take stronger measures against the risk of tsunami even though it had estimated a tsunami of up to 15.7 meters could hit the plant? What was the thinking behind this failure to take such measures?
最大１５・７メートルの津波が襲うとの試算を手にしながら、なぜ十分な備えをしなかったのか。どんな判断が働いたのか。
The government’s investigative committee has interviewed around 770 people and disclosed the testimonies of about 200, who have given their consent. But only about 20 of them are former TEPCO executives and other people linked to the utility.
政府の事故調は約７７０人から聞き取りをし、これまでに同意が得られた約２００人分の調書を公表したが、東電関係者はわずか２０人ほどにとどまる。
We do hope the trial will fill in as many information gaps as possible.
裁判が大きな空白を少しでも埋めるものになってほしい。
The trial should also provide an opportunity to take a closer look at the roles played by the investigative panels.
同時に、事故調の役割も改めて考えたい。
All panels established to look into the accident finished their work in about one year, leaving many stones unturned.
いずれの事故調も１年ほどで活動を終え、検証は不十分なままだ。
These panels should scrutinize all relevant factors, including flaws with related organizations, to prevent a recurrence of the disaster. The systems and functions of investigations into nuclear accidents should be expanded and enhanced.
再発防止を目的に関係組織の問題にまで切り込むのが事故調の本来の役割のはずだ。そうした仕組みや機能をもっと充実させるべきだ。
The damaged nuclear reactors that have spewed large amounts of radioactive materials into the environment must be continuously cooled with water. Water contaminated with radioactive substances keeps accumulating at the plant.
放射性物質をまき散らした原子炉は水で冷やし続けねばならず、汚染水が生じている。
Around 100,000 people are still living away from their homes as evacuees. The nuclear accident has still not been brought under control.
今も約１０万の人々が故郷から避難している。事故は今も続いている。
Obviously, more efforts are needed to draw crucial lessons to ensure nightmarish nuclear accidents will never happen again.
二度と繰り返さない教訓を引き出す努力がもっと必要だ。
EDITORIAL: Fukushima disaster trial offers chance to reveal TEPCO's organizational woes
（社説）原発強制起訴 検証の重要な機会だ
A case concerning responsibility for the disaster at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant will be brought to court.
甚大な被害をもたらした福島第一原発事故の責任が、司法の場で問われることになった。
Three former executives of Tokyo Electric Power Co., operator of the plant, face a trial over the nuclear crisis triggered by the Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami in 2011.
Court-appointed lawyers serving as prosecutors filed indictments with the Tokyo District Court on Feb. 29 against the three former executives on charges of professional negligence resulting in death and injury.
東京電力の勝俣恒久元会長ら当時の幹部３人がきのう、業務上過失致死傷罪で強制起訴された。
Former TEPCO Chairman Tsunehisa Katsumata, 75, and two former vice presidents are accused of failing to implement sufficient safety measures against tsunami. A number of patients at hospitals in the vicinity of the plant died in the subsequent evacuation and workers were injured at the plant.
事前の津波対策を怠り、原発周辺の入院患者を死亡させたなどと起訴状は指摘している。
The mandatory indictments reflect public criticisms and suspicions concerning the nuclear accident.
あの事故を「想定外」で片付け、誰の責任も問わぬままでいいのか。
Many citizens have taken a dim view of the fact that nobody has been held accountable for the nuclear accident, which the company claims was “beyond expectation.” TEPCO’s profit-oriented policy is also believed to be behind the failure to take sufficient safety measures at the plant.
東電は利益優先で原発の安全対策を怠ったのではないか――。そうした市民の疑念を反映した強制起訴である。
Such huge accidents are caused by a complicated confluence of factors. There is inevitably a limit to what the trial of the former TEPCO executives can do in terms of clarifying the whole picture of the disaster. The trial will be focused on the three individuals’ criminal liability for negligence from the viewpoint of the law and evidence.
巨大事故は、さまざまな要因が複雑に絡みあって起きる。絞られた争点で元幹部ら個人の過失責任を「法と証拠」に照らして問う法廷は、全容解明の場としては、おのずと限界がある。
Still, the trial can reveal important facts about the information the former executives had before the accident and the decisions they made in responding to the information.
それでも、元幹部が事故前にどんな情報を得ていて、どんな判断をしたかは、これまで十分に明らかになっていない重要なパーツだ。
We also hope the trial will shed light on problems with the organization and corporate culture of a large utility operating many nuclear reactors so that important lessons can be gleaned.
