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2016年04月14日
ＴＢＳ批判 まっとうな言論活動か
--The Asahi Shimbun, April 13
EDITORIAL: Attack on TBS TV an act of crude intimidation, not free speech
（社説）ＴＢＳ批判 まっとうな言論活動か
Tokyo Broadcasting System Holdings Inc., operator of the TBS TV station, issued a statement earlier this month concerning an organization that has publicly declared its intention to put pressure on the broadcaster’s sponsors.
ＴＢＳテレビが先週、「弊社スポンサーへの圧力を公言した団体の声明について」と題するコメントを発表した。
Calling itself “an association of television viewers demanding compliance with the Broadcast Law,” the group maintains that TBS’s news reports violate the Broadcast Law, and says it is preparing a “national campaign to alert sponsors.”
この団体は、「放送法遵守（じゅんしゅ）を求める視聴者の会」というグループだ。ＴＢＳの報道が放送法に反すると主張し、スポンサーへの「国民的な注意喚起運動」を準備するとしている。
In its statement, TBS rebutted: “Fully cognizant of our mission as a news organization to introduce diverse opinions and keep public authorities in check, we autonomously aim for fair and impartial programming.”
ＴＢＳのコメントは、次のような要旨を表明している。
「多様な意見を紹介し、権力をチェックするという報道機関の使命を認識し、自律的に公平・公正な番組作りをしている」
The broadcaster stressed, “The (group’s) open declaration of its intent to apply pressure on our sponsors represents a grave threat to freedom of expression and, ultimately, to democracy itself.”
「スポンサーに圧力をかけるなどと公言していることは、表現の自由、ひいては民主主義に対する重大な挑戦である」
The purpose of the Broadcast Law is to guarantee freedom of expression and encourage the healthy development of democracy. TBS’s comment is fully compatible with the spirit of this law, and we support it.
放送法の目的は、表現の自由を確保し、健全な民主主義の発達に役立てることにある。コメントは、その趣旨にもかなった妥当な見解である。
The viewers’ association has been attacking TBS since last autumn, and it kept track of the airtime the network gave to its coverage of the controversial national security legislation.
After establishing that TBS gave more airtime to reports that were critical of the legislation, the association accused TBS of failing to maintain political neutrality.
声明を出した団体は、昨秋からＴＢＳ批判を続けている。安保関連法制の報道時間を独自に計り、法制への反対部分が長かったとして政治的公平性を欠くと主張している。
But it is the mission of any news organization to examine legislation pushed by the administration of the time, and raise questions and discuss problems. And with something like national security legislation that was of great interest to the public, the network obviously needed to thoroughly report on the issue by airing diverse opinions that differed from the administration’s, including critical views.
しかし、政権が進める法制を検証し、疑問や問題点を指摘するのは報道機関の使命だ。とりわけ安保法のように国民の関心が強い問題について、政権の主張と異なる様々な意見や批判を丁寧に報じるのは当然だ。
As for the matter of putting pressure on broadcasters, a ruling Liberal Democratic Party legislator held a study meeting in June last year, in which a comment was made to the effect, “The most effective way to punish mass media is to cut off revenues from their sponsors.”
テレビ局への圧力という問題をめぐっては、昨年６月、自民党議員の勉強会で「マスコミを懲らしめるには広告料収入がなくなるのが一番」などとの発言があった。
Such thinking fully endorses browbeating by political authorities. This is simply unacceptable.
政治権力による威圧であり、論外の発想だ。
On the other hand, viewers are free to criticize TV programs, and broadcasters must humbly heed such complaints. However, what the viewers’ association has done is arbitrarily interpret the Broadcast Law and attempt to systematically manipulate the public into joining the “cause.”
一方、視聴者が言論で番組を批判するのは自由だ。テレビ局は謙虚に耳を傾けなくてはいけない。だが、この団体は、放送法を一方的に解釈して組織的に働きかけようとしている。
In its statement, the association notified TBS that unless the latter “responds with sincerity,” a proposal will be sent to its sponsors to prevent them from becoming “accomplices” in “illegal broadcasting that negatively impacts society.”
ＴＢＳの「誠意ある回答」がなければ、「違法報道による社会的な負の影響」への「加担」を防ぐ提言書をスポンサーに送ると通告。
The association also stated its intention to recruit volunteers online and “take further action as needed,” depending on the sponsors’ response.
ネットでボランティアを募り、企業の対応によっては「さらに必要な行動をとる」とも予告する。
This is applying pressure, pure and simple.
これは見過ごせない圧力である。
There are many ways to complain about TV programs, including taking the complaints to the Broadcasting Ethics & Program Improvement Organization. And yet, the viewers’ association remains focused on forcing TBS to change its reporting stance by hitting its revenue source--namely, the sponsors. Such a tactic cannot possibly constitute an exercise of the right to free speech.
番組を批判する方法は様々あり、放送倫理・番組向上機構（ＢＰＯ）も機能している。にもかかわらず、放送局の収入源を揺さぶって報道姿勢を変えさせようというのでは、まっとうな言論活動とはいえない。
Should any autonomous broadcaster become incapable of continuing to provide fair and unbiased reporting and keeping public authorities in check, the public loses.
もし自律した放送局が公正な報道と権力監視を続けられなくなれば、被害者は国民だ。
The media must reconfirm the heavy responsibility they bear to protect the public’s right to know.
「知る権利」を担う重い責務を、メディアは改めて確認したい。
EDITORIAL: Attack on TBS TV an act of crude intimidation, not free speech
（社説）ＴＢＳ批判 まっとうな言論活動か
Tokyo Broadcasting System Holdings Inc., operator of the TBS TV station, issued a statement earlier this month concerning an organization that has publicly declared its intention to put pressure on the broadcaster’s sponsors.
ＴＢＳテレビが先週、「弊社スポンサーへの圧力を公言した団体の声明について」と題するコメントを発表した。
Calling itself “an association of television viewers demanding compliance with the Broadcast Law,” the group maintains that TBS’s news reports violate the Broadcast Law, and says it is preparing a “national campaign to alert sponsors.”
この団体は、「放送法遵守（じゅんしゅ）を求める視聴者の会」というグループだ。ＴＢＳの報道が放送法に反すると主張し、スポンサーへの「国民的な注意喚起運動」を準備するとしている。
In its statement, TBS rebutted: “Fully cognizant of our mission as a news organization to introduce diverse opinions and keep public authorities in check, we autonomously aim for fair and impartial programming.”
ＴＢＳのコメントは、次のような要旨を表明している。
「多様な意見を紹介し、権力をチェックするという報道機関の使命を認識し、自律的に公平・公正な番組作りをしている」
The broadcaster stressed, “The (group’s) open declaration of its intent to apply pressure on our sponsors represents a grave threat to freedom of expression and, ultimately, to democracy itself.”
「スポンサーに圧力をかけるなどと公言していることは、表現の自由、ひいては民主主義に対する重大な挑戦である」
The purpose of the Broadcast Law is to guarantee freedom of expression and encourage the healthy development of democracy. TBS’s comment is fully compatible with the spirit of this law, and we support it.
放送法の目的は、表現の自由を確保し、健全な民主主義の発達に役立てることにある。コメントは、その趣旨にもかなった妥当な見解である。
The viewers’ association has been attacking TBS since last autumn, and it kept track of the airtime the network gave to its coverage of the controversial national security legislation.
After establishing that TBS gave more airtime to reports that were critical of the legislation, the association accused TBS of failing to maintain political neutrality.
声明を出した団体は、昨秋からＴＢＳ批判を続けている。安保関連法制の報道時間を独自に計り、法制への反対部分が長かったとして政治的公平性を欠くと主張している。
But it is the mission of any news organization to examine legislation pushed by the administration of the time, and raise questions and discuss problems. And with something like national security legislation that was of great interest to the public, the network obviously needed to thoroughly report on the issue by airing diverse opinions that differed from the administration’s, including critical views.
しかし、政権が進める法制を検証し、疑問や問題点を指摘するのは報道機関の使命だ。とりわけ安保法のように国民の関心が強い問題について、政権の主張と異なる様々な意見や批判を丁寧に報じるのは当然だ。
As for the matter of putting pressure on broadcasters, a ruling Liberal Democratic Party legislator held a study meeting in June last year, in which a comment was made to the effect, “The most effective way to punish mass media is to cut off revenues from their sponsors.”
テレビ局への圧力という問題をめぐっては、昨年６月、自民党議員の勉強会で「マスコミを懲らしめるには広告料収入がなくなるのが一番」などとの発言があった。
Such thinking fully endorses browbeating by political authorities. This is simply unacceptable.
政治権力による威圧であり、論外の発想だ。
On the other hand, viewers are free to criticize TV programs, and broadcasters must humbly heed such complaints. However, what the viewers’ association has done is arbitrarily interpret the Broadcast Law and attempt to systematically manipulate the public into joining the “cause.”
一方、視聴者が言論で番組を批判するのは自由だ。テレビ局は謙虚に耳を傾けなくてはいけない。だが、この団体は、放送法を一方的に解釈して組織的に働きかけようとしている。
In its statement, the association notified TBS that unless the latter “responds with sincerity,” a proposal will be sent to its sponsors to prevent them from becoming “accomplices” in “illegal broadcasting that negatively impacts society.”
ＴＢＳの「誠意ある回答」がなければ、「違法報道による社会的な負の影響」への「加担」を防ぐ提言書をスポンサーに送ると通告。
The association also stated its intention to recruit volunteers online and “take further action as needed,” depending on the sponsors’ response.
ネットでボランティアを募り、企業の対応によっては「さらに必要な行動をとる」とも予告する。
This is applying pressure, pure and simple.
これは見過ごせない圧力である。
There are many ways to complain about TV programs, including taking the complaints to the Broadcasting Ethics & Program Improvement Organization. And yet, the viewers’ association remains focused on forcing TBS to change its reporting stance by hitting its revenue source--namely, the sponsors. Such a tactic cannot possibly constitute an exercise of the right to free speech.
番組を批判する方法は様々あり、放送倫理・番組向上機構（ＢＰＯ）も機能している。にもかかわらず、放送局の収入源を揺さぶって報道姿勢を変えさせようというのでは、まっとうな言論活動とはいえない。
Should any autonomous broadcaster become incapable of continuing to provide fair and unbiased reporting and keeping public authorities in check, the public loses.
もし自律した放送局が公正な報道と権力監視を続けられなくなれば、被害者は国民だ。
The media must reconfirm the heavy responsibility they bear to protect the public’s right to know.
「知る権利」を担う重い責務を、メディアは改めて確認したい。
2016年04月12日
甘利氏の疑惑 説明責任はどうなった
--The Asahi Shimbun, April 10
EDITORIAL: Amari long overdue to explain himself in cash scandal
（社説）甘利氏の疑惑 説明責任はどうなった
The special investigation department of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office has opened a compulsory investigation into the scandal over cash received by Akira Amari, former minister in charge of economic revitalization, and by one of his former aides.
甘利明・前経済再生相の現金授受問題で、東京地検特捜部が強制捜査に乗り出した。
A politician or an aide receiving profits in exchange for favors would violate the Law on Punishment of Public Officials’ Profiting by Exerting Influence.
政治家や秘書が口利きの見返りに対価を受け取れば、あっせん利得処罰法違反になる。
The nature of the 6 million yen ($55,600), which Amari and his former aide received from a construction company based in Chiba Prefecture, remains unclear.
甘利氏や元秘書が千葉県の建設会社側から受け取った６００万円は、どんな趣旨なのか。
Amari said he believes the money represented political donations with no reciprocal nature. But a man in charge of general affairs at the construction company has said the money was intended as remuneration for the intervention of the former aide and others in the company’s compensation talks with the semipublic Urban Renaissance Agency (UR). The company later received compensation payments from the UR.
甘利氏は見返りとは無関係の政治献金という認識を示しているが、建設会社の総務担当者は元秘書らによる都市再生機構（ＵＲ）との補償交渉への介入と、補償金の支払いが実現したことへの謝礼の意味だったと証言している。
While the arguments on both sides remain far apart, it would be inexcusable for a politician or aide to receive money and exert influence on government offices or other entities at the request of the donor.
双方の主張は大きく食い違うが、政治家側がカネを受け取り、依頼者の求めに応じて役所などに働きかける――そんな口利きがもしあったとしたら、言語道断である。
The Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office should do its best to uncover the entire picture of what took place.
東京地検は実態の全容解明に全力をあげてもらいたい。
It should not be forgotten that Amari himself has yet to fulfill his accountability. A lawmaker, who represents the people, has the responsibility to explain himself to the public whenever he comes under suspicion without waiting for investigators to uncover the case.
同時に、忘れるわけにいかないのは、甘利氏自身が説明責任を果たしていないことだ。疑惑があれば、捜査当局の解明を待つまでもなく、自ら国民に説明する。それが国民の代表である国会議員の責任だ。
When he announced his resignation from the Cabinet at a news conference in late January, Amari did promise to “continue to have the case investigated by a lawyer and publish the results at appropriate timing.”
甘利氏自身、大臣辞任を表明した１月末の記者会見で「弁護士による調査を続け、しかるべきタイミングで公表する」と約束したはずである。
Some other politicians who came under suspicion over fund-raising irregularities in the past defended themselves by saying, for example, that they had no way to determine the facts because documents had been seized by authorities.
過去に政治とカネの疑惑に問われた他の政治家には「捜査当局に資料が押収され、事実関係が確認できない」などと弁明する例もあった。
But Amari had two-and-a-half months to look into the case after his resignation. He should be able to publish findings, even an interim report, from the investigation.
だが甘利氏の場合は、大臣辞任後２カ月半、調査期間があった。途中経過であっても公表できるはずだ。
Much remains unknown about the entire scandal, including whether Amari himself was involved in the case.
一連の経緯については、まだ不明な点が多い。
その一つは、甘利氏自身のかかわりである。
Amari said during the news conference in January that he had learned only recently that his former aide had been talking to the UR. But UR officials later said they had been told by the former aide that Amari was aware of the talks.
甘利氏は元秘書がＵＲと交渉していることは「今回初めて知った」と１月の会見で説明したが、ＵＲはその後、甘利氏も交渉について把握していると元秘書から伝えられたとしている。
Opposition parties want Amari summoned to the Lower House Budget Committee as an unsworn witness to dig out the truth. But the ruling Liberal Democratic Party has refused.
真相究明のため、野党は衆院予算委員会への甘利氏の参考人招致を求めてきたが、自民党は応じようとしない。
Amari has been absent from Diet sessions, citing health problems. He may be unable to come forward on his own to explain himself, but he could still have lawyers, for example, speak on his behalf.
甘利氏は体調がすぐれないことを理由に、国会を欠席している。だが、自ら説明できなくても、例えば弁護士らを通じての説明は可能なのではないか。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe also bears heavy responsibility.
安倍首相の責任も大きい。
Abe, who appointed Amari to key Cabinet positions, has admitted to his own responsibility for having appointed him.
甘利氏を重要閣僚に起用してきた首相は、自らの「任命責任」を認めている。
If that is the case, the prime minister should urge Amari to explain himself. In addition, Abe, who is also the LDP president, should instruct the party to have Amari fulfill his accountability in some form or other.
ならば甘利氏に説明するよう促すべきだし、党総裁として自民党にも何らかの形で説明責任を果たさせるよう指示すべきだ。
EDITORIAL: Amari long overdue to explain himself in cash scandal
（社説）甘利氏の疑惑 説明責任はどうなった
The special investigation department of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office has opened a compulsory investigation into the scandal over cash received by Akira Amari, former minister in charge of economic revitalization, and by one of his former aides.
甘利明・前経済再生相の現金授受問題で、東京地検特捜部が強制捜査に乗り出した。
A politician or an aide receiving profits in exchange for favors would violate the Law on Punishment of Public Officials’ Profiting by Exerting Influence.
政治家や秘書が口利きの見返りに対価を受け取れば、あっせん利得処罰法違反になる。
The nature of the 6 million yen ($55,600), which Amari and his former aide received from a construction company based in Chiba Prefecture, remains unclear.
甘利氏や元秘書が千葉県の建設会社側から受け取った６００万円は、どんな趣旨なのか。
Amari said he believes the money represented political donations with no reciprocal nature. But a man in charge of general affairs at the construction company has said the money was intended as remuneration for the intervention of the former aide and others in the company’s compensation talks with the semipublic Urban Renaissance Agency (UR). The company later received compensation payments from the UR.
甘利氏は見返りとは無関係の政治献金という認識を示しているが、建設会社の総務担当者は元秘書らによる都市再生機構（ＵＲ）との補償交渉への介入と、補償金の支払いが実現したことへの謝礼の意味だったと証言している。
While the arguments on both sides remain far apart, it would be inexcusable for a politician or aide to receive money and exert influence on government offices or other entities at the request of the donor.
双方の主張は大きく食い違うが、政治家側がカネを受け取り、依頼者の求めに応じて役所などに働きかける――そんな口利きがもしあったとしたら、言語道断である。
The Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office should do its best to uncover the entire picture of what took place.
東京地検は実態の全容解明に全力をあげてもらいたい。
It should not be forgotten that Amari himself has yet to fulfill his accountability. A lawmaker, who represents the people, has the responsibility to explain himself to the public whenever he comes under suspicion without waiting for investigators to uncover the case.
同時に、忘れるわけにいかないのは、甘利氏自身が説明責任を果たしていないことだ。疑惑があれば、捜査当局の解明を待つまでもなく、自ら国民に説明する。それが国民の代表である国会議員の責任だ。
When he announced his resignation from the Cabinet at a news conference in late January, Amari did promise to “continue to have the case investigated by a lawyer and publish the results at appropriate timing.”
甘利氏自身、大臣辞任を表明した１月末の記者会見で「弁護士による調査を続け、しかるべきタイミングで公表する」と約束したはずである。
Some other politicians who came under suspicion over fund-raising irregularities in the past defended themselves by saying, for example, that they had no way to determine the facts because documents had been seized by authorities.
過去に政治とカネの疑惑に問われた他の政治家には「捜査当局に資料が押収され、事実関係が確認できない」などと弁明する例もあった。
But Amari had two-and-a-half months to look into the case after his resignation. He should be able to publish findings, even an interim report, from the investigation.
だが甘利氏の場合は、大臣辞任後２カ月半、調査期間があった。途中経過であっても公表できるはずだ。
Much remains unknown about the entire scandal, including whether Amari himself was involved in the case.
一連の経緯については、まだ不明な点が多い。
その一つは、甘利氏自身のかかわりである。
Amari said during the news conference in January that he had learned only recently that his former aide had been talking to the UR. But UR officials later said they had been told by the former aide that Amari was aware of the talks.
甘利氏は元秘書がＵＲと交渉していることは「今回初めて知った」と１月の会見で説明したが、ＵＲはその後、甘利氏も交渉について把握していると元秘書から伝えられたとしている。
Opposition parties want Amari summoned to the Lower House Budget Committee as an unsworn witness to dig out the truth. But the ruling Liberal Democratic Party has refused.
真相究明のため、野党は衆院予算委員会への甘利氏の参考人招致を求めてきたが、自民党は応じようとしない。
Amari has been absent from Diet sessions, citing health problems. He may be unable to come forward on his own to explain himself, but he could still have lawyers, for example, speak on his behalf.
甘利氏は体調がすぐれないことを理由に、国会を欠席している。だが、自ら説明できなくても、例えば弁護士らを通じての説明は可能なのではないか。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe also bears heavy responsibility.
安倍首相の責任も大きい。
Abe, who appointed Amari to key Cabinet positions, has admitted to his own responsibility for having appointed him.
甘利氏を重要閣僚に起用してきた首相は、自らの「任命責任」を認めている。
If that is the case, the prime minister should urge Amari to explain himself. In addition, Abe, who is also the LDP president, should instruct the party to have Amari fulfill his accountability in some form or other.
ならば甘利氏に説明するよう促すべきだし、党総裁として自民党にも何らかの形で説明責任を果たさせるよう指示すべきだ。
2016年04月11日
広島外相会合 核なき未来への一歩に
--The Asahi Shimbun, April 7
EDITORIAL: G-7 in Hiroshima a chance to move closer toward nuke-free future
（社説）広島外相会合 核なき未来への一歩に
The gathering in Hiroshima of top diplomats of the Group of Seven major industrialized nations, which include three nuclear powers, sends a powerful message as the world struggles to make progress toward a future without nuclear arms.
The foreign ministers of the United States, Britain and France, as well as Japan and the three other G-7 members, will meet in Hiroshima, the first city to be leveled by an atomic bomb, on April 10 and 11.
核軍縮の動きが停滞している今、核保有国の米英仏を含めた主要７カ国（Ｇ７）の外交トップが核被害の原点である広島を訪れる意義は大きい。核兵器廃絶に向けた機運を、いま一度高める契機にしていきたい。
On the sidelines of their meeting in Hiroshima, the G-7 foreign ministers will visit the Peace Memorial Park, dedicated to the city's 1945 atomic bombing, and lay flowers at the Cenotaph for the A-bomb Victims on April 11.
Their pilgrimages to the city should breathe new life into international efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons.
They are also expected to visit the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum. Their tour of the museum that documents the consequences of the U.S. atomic bombing would be even more meaningful if they hold talks with A-bomb survivors and hear their harrowing tales.
広島での会合に合わせ、Ｇ７の外相が１１日、平和記念公園をそろって訪ね、原爆死没者の名簿が納められている慰霊碑に献花することが決まった。
平和記念資料館（原爆資料館）も見学する予定だ。できれば被爆者と対話し、被爆の実相をより深く心に刻んでほしい。
The G-7 officials traveling to Hiroshima include U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, the Obama administration's top Cabinet member.
参加者のうちケリー米国務長官は、オバマ政権の筆頭閣僚だ。
Kerry will be the highest-ranking active U.S. politician to visit Hiroshima after Nancy Pelosi, who went in 2008 as the speaker of the House of Representatives.
原爆を投下した米国の現職政治家としては、０８年に広島を訪れたペロシ下院議長（当時）に次ぐ過去最高クラスになる。
More than 200,000 people perished in the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
原爆によって広島、長崎で２０万を超す人々の命が奪われた。
Many Americans, however, regard the attacks as justifiable, arguing that they accelerated Japan’s surrender in World War II and thereby saved many lives.