原発を抱える電力会社の組織の在り方や企業風土にも光を当て、教訓がくみ取れる裁判になることを期待する。
After residents and citizens groups filed a criminal complaint, the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office decided not to indict the former executives, citing the difficulty in predicting such an accident.
この事故では告発を受けた東京地検が「今回のような規模の津波は予見できなかった」と不起訴にしたが、
But a committee for the inquest of prosecution comprising 11 citizens has twice decided that the former TEPCO executives should be prosecuted, triggering the process for forced indictment.
１１人の市民からなる検察審査会が２度にわたって「起訴相当」と議決した。
A report on the accident published by TEPCO in 2012 did not make clear who should be held responsible and what kind of lessons should be learned. The document’s descriptions were vague about many key subjects, especially issues regarding TEPCO’s entire organization, such as the company’s advance assumptions about possible tsunami, steps it had taken against the risk, and how the company handled related information during the crisis.
１２年に東電が公表した事故報告書は、事前の津波想定とその対応、事故時の情報の扱いなど、組織全体にかかる問題ほど抽象的な記述で、責任や教訓があいまいなままだ。
The Diet-appointed commission tasked with investigating the nuclear accident said the root cause dated back before the disaster.
国会の事故調査委員会（事故調）は「事故の根源的な原因は震災以前に求められる」と指摘した。
But many questions remain unanswered about how the utility dealt with the risks before the accident.
だが、東電の事前対応に関してはいまも、不明な部分が多い。
Why didn’t TEPCO take stronger measures against the risk of tsunami even though it had estimated a tsunami of up to 15.7 meters could hit the plant? What was the thinking behind this failure to take such measures?
最大１５・７メートルの津波が襲うとの試算を手にしながら、なぜ十分な備えをしなかったのか。どんな判断が働いたのか。
The government’s investigative committee has interviewed around 770 people and disclosed the testimonies of about 200, who have given their consent. But only about 20 of them are former TEPCO executives and other people linked to the utility.
政府の事故調は約７７０人から聞き取りをし、これまでに同意が得られた約２００人分の調書を公表したが、東電関係者はわずか２０人ほどにとどまる。
We do hope the trial will fill in as many information gaps as possible.
裁判が大きな空白を少しでも埋めるものになってほしい。
The trial should also provide an opportunity to take a closer look at the roles played by the investigative panels.
同時に、事故調の役割も改めて考えたい。
All panels established to look into the accident finished their work in about one year, leaving many stones unturned.
いずれの事故調も１年ほどで活動を終え、検証は不十分なままだ。
These panels should scrutinize all relevant factors, including flaws with related organizations, to prevent a recurrence of the disaster. The systems and functions of investigations into nuclear accidents should be expanded and enhanced.
再発防止を目的に関係組織の問題にまで切り込むのが事故調の本来の役割のはずだ。そうした仕組みや機能をもっと充実させるべきだ。
The damaged nuclear reactors that have spewed large amounts of radioactive materials into the environment must be continuously cooled with water. Water contaminated with radioactive substances keeps accumulating at the plant.
放射性物質をまき散らした原子炉は水で冷やし続けねばならず、汚染水が生じている。
Around 100,000 people are still living away from their homes as evacuees. The nuclear accident has still not been brought under control.
今も約１０万の人々が故郷から避難している。事故は今も続いている。
Obviously, more efforts are needed to draw crucial lessons to ensure nightmarish nuclear accidents will never happen again.
二度と繰り返さない教訓を引き出す努力がもっと必要だ。
2016年03月02日
シリア情勢 露主導の停戦に不安が残る
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Uncertainties remain about Russia-led ceasefire to end Syrian civil war
シリア情勢 露主導の停戦に不安が残る
The ceasefire brokered by the United States and Russia to end the Syrian civil war has taken effect. Fighting between the administration of President Bashar Assad and antigovernment groups has largely subsided but it remains to be seen whether the truce can be maintained.
シリア内戦を巡り、米国とロシアが共に呼びかけた停戦が発効した。アサド政権と反体制派の戦闘は概おおむね沈静化したが、このまま維持できるかどうかは予断を許さない。
Large-scale fighting has been halted temporarily for the first time in the five years since the start of the civil war. The United Nations has announced a plan for peace talks, suspended in early February, to resume next Monday. The ceasefire must be maintained to help promote these talks.
５年に及ぶ内戦で大規模な戦闘が一時停止したのは、初めてである。国連は、２月上旬から中断している和平協議を７日に再開する方針を発表した。停戦を保ち、協議進展につなげねばならない。
The main framework of the ceasefire agreement is for the Assad regime and rebel groups to end their hostilities and accept food and water supplies for citizens from the United Nations and other organizations. The accord also calls for both parties to resume peace talks and discuss how to implement a road map starting with the establishment of a transitional government and leading to an election and formation of a new government.