だが米国では「日本の降伏を早め、結果的に多くの人命を救った」として、原爆投下は正当だったと考える世論が根強い。
Despite serious differences between Japan and the United States in perceptions over history, President Barack Obama agreed to Japan’s request for Kerry to visit Hiroshima. We applaud Obama's weighty political decision.
日米の歴史認識に隔たりがあるなか、日本側が要望したケリー氏の被爆地訪問にオバマ政権が応じたのは重い政治判断だ。
We are inclined to regard the decision as a sign that Obama, whose term will expire in January, is still committed to working toward “a world without nuclear weapons,” the vision he announced to the world in his historic speech in Prague in 2009.
来年１月の任期切れを控え、オバマ大統領が０９年のプラハでの演説で掲げた「核兵器のない世界」実現に向け、なお意欲的であると受けとめたい。
The Obama administration sent its ambassador to Japan to most of the annual ceremonies to commemorate the atomic bombings that have been held in Hiroshima and Nagasaki since 2010.
Last year, the administration sent Undersecretary of State for Arms Control and International Security Rose Gottemoeller to attend the ceremonies.
オバマ政権は１０年以降ほぼ毎年、広島、長崎の平和式典に駐日大使を参列させ、昨年は国務次官を派遣した。
In Japan, expectations are growing that Obama himself will travel to the A-bombed cities when he visits Japan in May to attend the G-7 summit, to be held in Shima, Mie Prefecture.
日本国内では、５月のＧ７首脳会議（伊勢志摩サミット）で訪日するオバマ氏自身が、被爆地に足を延ばすのではとの期待が高まる。
In the United States, the political climate is heating up as the races for the Democratic and Republican nominations for the autumn presidential election are entering the home stretch.
米国は秋の大統領選に向けた民主、共和両党の候補者選びが山場を迎えている。
Republican frontrunner Donald Trump has been delivering a range of harsh verbal attacks on Obama’s foreign policy.
共和党の指名争いで首位を走るトランプ氏は、オバマ氏の外交姿勢を批判のやり玉に挙げてきた。
Chances are that Kerry will avoid making any remarks that could be interpreted as an apology to Japan out of fears that such a comment could have a political impact on the election.
選挙への影響を考え、ケリー氏が日本への「謝罪」ととられるような言動を控える可能性は高い。
But we nevertheless welcome Kerry’s decision to stand in front of the cenotaph in Hiroshima. We urge Obama to give serious consideration to visiting the cities as well.
だが、慰霊碑の前に立とうとする決意は率直に評価したい。オバマ氏も訪問をぜひ前向きに検討してほしい。
Even after seven decades, there are still many people in Hiroshima and Nagasaki who lost loved ones in the bombings and are suffering form health problems caused by radiation exposure.
７０年を経た今も、広島、長崎には原爆で家族を奪われ、後遺症に苦しむ人が多い。
Because they have a strong desire not to see anyone suffer the same fate, people in the two cities are pinning great hopes on the visits by Kerry and other political leaders.
被爆地がそれでもケリー氏らの訪問に期待するのはなぜか。それは「苦しみをもう誰にも味わわせたくない」という強い思いだ。
We are eager to see people in countries with nuclear arsenals think seriously about ways to bring the world closer toward a future without nuclear weapons, something that Hiroshima and Nagasaki have been praying for so strongly and for so long.
核保有国の人々には考えてもらいたい。どうすれば被爆地が願う「核兵器のない世界」は近づくか。
The G-7 foreign ministers’ visits to Hiroshima should not be allowed to end up as mere ritual. They should be a first step in effective efforts to create new momentum in international politics for realizing that goal.
Ｇ７外相の広島訪問を、単なる儀礼に終わらせず、現実の国際政治を動かす一歩にしてほしい。
EDITORIAL: G-7 in Hiroshima a chance to move closer toward nuke-free future
（社説）広島外相会合 核なき未来への一歩に
The gathering in Hiroshima of top diplomats of the Group of Seven major industrialized nations, which include three nuclear powers, sends a powerful message as the world struggles to make progress toward a future without nuclear arms.
The foreign ministers of the United States, Britain and France, as well as Japan and the three other G-7 members, will meet in Hiroshima, the first city to be leveled by an atomic bomb, on April 10 and 11.
核軍縮の動きが停滞している今、核保有国の米英仏を含めた主要７カ国（Ｇ７）の外交トップが核被害の原点である広島を訪れる意義は大きい。核兵器廃絶に向けた機運を、いま一度高める契機にしていきたい。
On the sidelines of their meeting in Hiroshima, the G-7 foreign ministers will visit the Peace Memorial Park, dedicated to the city's 1945 atomic bombing, and lay flowers at the Cenotaph for the A-bomb Victims on April 11.
Their pilgrimages to the city should breathe new life into international efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons.
They are also expected to visit the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum. Their tour of the museum that documents the consequences of the U.S. atomic bombing would be even more meaningful if they hold talks with A-bomb survivors and hear their harrowing tales.
広島での会合に合わせ、Ｇ７の外相が１１日、平和記念公園をそろって訪ね、原爆死没者の名簿が納められている慰霊碑に献花することが決まった。
平和記念資料館（原爆資料館）も見学する予定だ。できれば被爆者と対話し、被爆の実相をより深く心に刻んでほしい。
The G-7 officials traveling to Hiroshima include U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, the Obama administration's top Cabinet member.
参加者のうちケリー米国務長官は、オバマ政権の筆頭閣僚だ。
Kerry will be the highest-ranking active U.S. politician to visit Hiroshima after Nancy Pelosi, who went in 2008 as the speaker of the House of Representatives.
原爆を投下した米国の現職政治家としては、０８年に広島を訪れたペロシ下院議長（当時）に次ぐ過去最高クラスになる。
More than 200,000 people perished in the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
原爆によって広島、長崎で２０万を超す人々の命が奪われた。
Many Americans, however, regard the attacks as justifiable, arguing that they accelerated Japan’s surrender in World War II and thereby saved many lives.
だが米国では「日本の降伏を早め、結果的に多くの人命を救った」として、原爆投下は正当だったと考える世論が根強い。
Despite serious differences between Japan and the United States in perceptions over history, President Barack Obama agreed to Japan’s request for Kerry to visit Hiroshima. We applaud Obama's weighty political decision.
日米の歴史認識に隔たりがあるなか、日本側が要望したケリー氏の被爆地訪問にオバマ政権が応じたのは重い政治判断だ。
We are inclined to regard the decision as a sign that Obama, whose term will expire in January, is still committed to working toward “a world without nuclear weapons,” the vision he announced to the world in his historic speech in Prague in 2009.
来年１月の任期切れを控え、オバマ大統領が０９年のプラハでの演説で掲げた「核兵器のない世界」実現に向け、なお意欲的であると受けとめたい。
The Obama administration sent its ambassador to Japan to most of the annual ceremonies to commemorate the atomic bombings that have been held in Hiroshima and Nagasaki since 2010.
Last year, the administration sent Undersecretary of State for Arms Control and International Security Rose Gottemoeller to attend the ceremonies.
オバマ政権は１０年以降ほぼ毎年、広島、長崎の平和式典に駐日大使を参列させ、昨年は国務次官を派遣した。
In Japan, expectations are growing that Obama himself will travel to the A-bombed cities when he visits Japan in May to attend the G-7 summit, to be held in Shima, Mie Prefecture.
日本国内では、５月のＧ７首脳会議（伊勢志摩サミット）で訪日するオバマ氏自身が、被爆地に足を延ばすのではとの期待が高まる。
In the United States, the political climate is heating up as the races for the Democratic and Republican nominations for the autumn presidential election are entering the home stretch.
米国は秋の大統領選に向けた民主、共和両党の候補者選びが山場を迎えている。
Republican frontrunner Donald Trump has been delivering a range of harsh verbal attacks on Obama’s foreign policy.
共和党の指名争いで首位を走るトランプ氏は、オバマ氏の外交姿勢を批判のやり玉に挙げてきた。
Chances are that Kerry will avoid making any remarks that could be interpreted as an apology to Japan out of fears that such a comment could have a political impact on the election.
選挙への影響を考え、ケリー氏が日本への「謝罪」ととられるような言動を控える可能性は高い。
But we nevertheless welcome Kerry’s decision to stand in front of the cenotaph in Hiroshima. We urge Obama to give serious consideration to visiting the cities as well.
だが、慰霊碑の前に立とうとする決意は率直に評価したい。オバマ氏も訪問をぜひ前向きに検討してほしい。
Even after seven decades, there are still many people in Hiroshima and Nagasaki who lost loved ones in the bombings and are suffering form health problems caused by radiation exposure.
７０年を経た今も、広島、長崎には原爆で家族を奪われ、後遺症に苦しむ人が多い。
Because they have a strong desire not to see anyone suffer the same fate, people in the two cities are pinning great hopes on the visits by Kerry and other political leaders.
被爆地がそれでもケリー氏らの訪問に期待するのはなぜか。それは「苦しみをもう誰にも味わわせたくない」という強い思いだ。
We are eager to see people in countries with nuclear arsenals think seriously about ways to bring the world closer toward a future without nuclear weapons, something that Hiroshima and Nagasaki have been praying for so strongly and for so long.
核保有国の人々には考えてもらいたい。どうすれば被爆地が願う「核兵器のない世界」は近づくか。
The G-7 foreign ministers’ visits to Hiroshima should not be allowed to end up as mere ritual. They should be a first step in effective efforts to create new momentum in international politics for realizing that goal.
Ｇ７外相の広島訪問を、単なる儀礼に終わらせず、現実の国際政治を動かす一歩にしてほしい。
2016年04月08日
ＴＰＰと国会 承認ありきは許されぬ
--The Asahi Shimbun, April 6
EDITORIAL: Abe must not be allowed to rush Diet approval of TPP accord
（社説）ＴＰＰと国会 承認ありきは許されぬ
The Lower House has started deliberating a draft approval of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) accord and a bill to revise all 11 related laws.
環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）の承認案と、関連する１１本の法律を一括改正する法案の審議が、衆院で始まった。
Ever since the World Trade Organization fell into dysfunction, bilateral and multilateral agreements on free trade and economic cooperation have propelled market liberalization.
世界貿易機関（ＷＴＯ）が機能不全に陥った後、二国間や多国間の自由貿易・経済連携協定が自由化の推進役となっている。
The TPP, in particular, has 12 signatories from the Asia-Pacific region, which leads the global economy, and their combined gross domestic product represents 40 percent of the world total. Japan, which continues to languish under sluggish economic growth, pins considerable hopes on what this accord could bring.
中でもＴＰＰには世界経済を引っ張るアジア太平洋の１２カ国が参加し、国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）で世界の４割を占める。低成長が続く日本にとって、その効果への期待は小さくない。
The TPP is called a “21st century-type” accord because it covers matters concerning intellectual property, the environment and labor, in addition to the elimination and reduction of tariffs and the liberalization of capital investment. But since the accord is expected to affect many industry sectors and the people’s lives in all sorts of ways, grave concerns and questions have been raised, not to mention stiff opposition.
ＴＰＰが扱うのは関税の撤廃・引き下げや投資の自由化などのほか、知的財産や環境・労働分野に及び、「２１世紀型」と呼ばれる。さまざまな産業や国民生活への影響が予想され、不安や疑問、反対論も根強い。
The Diet, which represents the people, has the responsibility to address these concerns through debate. We hope each political party will base its stance and proposals on the protection of consumer interests.