アサド政権と反体制派が攻撃を中止し、国連などによる住民向けの食糧や水を受け入れることが停戦の主な枠組みだ。和平協議に応じ、移行政権樹立から選挙実施、新政権発足までの行程表の履行を話し合うことも含まれる。
The truce does not apply to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) militant group, the Al-Qaida-linked Nusra Front and other terrorist organizations. The U.S.-led coalition and Russia are permitted to continue military campaigns against these groups.
過激派組織「イスラム国」や、アル・カーイダ系の「ヌスラ戦線」などのテロ組織には、停戦は適用されない。米国主導の有志連合やロシアは、こうした勢力への軍事作戦を継続できる。
ISIL has stated it will try to thwart the ceasefire by continuing hostilities and terrorist attacks. Resolute responses are needed by the countries concerned.
「イスラム国」は、戦闘やテロを続け、停戦を妨害する構えを示している。関係国の断固とした対処が求められよう。
Ukraine a vexing precedent
One worry is a scenario in which the Assad regime and its ally Russia attack rebel groups under the pretext of wiping out terrorist groups, thereby breaking the truce.
懸念されるのは、アサド政権と、政権を支援するロシアがテロ組織掃討の名目で反体制派を攻撃し、停戦が破られる事態だ。
Before the ceasefire went into effect, air raids were carried out on the rebels’ stronghold in Aleppo on the grounds that Nusra Front fighters “are in the neighborhood.”
停戦前の反体制派拠点アレッポへの空爆も、「ヌスラ戦線兵士が周辺にいる」ことが理由になっていた。
The activities of the Nusra Front and the rebel groups overlap in many areas. Can Russia give a good explanation that it is not attacking the rebels?
ヌスラ戦線と反体制派の活動範囲は、重なる場合が多い。ロシアは、反体制派を攻撃していないという十分な説明ができるのか。
The ceasefire will be monitored by U.S., Russian and other working teams, but their operations are limited to information-gathering in areas where Russian troops are stationed and in Jordan, a country adjacent to Syria.
停戦監視は、米露などの作業チームが、シリアの露軍駐屯地や隣国ヨルダンなどで、情報収集を進めるにとどまっている。
The effectiveness of the truce cannot be assured unless an international framework including the United Nations is established to confirm on the spot when the ceasefire is violated and to respond adequately.
国連などが現地で停戦違反を確認し、対応する体制でなければ、実効性は期待できない。
U.S. President Barack Obama revealed his suspicions about Russia over the truce, saying that he was “not under any illusions.” He made this statement likely because of what happened in the Ukrainian conflict. While calling for a ceasefire, Russia continued to provide assistance to pro-Russia armed groups.
オバマ米大統領は停戦について、「いかなる幻想も抱いていない」と述べ、ロシアへの不信を露あらわにした。ウクライナ紛争での前例があるからだろう。ロシアは停戦を呼びかける一方で、親露派武装集団への支援を続けた。
The truce this time was reached with Moscow taking the leading role. Russian President Vladimir Putin said, “The true opportunity for ending bloodshed and violence has finally come.” He made this statement likely because he had ascertained that the Assad regime could be kept in place and Russia could secure influence in the Middle East to counter that of the United States.
今回の停戦を主導したのはロシアだ。プーチン大統領は「流血と暴力に終止符を打つ真の機会がようやく訪れた」と語った。アサド政権の温存や、中東で米国に対抗する影響力の確保に、メドがついたという判断からではないか。
The U.S.-Russia struggle for hegemony will only make it more difficult to resolve the conflict. Unless the civil war is ended, ISIL will not be weakened and the outflow of refugees will not be curbed. The international community must not forget this.
米露の覇権争いは、事態収拾を困難にするだけである。内戦が終結しなければ、「イスラム国」の弱体化や難民流出の抑制への道が開かれないことを、国際社会は忘れてはなるまい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 1, 2016)
Uncertainties remain about Russia-led ceasefire to end Syrian civil war
シリア情勢 露主導の停戦に不安が残る
The ceasefire brokered by the United States and Russia to end the Syrian civil war has taken effect. Fighting between the administration of President Bashar Assad and antigovernment groups has largely subsided but it remains to be seen whether the truce can be maintained.
シリア内戦を巡り、米国とロシアが共に呼びかけた停戦が発効した。アサド政権と反体制派の戦闘は概おおむね沈静化したが、このまま維持できるかどうかは予断を許さない。
Large-scale fighting has been halted temporarily for the first time in the five years since the start of the civil war. The United Nations has announced a plan for peace talks, suspended in early February, to resume next Monday. The ceasefire must be maintained to help promote these talks.