審議を通じてそうした声に向き合うことが、国民の代表としての国会の責任だろう。各党は「消費者の利益」を基準に、是非と対策を考える姿勢で審議を尽くしてほしい。
One disturbing factor is the unmistakable eagerness of the government and the ruling coalition to approve the TPP during the current Diet session.
気がかりなのは、今の国会でＴＰＰを承認しようという与党と政府の前のめりな姿勢だ。
All TPP 12 signatories signed the accord in February, but each country must secure the approval of its national assembly and complete all necessary procedures for the accord to take effect. Under the TPP rules, the completion of such procedures by the United States and Japan--the two leading nations--is indispensable.
参加１２カ国は２月にＴＰＰに署名したが、発効には各国が議会承認を含めて必要な手続きを終えねばならない。ＴＰＰの規定では、２大国である米国と日本の手続き完了が不可欠だ。
But the United States is currently in the middle of its primaries season, and the front-runner presidential candidates--both Democratic and Republican--are negative toward the TPP. The prevalent thinking in America is that Congress will not approve the accord until after election day in November.
大統領選の最中にある米国では、民主、共和両党とも有力候補はこぞってＴＰＰに否定的。議会承認は１１月の大統領選後、との見方がもっぱらである。
The administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe positions the TPP as one of the pillars of its “Abenomics” economic policy. The prime minister enthuses, “Japan will take the lead to speed up the accord’s approval.” But hasty Diet deliberations must not be allowed.
安倍政権はＴＰＰをアベノミクスの柱の一つと位置づける。「日本が率先して発効への機運を高める」と意気込むが、拙速な審議は許されない。
And if Abe is hoping to quickly settle this matter in view of the Upper House election this summer and the possibility of holding a Lower House election on the same day, he has his priorities completely wrong.
夏の参院選や、取りざたされる衆参同日選をにらみ、懸案を片付けておこうとの思惑なら本末転倒だ。
The main opposition Democratic Party is poised to focus on issues related to the reduction and elimination of tariffs on farm and fisheries products.
民進党は、農林水産分野の関税撤廃・引き下げ問題を中心に追及する構えだ。
Three years ago, the Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Committee of the Upper House as well as the Lower House voted to ensure careful handling of this matter regarding rice and four other items of greatest importance. But the Democratic Party must refrain from obsessing on whether these five items are protected under the TPP accord. The party must try not to lose sight of the big picture.
衆参の農林水産委員会は３年前、コメなど重要５項目に十分に配慮するよう決議している。ＴＰＰの協定案が５項目を「聖域」として守っているかを突くだけでなく、幅広い視点からの議論を心がけてほしい。
Ample information is necessary to ensure thorough discussions. The government has finally agreed to disclose records of meetings between U.S. Trade Representative Michael Froman and Akira Amari, former minister in charge of TPP negotiations, but the documents have been extensively blacked out. The government must do its best to disclose information.
徹底した審議には十分な情報が必要だ。交渉で主役を演じた甘利明・前ＴＰＰ担当相とフロマン・米通商代表部代表の会談資料について、政府はようやく開示に応じることを決めたが、黒塗りだという。できるだけ情報公開に努めるべきだ。
We also demand anew that Amari explain the bribery suspicion he is under. If this is difficult now because of his poor health, this is all the more reason not to rush into approving the TPP accord.
甘利氏が金銭授受疑惑について説明責任を果たすことも、改めて求めたい。体調がすぐれず難しいなら、なおさらＴＰＰの承認を急ぐべきではない。
EDITORIAL: Abe must not be allowed to rush Diet approval of TPP accord
（社説）ＴＰＰと国会 承認ありきは許されぬ
The Lower House has started deliberating a draft approval of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) accord and a bill to revise all 11 related laws.
環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）の承認案と、関連する１１本の法律を一括改正する法案の審議が、衆院で始まった。
Ever since the World Trade Organization fell into dysfunction, bilateral and multilateral agreements on free trade and economic cooperation have propelled market liberalization.
世界貿易機関（ＷＴＯ）が機能不全に陥った後、二国間や多国間の自由貿易・経済連携協定が自由化の推進役となっている。
The TPP, in particular, has 12 signatories from the Asia-Pacific region, which leads the global economy, and their combined gross domestic product represents 40 percent of the world total. Japan, which continues to languish under sluggish economic growth, pins considerable hopes on what this accord could bring.
中でもＴＰＰには世界経済を引っ張るアジア太平洋の１２カ国が参加し、国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）で世界の４割を占める。低成長が続く日本にとって、その効果への期待は小さくない。
The TPP is called a “21st century-type” accord because it covers matters concerning intellectual property, the environment and labor, in addition to the elimination and reduction of tariffs and the liberalization of capital investment. But since the accord is expected to affect many industry sectors and the people’s lives in all sorts of ways, grave concerns and questions have been raised, not to mention stiff opposition.
ＴＰＰが扱うのは関税の撤廃・引き下げや投資の自由化などのほか、知的財産や環境・労働分野に及び、「２１世紀型」と呼ばれる。さまざまな産業や国民生活への影響が予想され、不安や疑問、反対論も根強い。
The Diet, which represents the people, has the responsibility to address these concerns through debate. We hope each political party will base its stance and proposals on the protection of consumer interests.
審議を通じてそうした声に向き合うことが、国民の代表としての国会の責任だろう。各党は「消費者の利益」を基準に、是非と対策を考える姿勢で審議を尽くしてほしい。
One disturbing factor is the unmistakable eagerness of the government and the ruling coalition to approve the TPP during the current Diet session.
気がかりなのは、今の国会でＴＰＰを承認しようという与党と政府の前のめりな姿勢だ。
All TPP 12 signatories signed the accord in February, but each country must secure the approval of its national assembly and complete all necessary procedures for the accord to take effect. Under the TPP rules, the completion of such procedures by the United States and Japan--the two leading nations--is indispensable.
参加１２カ国は２月にＴＰＰに署名したが、発効には各国が議会承認を含めて必要な手続きを終えねばならない。ＴＰＰの規定では、２大国である米国と日本の手続き完了が不可欠だ。
But the United States is currently in the middle of its primaries season, and the front-runner presidential candidates--both Democratic and Republican--are negative toward the TPP. The prevalent thinking in America is that Congress will not approve the accord until after election day in November.
大統領選の最中にある米国では、民主、共和両党とも有力候補はこぞってＴＰＰに否定的。議会承認は１１月の大統領選後、との見方がもっぱらである。
The administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe positions the TPP as one of the pillars of its “Abenomics” economic policy. The prime minister enthuses, “Japan will take the lead to speed up the accord’s approval.” But hasty Diet deliberations must not be allowed.
安倍政権はＴＰＰをアベノミクスの柱の一つと位置づける。「日本が率先して発効への機運を高める」と意気込むが、拙速な審議は許されない。
And if Abe is hoping to quickly settle this matter in view of the Upper House election this summer and the possibility of holding a Lower House election on the same day, he has his priorities completely wrong.
夏の参院選や、取りざたされる衆参同日選をにらみ、懸案を片付けておこうとの思惑なら本末転倒だ。
The main opposition Democratic Party is poised to focus on issues related to the reduction and elimination of tariffs on farm and fisheries products.
民進党は、農林水産分野の関税撤廃・引き下げ問題を中心に追及する構えだ。
Three years ago, the Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Committee of the Upper House as well as the Lower House voted to ensure careful handling of this matter regarding rice and four other items of greatest importance. But the Democratic Party must refrain from obsessing on whether these five items are protected under the TPP accord. The party must try not to lose sight of the big picture.
衆参の農林水産委員会は３年前、コメなど重要５項目に十分に配慮するよう決議している。ＴＰＰの協定案が５項目を「聖域」として守っているかを突くだけでなく、幅広い視点からの議論を心がけてほしい。
Ample information is necessary to ensure thorough discussions. The government has finally agreed to disclose records of meetings between U.S. Trade Representative Michael Froman and Akira Amari, former minister in charge of TPP negotiations, but the documents have been extensively blacked out. The government must do its best to disclose information.
徹底した審議には十分な情報が必要だ。交渉で主役を演じた甘利明・前ＴＰＰ担当相とフロマン・米通商代表部代表の会談資料について、政府はようやく開示に応じることを決めたが、黒塗りだという。できるだけ情報公開に努めるべきだ。
We also demand anew that Amari explain the bribery suspicion he is under. If this is difficult now because of his poor health, this is all the more reason not to rush into approving the TPP accord.
甘利氏が金銭授受疑惑について説明責任を果たすことも、改めて求めたい。体調がすぐれず難しいなら、なおさらＴＰＰの承認を急ぐべきではない。
2016年04月07日
異次元緩和３年 限界認め、軌道修正を
--The Asahi Shimbun, April 5
EDITORIAL: BOJ should reconsider aggressive easing policy three years after its implementation
（社説）異次元緩和３年 限界認め、軌道修正を
Three long years have passed since the Bank of Japan, under the leadership of Governor Haruhiko Kuroda, launched its “different dimension” policy of aggressive monetary expansion.
日本銀行が黒田東彦（はるひこ）総裁のもとで「異次元」の金融緩和を始めてから３年。
The new program started as a short-term, turbocharged effort to achieve the central bank’s policy goals within two years. The deadline passed and another full year has gone by, but the central bank has yet to hit its inflation target of 2 percent.
２年間の「短期決戦」として始まったはずの政策は、２年がすぎ、３年たっても、掲げてきた２％のインフレ目標を達成できていない。
While the BOJ has repeatedly pushed back the target date, negative effects of the radical monetary easing policy have started making themselves felt. The risks it poses to Japan’s overall economic health are steadily growing.
日銀が期限を次々と延ばす間に、緩和に伴う副作用が目につき始め、抱えるリスクはじわじわと増している。
The BOJ should now change tack instead of enhancing and expanding this risky approach.
日銀が実行すべきなのは緩和の強化ではなく、軌道修正を図ることだ。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s pro-growth economic policy, known as Abenomics, is composed of three “arrows,” or key components. They are bold monetary easing, flexible fiscal spending and a growth strategy designed to stimulate private-sector investment.
安倍政権の経済政策「アベノミクス」は、（１）大胆な金融緩和（２）機動的な財政出動（３）民間投資を促す成長戦略の「３本の矢」からなる。
The Abe administration has unveiled “new three arrows” focused on measures to support nursing care and child care. But the basic framework of its economic policy agenda has remained unchanged.
政権は介護や子育て政策の充実に力点を置く「新３本の矢」を打ち出したが、政策の骨格は変わっていない。
The second and third arrows of Abe's original blueprint are nothing new. Most of his predecessors tried to boost the economy through fiscal stimulus packages comprising massive government spending and new plans to put the economy on an upward trajectory.
当初の２、３本目の矢は目新しいものではない。多くの政権が景気対策で財政を膨らませ、成長戦略も練ってきた。
The first arrow, the extraordinary program to expand the money supply, is the unique feature of Abenomics that constitutes its core.
１本目の異次元緩和こそが異色でありアベノミクスの柱と言える。
Under this program, the BOJ buys huge amounts of government bonds to flood the economy with liquidity and thereby guides long-term interest rates to historically low levels.
日銀が大量の国債を買いあげ、巨額のマネーを市場に注ぎ込む。そうして長期金利を歴史的な低水準に引き下げる。
Abe selected Kuroda as the central bank chief to preside over such unprecedented monetary expansion. This move, made under the slogan of “escape from deflation,” is aimed at putting the onus solely on the central bank’s monetary policy, which doesn’t impose a new financial burden on the public immediately.
安倍政権は日銀にそんな大胆な金融緩和を行わせようと黒田氏を日銀総裁に選んだ。「デフレ脱却」を旗印に、ただちに国民負担が生じるわけではない金融政策に寄りかかる構図である。
WEAK RIPPLE EFFECTS
■弱かった波及効果
Initially, many economists praised Abenomics as a successful policy effort because it led to a weaker yen and higher stock prices. As a result, Japanese companies, especially export-oriented manufacturers, notched record earnings, which translated into pay growth, to a certain extent.
当初、アベノミクスを「成功している」と評価する声が多かったのは、円安と株高が進んだためだ。輸出産業を中心に企業が過去最高水準の収益をあげ、賃上げも一定程度は実現した。
But the benefits of Abenomics were overestimated in a sense. When the Abe administration was inaugurated at the end of 2012, the yen had already started falling against the dollar and the euro, which had strengthened due to recovery of the U.S. economy and the defused debt crisis in Europe.
ただ、その効果は過大評価された面がある。政権が発足した２０１２年末は米国経済の回復と欧州金融危機の沈静化を受けたドル高・ユーロ高に伴い、円安が始まっていた。
The upturn of the global economy was setting the stage for a stock market rally. Abenomics mainly served as a catalyst that caused these factors to start kicking in.
世界経済の好転で株高の環境も整いつつあった。アベノミクスがその背中を押した、というのが実態だろう。
Many economists point out that Abenomics has produced far fewer benefits for small and midsize businesses and most workers than the gains enjoyed by large companies and well-to-do individual investors.
大企業や裕福な個人投資家が受けた恩恵に比べ、中小企業や大多数の働き手への効果が乏しいとの指摘は根強い。
The policy has failed to produce so-called “trickle-down effects,” which mean increased wealth in one sector of the economy produces benefits for other sectors as well. Japanese people’s real income has barely grown.
富が滴り落ちるように広がる「トリクルダウン」は実現せず、国民の実質所得は伸び悩む。
Japan’s real economic growth in the past three years has been by and large slower than during the previous government led by the then-Democratic Party of Japan. Abe’s economic policy program has not given any big boost to the real economy in terms of growth in consumer spending or business investment.
ここ３年の実質経済成長率はその前の民主党政権時代より総じて低く、消費や投資という実体経済への波及は弱々しい。
When the BOJ made another radical move to ramp up the money supply in February by introducing negative interest rates for part of commercial banks’ reserves at the central bank, the unwanted side effects became more pronounced.
日銀が２月、金融機関が日銀に預ける当座預金の一部に初めてマイナス金利を導入すると、副作用が目立ち始めた。
Due partly to deteriorating economic conditions in many other countries, Japan’s stock and currency markets have been fluctuating wildly since then.
海外経済の動揺もあって、株式市場や外国為替市場では乱高下が繰り返し起こっている。
The negative interest rate policy has hit the earnings of financial institutions by reducing their profit margins and cast a pall over the long-term prospects of pension funds management.
マイナス金利は、利ざやが取れない金融機関の収益を苦しくし、資産を長期運用する年金などの持続性にも影を落とす。
DANGER OF GETTING CAUGHT IN ITS OWN TRAP
■自縄自縛の危うさ
Still, the BOJ has remained optimistic about the effectiveness of its monetary policy. It has kept claiming it can achieve the inflation target since it still has abundant policy options to use.
それでも日銀は強気の姿勢を崩していない。「やれる手はいくらでもある。目標は達成できる」と言い続けている。
Last year, speaking at an international conference, Kuroda referred to a passage in the story of Peter Pan saying, “The moment you doubt whether you can fly, you cease forever to be able to do it,” and said, “Yes, what we need is a positive attitude and conviction.”
黒田総裁は昨年、国際会議で語った。「ピーターパンの物語に『飛べるかどうかを疑った瞬間に永遠に飛べなくなってしまう』という言葉がある。大切なのは前向きな姿勢と確信だ」
His “different dimension” monetary policy plays on people’s expectations. The idea is that if the BOJ sets a specific inflation target and promises to take every possible step to achieve it both businesses and consumers will start spending their money because of their inflationary expectations.
異次元緩和は、期待に働きかける政策である。日銀がインフレ目標を示し、あらゆる手を打つと約束すれば、企業も消費者もそうなると考えて投資や消費におカネを使うようになる。そんな考えにもとづく。
In fact, however, the inflation rate has remained around zero due partly to lower prices of oil and other energy resources. The BOJ’s policy has not awakened inflationary expectations.
実際には、原油などの資源安もあって足元の物価の伸びはほぼゼロで推移している。インフレ期待は高まっていない。
The BOJ seems to have avoided admitting this fact because of concerns about dousing expectations for rising prices. If so, the central bank has gotten caught in a trap it has created itself.
それでも、期待に水を差すような説明はできない。日銀はそんな自縄自縛に陥っていないか。
The BOJ already owns more than 30 percent of the government bonds outstanding, and this rate will keep rising.
日銀はすでに国債発行残高の３割超を保有しており、比率はさらに上がっていく。
If the central bank starts financing the government’s debt through its bond-purchasing program, fiscal discipline could collapse, triggering tumbles of government bond prices and the yen’s value.
国債発行という政府の借金を日銀が手助けする「財政ファイナンス」に陥れば、財政規律が揺らぎ、国債価格や円相場の急落リスクが高まりかねない。
The longer the BOJ continues prolonging and expanding its aggressive monetary policy, the bigger the risk for the Japanese economy.
異次元緩和を強化し、長びかせるほど、日本経済が抱える危うさはマグマのようにたまっていく。
The central banks, including the BOJ, are guaranteed independence from the governments of their countries to ensure that they will not serve as policy tools of the governments. If they allow their actions to be dictated by the government, the public will have to pay the price for their distorted and misguided monetary policies.
日銀を含む各国の中央銀行が政府からの独立を保証されているのは、政府の道具となって金融政策がゆがみ、そのツケを国民が払う事態を避けるためだ。
The BOJ should ask itself whether it is acting as an agent for the government.
今の日銀は政権の下請け機関になっていないか。
IRRESPONSIBILITY OF RELYING TOTALLY ON BOJ
■日銀頼みの無責任
The Abe administration has started considering additional measures to stoke economic growth, including a supplementary budget. There are also rumors that the administration is considering another postponement of the scheduled hike of the consumption tax rate to 10 percent.
安倍政権は補正予算編成を含む経済対策を検討し始め、１０％への消費増税の再延期論もくすぶる。
The government would be acting in a grossly irresponsible manner if it takes such fiscal policy measures that apparently assume that the BOJ will continue purchasing government bonds.
日銀による国債の買い支えがずっと続くことを前提にしたかのような財政運営は無責任である。
The government needs to start taking steps to restore a healthy and sustainable fiscal policy with an eye to future generations.
将来の世代も見すえ、持続可能な財政へと再建していく。
At the same time, the government should tackle structural reforms to ensure economic growth driven by private-sector investment and consumption. These are what the administration should do.
同時に民間の投資や消費が引っぱる日本経済の発展をめざし、地道に構造改革に取り組む。それが政権の仕事だろう。
To prompt the government to embark on such sound policy efforts, the BOJ needs to explain the limitations of the effects of its radical monetary policy more clearly and in more detail to the administration.
そう促すためにも、日銀は異次元緩和の限界について、もっと政権に対して説明する必要がある。
That would be a good first step toward correcting problems with its policy stance, which is excessively biased toward monetary easing.
それが、「緩和強化」一辺倒の路線を修正する第一歩となる。
EDITORIAL: BOJ should reconsider aggressive easing policy three years after its implementation
（社説）異次元緩和３年 限界認め、軌道修正を
Three long years have passed since the Bank of Japan, under the leadership of Governor Haruhiko Kuroda, launched its “different dimension” policy of aggressive monetary expansion.
日本銀行が黒田東彦（はるひこ）総裁のもとで「異次元」の金融緩和を始めてから３年。
The new program started as a short-term, turbocharged effort to achieve the central bank’s policy goals within two years. The deadline passed and another full year has gone by, but the central bank has yet to hit its inflation target of 2 percent.
２年間の「短期決戦」として始まったはずの政策は、２年がすぎ、３年たっても、掲げてきた２％のインフレ目標を達成できていない。
While the BOJ has repeatedly pushed back the target date, negative effects of the radical monetary easing policy have started making themselves felt. The risks it poses to Japan’s overall economic health are steadily growing.
日銀が期限を次々と延ばす間に、緩和に伴う副作用が目につき始め、抱えるリスクはじわじわと増している。
The BOJ should now change tack instead of enhancing and expanding this risky approach.
日銀が実行すべきなのは緩和の強化ではなく、軌道修正を図ることだ。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s pro-growth economic policy, known as Abenomics, is composed of three “arrows,” or key components. They are bold monetary easing, flexible fiscal spending and a growth strategy designed to stimulate private-sector investment.
安倍政権の経済政策「アベノミクス」は、（１）大胆な金融緩和（２）機動的な財政出動（３）民間投資を促す成長戦略の「３本の矢」からなる。
The Abe administration has unveiled “new three arrows” focused on measures to support nursing care and child care. But the basic framework of its economic policy agenda has remained unchanged.
政権は介護や子育て政策の充実に力点を置く「新３本の矢」を打ち出したが、政策の骨格は変わっていない。
The second and third arrows of Abe's original blueprint are nothing new. Most of his predecessors tried to boost the economy through fiscal stimulus packages comprising massive government spending and new plans to put the economy on an upward trajectory.
当初の２、３本目の矢は目新しいものではない。多くの政権が景気対策で財政を膨らませ、成長戦略も練ってきた。
The first arrow, the extraordinary program to expand the money supply, is the unique feature of Abenomics that constitutes its core.
１本目の異次元緩和こそが異色でありアベノミクスの柱と言える。
Under this program, the BOJ buys huge amounts of government bonds to flood the economy with liquidity and thereby guides long-term interest rates to historically low levels.
日銀が大量の国債を買いあげ、巨額のマネーを市場に注ぎ込む。そうして長期金利を歴史的な低水準に引き下げる。
Abe selected Kuroda as the central bank chief to preside over such unprecedented monetary expansion. This move, made under the slogan of “escape from deflation,” is aimed at putting the onus solely on the central bank’s monetary policy, which doesn’t impose a new financial burden on the public immediately.
安倍政権は日銀にそんな大胆な金融緩和を行わせようと黒田氏を日銀総裁に選んだ。「デフレ脱却」を旗印に、ただちに国民負担が生じるわけではない金融政策に寄りかかる構図である。
WEAK RIPPLE EFFECTS
■弱かった波及効果
Initially, many economists praised Abenomics as a successful policy effort because it led to a weaker yen and higher stock prices. As a result, Japanese companies, especially export-oriented manufacturers, notched record earnings, which translated into pay growth, to a certain extent.