５年に及ぶ内戦で大規模な戦闘が一時停止したのは、初めてである。国連は、２月上旬から中断している和平協議を７日に再開する方針を発表した。停戦を保ち、協議進展につなげねばならない。
The main framework of the ceasefire agreement is for the Assad regime and rebel groups to end their hostilities and accept food and water supplies for citizens from the United Nations and other organizations. The accord also calls for both parties to resume peace talks and discuss how to implement a road map starting with the establishment of a transitional government and leading to an election and formation of a new government.
アサド政権と反体制派が攻撃を中止し、国連などによる住民向けの食糧や水を受け入れることが停戦の主な枠組みだ。和平協議に応じ、移行政権樹立から選挙実施、新政権発足までの行程表の履行を話し合うことも含まれる。
The truce does not apply to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) militant group, the Al-Qaida-linked Nusra Front and other terrorist organizations. The U.S.-led coalition and Russia are permitted to continue military campaigns against these groups.
過激派組織「イスラム国」や、アル・カーイダ系の「ヌスラ戦線」などのテロ組織には、停戦は適用されない。米国主導の有志連合やロシアは、こうした勢力への軍事作戦を継続できる。
ISIL has stated it will try to thwart the ceasefire by continuing hostilities and terrorist attacks. Resolute responses are needed by the countries concerned.
「イスラム国」は、戦闘やテロを続け、停戦を妨害する構えを示している。関係国の断固とした対処が求められよう。
Ukraine a vexing precedent
One worry is a scenario in which the Assad regime and its ally Russia attack rebel groups under the pretext of wiping out terrorist groups, thereby breaking the truce.
懸念されるのは、アサド政権と、政権を支援するロシアがテロ組織掃討の名目で反体制派を攻撃し、停戦が破られる事態だ。
Before the ceasefire went into effect, air raids were carried out on the rebels’ stronghold in Aleppo on the grounds that Nusra Front fighters “are in the neighborhood.”
停戦前の反体制派拠点アレッポへの空爆も、「ヌスラ戦線兵士が周辺にいる」ことが理由になっていた。
The activities of the Nusra Front and the rebel groups overlap in many areas. Can Russia give a good explanation that it is not attacking the rebels?
ヌスラ戦線と反体制派の活動範囲は、重なる場合が多い。ロシアは、反体制派を攻撃していないという十分な説明ができるのか。
The ceasefire will be monitored by U.S., Russian and other working teams, but their operations are limited to information-gathering in areas where Russian troops are stationed and in Jordan, a country adjacent to Syria.
停戦監視は、米露などの作業チームが、シリアの露軍駐屯地や隣国ヨルダンなどで、情報収集を進めるにとどまっている。
The effectiveness of the truce cannot be assured unless an international framework including the United Nations is established to confirm on the spot when the ceasefire is violated and to respond adequately.
国連などが現地で停戦違反を確認し、対応する体制でなければ、実効性は期待できない。
U.S. President Barack Obama revealed his suspicions about Russia over the truce, saying that he was “not under any illusions.” He made this statement likely because of what happened in the Ukrainian conflict. While calling for a ceasefire, Russia continued to provide assistance to pro-Russia armed groups.
オバマ米大統領は停戦について、「いかなる幻想も抱いていない」と述べ、ロシアへの不信を露あらわにした。ウクライナ紛争での前例があるからだろう。ロシアは停戦を呼びかける一方で、親露派武装集団への支援を続けた。
The truce this time was reached with Moscow taking the leading role. Russian President Vladimir Putin said, “The true opportunity for ending bloodshed and violence has finally come.” He made this statement likely because he had ascertained that the Assad regime could be kept in place and Russia could secure influence in the Middle East to counter that of the United States.
今回の停戦を主導したのはロシアだ。プーチン大統領は「流血と暴力に終止符を打つ真の機会がようやく訪れた」と語った。アサド政権の温存や、中東で米国に対抗する影響力の確保に、メドがついたという判断からではないか。
The U.S.-Russia struggle for hegemony will only make it more difficult to resolve the conflict. Unless the civil war is ended, ISIL will not be weakened and the outflow of refugees will not be curbed. The international community must not forget this.
米露の覇権争いは、事態収拾を困難にするだけである。内戦が終結しなければ、「イスラム国」の弱体化や難民流出の抑制への道が開かれないことを、国際社会は忘れてはなるまい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 1, 2016)