当初、アベノミクスを「成功している」と評価する声が多かったのは、円安と株高が進んだためだ。輸出産業を中心に企業が過去最高水準の収益をあげ、賃上げも一定程度は実現した。
But the benefits of Abenomics were overestimated in a sense. When the Abe administration was inaugurated at the end of 2012, the yen had already started falling against the dollar and the euro, which had strengthened due to recovery of the U.S. economy and the defused debt crisis in Europe.
ただ、その効果は過大評価された面がある。政権が発足した２０１２年末は米国経済の回復と欧州金融危機の沈静化を受けたドル高・ユーロ高に伴い、円安が始まっていた。
The upturn of the global economy was setting the stage for a stock market rally. Abenomics mainly served as a catalyst that caused these factors to start kicking in.
世界経済の好転で株高の環境も整いつつあった。アベノミクスがその背中を押した、というのが実態だろう。
Many economists point out that Abenomics has produced far fewer benefits for small and midsize businesses and most workers than the gains enjoyed by large companies and well-to-do individual investors.
大企業や裕福な個人投資家が受けた恩恵に比べ、中小企業や大多数の働き手への効果が乏しいとの指摘は根強い。
The policy has failed to produce so-called “trickle-down effects,” which mean increased wealth in one sector of the economy produces benefits for other sectors as well. Japanese people’s real income has barely grown.
富が滴り落ちるように広がる「トリクルダウン」は実現せず、国民の実質所得は伸び悩む。
Japan’s real economic growth in the past three years has been by and large slower than during the previous government led by the then-Democratic Party of Japan. Abe’s economic policy program has not given any big boost to the real economy in terms of growth in consumer spending or business investment.
ここ３年の実質経済成長率はその前の民主党政権時代より総じて低く、消費や投資という実体経済への波及は弱々しい。
When the BOJ made another radical move to ramp up the money supply in February by introducing negative interest rates for part of commercial banks’ reserves at the central bank, the unwanted side effects became more pronounced.
日銀が２月、金融機関が日銀に預ける当座預金の一部に初めてマイナス金利を導入すると、副作用が目立ち始めた。
Due partly to deteriorating economic conditions in many other countries, Japan’s stock and currency markets have been fluctuating wildly since then.
海外経済の動揺もあって、株式市場や外国為替市場では乱高下が繰り返し起こっている。
The negative interest rate policy has hit the earnings of financial institutions by reducing their profit margins and cast a pall over the long-term prospects of pension funds management.
マイナス金利は、利ざやが取れない金融機関の収益を苦しくし、資産を長期運用する年金などの持続性にも影を落とす。
DANGER OF GETTING CAUGHT IN ITS OWN TRAP
■自縄自縛の危うさ
Still, the BOJ has remained optimistic about the effectiveness of its monetary policy. It has kept claiming it can achieve the inflation target since it still has abundant policy options to use.
それでも日銀は強気の姿勢を崩していない。「やれる手はいくらでもある。目標は達成できる」と言い続けている。
Last year, speaking at an international conference, Kuroda referred to a passage in the story of Peter Pan saying, “The moment you doubt whether you can fly, you cease forever to be able to do it,” and said, “Yes, what we need is a positive attitude and conviction.”
黒田総裁は昨年、国際会議で語った。「ピーターパンの物語に『飛べるかどうかを疑った瞬間に永遠に飛べなくなってしまう』という言葉がある。大切なのは前向きな姿勢と確信だ」
His “different dimension” monetary policy plays on people’s expectations. The idea is that if the BOJ sets a specific inflation target and promises to take every possible step to achieve it both businesses and consumers will start spending their money because of their inflationary expectations.
異次元緩和は、期待に働きかける政策である。日銀がインフレ目標を示し、あらゆる手を打つと約束すれば、企業も消費者もそうなると考えて投資や消費におカネを使うようになる。そんな考えにもとづく。
In fact, however, the inflation rate has remained around zero due partly to lower prices of oil and other energy resources. The BOJ’s policy has not awakened inflationary expectations.
実際には、原油などの資源安もあって足元の物価の伸びはほぼゼロで推移している。インフレ期待は高まっていない。
The BOJ seems to have avoided admitting this fact because of concerns about dousing expectations for rising prices. If so, the central bank has gotten caught in a trap it has created itself.
それでも、期待に水を差すような説明はできない。日銀はそんな自縄自縛に陥っていないか。
The BOJ already owns more than 30 percent of the government bonds outstanding, and this rate will keep rising.
日銀はすでに国債発行残高の３割超を保有しており、比率はさらに上がっていく。
If the central bank starts financing the government’s debt through its bond-purchasing program, fiscal discipline could collapse, triggering tumbles of government bond prices and the yen’s value.
国債発行という政府の借金を日銀が手助けする「財政ファイナンス」に陥れば、財政規律が揺らぎ、国債価格や円相場の急落リスクが高まりかねない。
The longer the BOJ continues prolonging and expanding its aggressive monetary policy, the bigger the risk for the Japanese economy.
異次元緩和を強化し、長びかせるほど、日本経済が抱える危うさはマグマのようにたまっていく。
The central banks, including the BOJ, are guaranteed independence from the governments of their countries to ensure that they will not serve as policy tools of the governments. If they allow their actions to be dictated by the government, the public will have to pay the price for their distorted and misguided monetary policies.
日銀を含む各国の中央銀行が政府からの独立を保証されているのは、政府の道具となって金融政策がゆがみ、そのツケを国民が払う事態を避けるためだ。
The BOJ should ask itself whether it is acting as an agent for the government.
今の日銀は政権の下請け機関になっていないか。
IRRESPONSIBILITY OF RELYING TOTALLY ON BOJ
■日銀頼みの無責任
The Abe administration has started considering additional measures to stoke economic growth, including a supplementary budget. There are also rumors that the administration is considering another postponement of the scheduled hike of the consumption tax rate to 10 percent.
安倍政権は補正予算編成を含む経済対策を検討し始め、１０％への消費増税の再延期論もくすぶる。
The government would be acting in a grossly irresponsible manner if it takes such fiscal policy measures that apparently assume that the BOJ will continue purchasing government bonds.
日銀による国債の買い支えがずっと続くことを前提にしたかのような財政運営は無責任である。
The government needs to start taking steps to restore a healthy and sustainable fiscal policy with an eye to future generations.
将来の世代も見すえ、持続可能な財政へと再建していく。
At the same time, the government should tackle structural reforms to ensure economic growth driven by private-sector investment and consumption. These are what the administration should do.
同時に民間の投資や消費が引っぱる日本経済の発展をめざし、地道に構造改革に取り組む。それが政権の仕事だろう。
To prompt the government to embark on such sound policy efforts, the BOJ needs to explain the limitations of the effects of its radical monetary policy more clearly and in more detail to the administration.
そう促すためにも、日銀は異次元緩和の限界について、もっと政権に対して説明する必要がある。
That would be a good first step toward correcting problems with its policy stance, which is excessively biased toward monetary easing.
それが、「緩和強化」一辺倒の路線を修正する第一歩となる。
2016年04月01日
秘密と国会 追認機関ではいけない
--The Asahi Shimbun, March 31
EDITORIAL: Watchdogs of state secrets designations fail in first reports
（社説）秘密と国会 追認機関ではいけない
The Board of Oversight and Review of Specially Designated Secrets of both Diet houses on March 30 submitted their first annual reports to the president of the Upper House and the speaker of the Lower House.
特定秘密の指定や解除の運用をチェックする衆参両院の「情報監視審査会」がきのう、年次報告書を衆参両院の議長に提出した。
The boards are tasked with checking the designation and declassification of state secrets by the government under the state secrets protection law, which came into force at the end of 2014.
２０１４年末に特定秘密保護法が施行されて以来、初めての報告書である。
Sadly, the documents indicate the watchdogs have done a poor job of monitoring the government’s moves to classify or declassify specific information. They can hardly claim to have carried out their responsibilities as the Diet organs consisting of lawmakers representing the people.
しかし残念ながら、「監視」の名に値する内容とは程遠かった。これでは国民の代表としての国会の責任が果たせたとは、到底言えない。
The boards examined a total of 382 cases in which 10 government organizations, including the defense and foreign ministries, designated about 189,000 pieces of information as state secrets. To carry out their tasks, the panels referred to related documents, including a record book about the designation of specific pieces of information as state secrets, in addition to interviewing officials of the 10 organizations.
防衛省や外務省など１０行政機関が指定した特定秘密３８２件（約１８万９千点）について、概要を記した「特定秘密指定管理簿」などをもとに、各省庁から聞き取りして確認した。
But only a few pieces of classified information have been disclosed as a result of the boards’ efforts. Most of the accounts about classification contained in the record book submitted by the government are too vague to help the boards judge whether the designation was appropriate or not.
One typical description about classified information in the document is “information provided by a foreign country.”
だが、開示された特定秘密は数点だけ。政府が提出した管理簿の記述は「外国から提供を受けた情報」などあいまいで、指定が適正かどうか判断できる内容ではなかった。
The biggest problem is the flawed secrecy law itself, which doesn’t clarify the criteria for classification and could allow arbitrary and capricious withholding of information by the government.
最大の問題は、何が秘密にあたるかが秘密、その範囲が恣意（しい）的に広がりかねないという、秘密法それ自体にある。
The opposition parties demanded that the government be mandated to submit information about designated secrets to the Diet. But the ruling coalition led by the Liberal Democratic Party rejected the demand, saying the government’s administrative power should be respected from the viewpoint of separation of powers.
野党側は国会への情報提供を義務づけるよう求めたが、与党側は「三権分立の観点から行政権を侵してはならない」と受け入れなかった。
Why, then, did the ruling camp agree to set up secrecy watchdogs within the Diet?
ならばなぜ国会に監視機関を置いたのか。
The checks and balances system based on separation of powers requires the legislature to monitor and check the actions of the administrative branch of the government.
三権分立だからこそ、行政権をもつ政府に対する、国会の監視機能が重要なのだ。
The watchdogs are the only institutions that can monitor the implementation of the state secrets law from outside the government.
政府の外から特定秘密の運用を監視できるのは、唯一、国会の審査会だけである。
The Diet should be alarmed by the situation and take steps to enhance the capabilities of the monitoring bodies.
国会は強い危機意識をもち、監視機能の強化をはからねばならない。
What is especially disappointing is the boards’ failure to make any judgment about the government’s decisions to classify specific information. Instead, the bodies only called for improvements in the way the law was implemented as their “opinions.”
審査会の対応で物足りなかったのは、政府の特定秘密の指定状況が適正かの判断に踏み込まず、運用改善を「意見」として求めるにとどめたことだ。
It is hard to think of any good reason why they didn’t admonish the government to mend its way.
より強い「勧告」になぜ踏み込まなかったのか。
Even so, the boards’ “opinions” contain some ideas worth serious consideration.
一方で、「意見」の中身には耳を傾けるべきものもある。
For example, they proposed that the Cabinet Office’s inspector general for public records management, who is responsible for reporting on the appropriateness of classification to the prime minister, should also report to them. The government should give serious thought to this proposal.
例えば、秘密指定が適正かどうか、首相に報告する内閣府の「独立公文書管理監」に対し、審査会にも報告するよう求めたことだ。政府は真剣に検討してもらいたい。
The new national security legislation took effect on March 29, giving the government more power and discretion to take policy actions concerning the deployment of the Self-Defense Forces and other issues.
安全保障法制が施行され、自衛隊の運用など安保政策をめぐる政府の裁量の幅が広がった。
If the secrecy watchdogs lack the teeth needed to properly monitor the way the secrecy law is implemented, the government could make a wide range of arbitrary decisions without knowledge of the people.
そのうえ特定秘密への監視機能の弱さが放置されれば、国民の目の届かないところで、政府の恣意的な判断が際限なく広がる恐れがぬぐえない。
The Diet needs to recognize its responsibility to monitor the government’s actions in this respect as the representative of the public and make constant efforts to improve the implementation of the law and rectify its problems. Such efforts would put necessary pressure on the government.
国会が「国民の代表として監視する」という責任を自覚し、運用改善と法改正に向けた検討を不断に重ねることが、政府に緊張感を持たせるはずだ。
The boards must not become watchdogs in name only that merely rubber-stamp the government’s decisions.
形ばかりの監視で、政府の追認機関になってはならない。
EDITORIAL: Watchdogs of state secrets designations fail in first reports
（社説）秘密と国会 追認機関ではいけない
The Board of Oversight and Review of Specially Designated Secrets of both Diet houses on March 30 submitted their first annual reports to the president of the Upper House and the speaker of the Lower House.
特定秘密の指定や解除の運用をチェックする衆参両院の「情報監視審査会」がきのう、年次報告書を衆参両院の議長に提出した。
The boards are tasked with checking the designation and declassification of state secrets by the government under the state secrets protection law, which came into force at the end of 2014.
２０１４年末に特定秘密保護法が施行されて以来、初めての報告書である。
Sadly, the documents indicate the watchdogs have done a poor job of monitoring the government’s moves to classify or declassify specific information. They can hardly claim to have carried out their responsibilities as the Diet organs consisting of lawmakers representing the people.
しかし残念ながら、「監視」の名に値する内容とは程遠かった。これでは国民の代表としての国会の責任が果たせたとは、到底言えない。
The boards examined a total of 382 cases in which 10 government organizations, including the defense and foreign ministries, designated about 189,000 pieces of information as state secrets. To carry out their tasks, the panels referred to related documents, including a record book about the designation of specific pieces of information as state secrets, in addition to interviewing officials of the 10 organizations.
防衛省や外務省など１０行政機関が指定した特定秘密３８２件（約１８万９千点）について、概要を記した「特定秘密指定管理簿」などをもとに、各省庁から聞き取りして確認した。
But only a few pieces of classified information have been disclosed as a result of the boards’ efforts. Most of the accounts about classification contained in the record book submitted by the government are too vague to help the boards judge whether the designation was appropriate or not.
One typical description about classified information in the document is “information provided by a foreign country.”
だが、開示された特定秘密は数点だけ。政府が提出した管理簿の記述は「外国から提供を受けた情報」などあいまいで、指定が適正かどうか判断できる内容ではなかった。
The biggest problem is the flawed secrecy law itself, which doesn’t clarify the criteria for classification and could allow arbitrary and capricious withholding of information by the government.
最大の問題は、何が秘密にあたるかが秘密、その範囲が恣意（しい）的に広がりかねないという、秘密法それ自体にある。
The opposition parties demanded that the government be mandated to submit information about designated secrets to the Diet. But the ruling coalition led by the Liberal Democratic Party rejected the demand, saying the government’s administrative power should be respected from the viewpoint of separation of powers.
野党側は国会への情報提供を義務づけるよう求めたが、与党側は「三権分立の観点から行政権を侵してはならない」と受け入れなかった。
Why, then, did the ruling camp agree to set up secrecy watchdogs within the Diet?
ならばなぜ国会に監視機関を置いたのか。
The checks and balances system based on separation of powers requires the legislature to monitor and check the actions of the administrative branch of the government.
三権分立だからこそ、行政権をもつ政府に対する、国会の監視機能が重要なのだ。
The watchdogs are the only institutions that can monitor the implementation of the state secrets law from outside the government.
政府の外から特定秘密の運用を監視できるのは、唯一、国会の審査会だけである。
The Diet should be alarmed by the situation and take steps to enhance the capabilities of the monitoring bodies.
国会は強い危機意識をもち、監視機能の強化をはからねばならない。
What is especially disappointing is the boards’ failure to make any judgment about the government’s decisions to classify specific information. Instead, the bodies only called for improvements in the way the law was implemented as their “opinions.”
審査会の対応で物足りなかったのは、政府の特定秘密の指定状況が適正かの判断に踏み込まず、運用改善を「意見」として求めるにとどめたことだ。
It is hard to think of any good reason why they didn’t admonish the government to mend its way.
より強い「勧告」になぜ踏み込まなかったのか。
Even so, the boards’ “opinions” contain some ideas worth serious consideration.
一方で、「意見」の中身には耳を傾けるべきものもある。
For example, they proposed that the Cabinet Office’s inspector general for public records management, who is responsible for reporting on the appropriateness of classification to the prime minister, should also report to them. The government should give serious thought to this proposal.
例えば、秘密指定が適正かどうか、首相に報告する内閣府の「独立公文書管理監」に対し、審査会にも報告するよう求めたことだ。政府は真剣に検討してもらいたい。
The new national security legislation took effect on March 29, giving the government more power and discretion to take policy actions concerning the deployment of the Self-Defense Forces and other issues.
安全保障法制が施行され、自衛隊の運用など安保政策をめぐる政府の裁量の幅が広がった。
If the secrecy watchdogs lack the teeth needed to properly monitor the way the secrecy law is implemented, the government could make a wide range of arbitrary decisions without knowledge of the people.
そのうえ特定秘密への監視機能の弱さが放置されれば、国民の目の届かないところで、政府の恣意的な判断が際限なく広がる恐れがぬぐえない。
The Diet needs to recognize its responsibility to monitor the government’s actions in this respect as the representative of the public and make constant efforts to improve the implementation of the law and rectify its problems. Such efforts would put necessary pressure on the government.
国会が「国民の代表として監視する」という責任を自覚し、運用改善と法改正に向けた検討を不断に重ねることが、政府に緊張感を持たせるはずだ。
The boards must not become watchdogs in name only that merely rubber-stamp the government’s decisions.
形ばかりの監視で、政府の追認機関になってはならない。
2016年03月31日
民進党発足 １強と対峙するには
--The Asahi Shimbun, March 28
EDITORIAL: Minshinto’s task is to become viable foe of 'sole winner' Abe
（社説）民進党発足 １強と対峙するには
Minshinto (The Democratic Party), formed from the merger between the Democratic Party of Japan and the Japan Innovation Party, was officially inaugurated at a party convention on March 27.
The new party’s first task is to try to close the gap between the ardor of its members and the cool indifference of the public at large.
新たな旗のもとに集った議員の熱気と、国民の冷めた空気。まずは、この差を埋める努力から始めるしかない。
民主党と維新の党などの議員が合流し、新しい民進党としてきのう党大会を開いた。
Shiori Yamao, a 41-year-old Lower House member who made news headlines for confronting the Abe administration over the problem of children on waiting lists for child-care facilities, has been chosen to head the new party’s policy research committee. But since almost all party executives, including leader Katsuya Okada, have essentially retained their posts from their DPJ days, critics point out that the party name is the only thing that has changed.
待機児童問題で安倍政権を追及する若手の山尾志桜里氏を政調会長に起用したが、岡田代表らほとんどの役員が民主党からの横滑り。党名以外にどこが変わったのかとの批判もある。
The public’s chilly reaction is quite understandable.
冷ややかな視線を浴びるのも無理はない。
After coming into power in 2009 to end decades of rule by the Liberal Democratic Party, the DPJ did nothing but repeatedly betray the hopes of voters who were looking forward to a new era in Japanese politics.
自民党の長期政権に代わる新たな政治への期待を背負って０９年に発足した民主党政権は、国民の思いを裏切り続けた。
The DPJ proved itself incapable of living up to its campaign pledges. Its attempts at government led by politicians, rather than by bureaucrats, went nowhere. And the party eventually split over the controversial issue of a consumption tax hike.
実現できないマニフェスト、空回りした政治主導、そして消費増税をめぐる党の分裂。
The impression cannot be denied that the new Democratic Party did nothing more than welcome back to the fold some of the DPJ members who had broken away at that time.
その時に出ていった議員の一部とよりを戻しただけだ、との印象はぬぐいようがない。
While the DPJ languished after its fall from power, the Abe administration consolidated a “sole winner” political system by winning three national elections in a row, starting with the 2012 Lower House election that was called upon the dissolution of the chamber by then Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda.
政権を失った民主党が立ちすくむうちに、安倍政権は、民主党の野田内閣による１２年の衆院解散から３度続けて国政選挙に勝ち、「１強」の政治体制を築いてきた。
Abe stresses that the LDP’s return to power has improved the economy, claiming there are 30 percent fewer bankruptcies on his watch than when the DPJ was at the helm.
安倍首相は「民主党政権時代より、企業倒産件数は約３割減った」などと、政権交代で経済は上向いたと強調する。
But on the other hand, the public’s discontent continues to run deep over growing social disparities and other issues, including that of children who cannot enter child-care facilities.
半面、格差の拡大や待機児童問題などへの国民の不満は根強い。
And as evidenced by his decision to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense and enact a divisive national security legislation, Abe has been walking a precarious path that may well lead the nation astray from its Constitution.
首相はまた、集団的自衛権の行使容認や安全保障法制に見られるように、憲法の枠組みを越えかねない危うい道を進む。
What lies at the end of the path is constitutional revision, the sole purpose of which is to change the Constitution itself.
その先に見すえるのは「変えること」を目的とした憲法改正だ。
There are many frustrated voters who are apprehensive of the Abe administration’s style of politics but do not see any alternative. One indication of their frustration is that voter turnout languished just above 52 percent in the 2013 Upper House election as well as the 2014 Lower House poll.
安倍氏の政権運営に危うさは感じるが、ほかに選択肢が見あたらない――。こんなもどかしさを抱く有権者は多い。安倍政権のもとでの１３年参院選と１４年衆院選がいずれも５２％台の低投票率だったことは、そのひとつの証左だろう。
At the inaugural party convention, Okada expressed “deep remorse” for the DPJ’s failure to live up to the people’s expectations while it was in power. On that note, his party must take the first step forward.
岡田代表は党大会で、民主党政権時代に期待に応えられなかったことを「深く反省する」と語った。そのうえに、新たな一歩を踏み出すべきときだ。
As the largest opposition party with 156 Diet members, can the Democratic Party become a formidable opponent of the “sole winner” Abe administration? The answer to this holds the key to whether Japanese politics will emerge from its lethargy.
衆参で１５６人の野党第１党となる民進党が、１強に対峙（たいじ）しうる存在になれるかどうか。それが、政治に緊張感を取り戻せるかどうかのカギを握る。
“Liberty, coexistence and responsibility for the future” are the Democratic Party’s founding principles. The party promises to rectify disparities in education, employment and gender-related matters, and defend constitutionalism. The party is at least heading in the right direction.
民進党は「自由、共生、未来への責任」を結党の理念とし、教育、雇用、男女の三つの格差是正や立憲主義の堅持を打ち出すという。方向は妥当である。
But the only way in which it can regain the lost trust of the voting public is to commit itself to what every political party is tasked to undertake with patience, which is to heed the voice of each citizen and challenge the ruling party with concrete and persuasive policies.
国民一人ひとりの思いをすくいあげ、具体的で説得力ある政策として政権にぶつけ続ける。
政党にしかできないこの地道な作業を通じてしか、信頼を取り戻すことはできない。
EDITORIAL: Minshinto’s task is to become viable foe of 'sole winner' Abe
（社説）民進党発足 １強と対峙するには
Minshinto (The Democratic Party), formed from the merger between the Democratic Party of Japan and the Japan Innovation Party, was officially inaugurated at a party convention on March 27.
The new party’s first task is to try to close the gap between the ardor of its members and the cool indifference of the public at large.
新たな旗のもとに集った議員の熱気と、国民の冷めた空気。まずは、この差を埋める努力から始めるしかない。
民主党と維新の党などの議員が合流し、新しい民進党としてきのう党大会を開いた。
Shiori Yamao, a 41-year-old Lower House member who made news headlines for confronting the Abe administration over the problem of children on waiting lists for child-care facilities, has been chosen to head the new party’s policy research committee. But since almost all party executives, including leader Katsuya Okada, have essentially retained their posts from their DPJ days, critics point out that the party name is the only thing that has changed.
待機児童問題で安倍政権を追及する若手の山尾志桜里氏を政調会長に起用したが、岡田代表らほとんどの役員が民主党からの横滑り。党名以外にどこが変わったのかとの批判もある。
The public’s chilly reaction is quite understandable.
冷ややかな視線を浴びるのも無理はない。
After coming into power in 2009 to end decades of rule by the Liberal Democratic Party, the DPJ did nothing but repeatedly betray the hopes of voters who were looking forward to a new era in Japanese politics.
自民党の長期政権に代わる新たな政治への期待を背負って０９年に発足した民主党政権は、国民の思いを裏切り続けた。
The DPJ proved itself incapable of living up to its campaign pledges. Its attempts at government led by politicians, rather than by bureaucrats, went nowhere. And the party eventually split over the controversial issue of a consumption tax hike.
実現できないマニフェスト、空回りした政治主導、そして消費増税をめぐる党の分裂。
The impression cannot be denied that the new Democratic Party did nothing more than welcome back to the fold some of the DPJ members who had broken away at that time.
その時に出ていった議員の一部とよりを戻しただけだ、との印象はぬぐいようがない。
While the DPJ languished after its fall from power, the Abe administration consolidated a “sole winner” political system by winning three national elections in a row, starting with the 2012 Lower House election that was called upon the dissolution of the chamber by then Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda.
政権を失った民主党が立ちすくむうちに、安倍政権は、民主党の野田内閣による１２年の衆院解散から３度続けて国政選挙に勝ち、「１強」の政治体制を築いてきた。
Abe stresses that the LDP’s return to power has improved the economy, claiming there are 30 percent fewer bankruptcies on his watch than when the DPJ was at the helm.
安倍首相は「民主党政権時代より、企業倒産件数は約３割減った」などと、政権交代で経済は上向いたと強調する。
But on the other hand, the public’s discontent continues to run deep over growing social disparities and other issues, including that of children who cannot enter child-care facilities.
半面、格差の拡大や待機児童問題などへの国民の不満は根強い。
And as evidenced by his decision to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense and enact a divisive national security legislation, Abe has been walking a precarious path that may well lead the nation astray from its Constitution.
首相はまた、集団的自衛権の行使容認や安全保障法制に見られるように、憲法の枠組みを越えかねない危うい道を進む。
What lies at the end of the path is constitutional revision, the sole purpose of which is to change the Constitution itself.
その先に見すえるのは「変えること」を目的とした憲法改正だ。
There are many frustrated voters who are apprehensive of the Abe administration’s style of politics but do not see any alternative. One indication of their frustration is that voter turnout languished just above 52 percent in the 2013 Upper House election as well as the 2014 Lower House poll.
安倍氏の政権運営に危うさは感じるが、ほかに選択肢が見あたらない――。こんなもどかしさを抱く有権者は多い。安倍政権のもとでの１３年参院選と１４年衆院選がいずれも５２％台の低投票率だったことは、そのひとつの証左だろう。
At the inaugural party convention, Okada expressed “deep remorse” for the DPJ’s failure to live up to the people’s expectations while it was in power. On that note, his party must take the first step forward.
岡田代表は党大会で、民主党政権時代に期待に応えられなかったことを「深く反省する」と語った。そのうえに、新たな一歩を踏み出すべきときだ。
As the largest opposition party with 156 Diet members, can the Democratic Party become a formidable opponent of the “sole winner” Abe administration? The answer to this holds the key to whether Japanese politics will emerge from its lethargy.
衆参で１５６人の野党第１党となる民進党が、１強に対峙（たいじ）しうる存在になれるかどうか。それが、政治に緊張感を取り戻せるかどうかのカギを握る。
“Liberty, coexistence and responsibility for the future” are the Democratic Party’s founding principles. The party promises to rectify disparities in education, employment and gender-related matters, and defend constitutionalism. The party is at least heading in the right direction.
民進党は「自由、共生、未来への責任」を結党の理念とし、教育、雇用、男女の三つの格差是正や立憲主義の堅持を打ち出すという。方向は妥当である。
But the only way in which it can regain the lost trust of the voting public is to commit itself to what every political party is tasked to undertake with patience, which is to heed the voice of each citizen and challenge the ruling party with concrete and persuasive policies.
国民一人ひとりの思いをすくいあげ、具体的で説得力ある政策として政権にぶつけ続ける。
政党にしかできないこの地道な作業を通じてしか、信頼を取り戻すことはできない。
2016年03月30日
安全保障法制の施行 「違憲」の法制、正す論戦を
--The Asahi Shimbun, March 29
EDITORIAL: Diet must debate constitutionality of new security legislation
（社説）安全保障法制の施行 「違憲」の法制、正す論戦を
The new national security legislation expanding the scope of Japan’s military operations took effect on March 29.
新たな安全保障法制がきょう施行された。
The ruling coalition, led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s Liberal Democratic Party, rammed the legislation through the Diet in September in the face of anxiety and opposition among many citizens and criticism by constitutional scholars that it is unconstitutional. The controversial set of laws is now in force.
昨年９月、多くの市民の不安と反対、そして憲法専門家らの「違憲」批判を押し切って安倍政権が強行成立させた法制が、効力を持つことになる。
The legislation, composed of two statutes incorporating the content of 11 bills, significantly expands the scope of Self-Defense Forces operations outside Japan. It allows Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense by changing the government’s interpretation of the Constitution.
It also enables the SDF to provide logistical support to the forces of the United States and other countries and engage in a wider range of United Nations peacekeeping operations.
１１本の法案を２本にまとめた法制には、憲法解釈の変更による集団的自衛権の行使容認、米軍など他国軍への兵站（へいたん）（後方支援）、国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）の任務拡大など、幅広い自衛隊の海外活動が含まれる。
The Abe administration railroaded the broad security legislation through just one session of the Diet. Many observers say Abe was in a rush to get the legislation passed because he promised in his April 29 address to a Joint Meeting of the U.S. Congress to “achieve” the legislative reform “by this coming summer.”
安倍政権はこれだけ広範な法制を、わずか１会期の国会審議で成立させた。背景に、首相自身が昨年４月に訪米中の議会演説で「（法案を）夏までに成就させる」と約束した対米公約があった、との見方が強い。
After the legislation passed the Diet, Abe said he would “make tenacious efforts to explain” it to the public. But he has failed to deliver on his promise.
法制の成立後、首相は「これから粘り強く説明を行っていきたい」と語ったが、実行されていない。
The Diet debate on related issues since then has been far from sufficient.
その後の国会審議も十分とは到底言えない。
CASTING A WIDE NET
■投網をかけるように
This situation represents a crisis of Japan’s constitutionalism, which means the government’s power is defined and limited by the Constitution. This extraordinary and dangerous situation must not be allowed to continue.
憲法が権力を縛る立憲主義の危機である。この異常事態を放置することはできない。
The “unconstitutional” legislation, not based on broad public consensus, should be rectified. It is necessary to sort out the content of the legislation so that at least the unconstitutional parts will be repealed. The Diet, especially the opposition camp, needs to play a vital role in this undertaking.
幅広い国民の合意を欠く「違憲」法制は正さねばならない。法制の中身を仕分けし、少なくとも違憲の部分は廃止する必要がある。国会、とりわけ野党が果たすべき役割は大きい。
The Abe administration has maintained that the legislation is constitutional because it only allows Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense in limited situations.
安倍政権は、集団的自衛権の行使容認は限定的で、だから合憲だと説明してきた。
On the other hand, the administration has continued giving equivocal answers at the Diet to questions about the limits to the exercise of this right by Japan in an apparent attempt for the government to secure as much discretion as possible in assessing situations.
一方で、政府の裁量をできるだけ広く残そうと、「限定」の幅についてあいまいな国会答弁を繰り返してきた。
This will allow the government in power to interpret the scope of the limits in any manner it chooses.
時の政権の判断で、いかようにも解釈できる余地が残されている。
The administration’s move to make it possible for Japan to engage in collective self-defense operations was prompted primarily by the challenge of countering the growing military power of China through enhancing the deterrence provided by Japan’s security alliance with the United States.
集団的自衛権を容認した眼目は、中国にいかに対抗し、抑止力を高めるかにある。
Here’s the idea behind the move. Japan needs to ensure that U.S. forces will maintain their presence in the Asia-Pacific region while compensating for the relative decline in U.S. military power by enhancing the SDF and expanding its security cooperation with other countries in the region.
米軍をアジア太平洋地域に引き留め、そのパワーが相対的に低下しつつある分は、自衛隊の強化や地域諸国との連携によって補う。そんな考え方だ。
The legislation is designed to allow the SDF to operate in wide areas outside Japan by eliminating a broad range of obstacles and impediments to the SDF’s joint operations with U.S. forces.
This approach can be likened to casting a wide net to catch as many fish in as wide an area as possible.
米軍との共同行動に支障を来さないよう、投網をかけるように幅広く、海外で自衛隊が動けるようにしておく。
This means the SDF will expand its joint military drills, information sharing and cooperation concerning military equipment with the forces of the United States and other countries. Such efforts will be made not just during security emergencies but in peacetime as well.
有事だけでなく平時から米軍など他国軍との共同訓練や情報共有、装備面での連携が進むことになる。
ARTICLE 9 AS BASIS FOR DIALOGUE
■９条を対話の基盤に
The problem is that the administration, to achieve its security policy goals, has relaxed the restrictions that the war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution had imposed on the SDF’s overseas operations.
問題は、そのために自衛隊の海外活動に一定の歯止めをかけてきた「９条の縛り」を緩めてしまったことだ。
At the end of February, the Commission on the Future of the Alliance, a study group comprising Japanese and American experts including Richard Armitage, a former U.S. deputy secretary of state, released a report titled “The U.S.-Japan Alliance to 2030.”
２月末、アーミテージ元国務副長官ら日米の有識者らによる日米安全保障研究会が「２０３０年までの日米同盟」という報告書をまとめた。
Stressing the importance for Tokyo and Washington to have a coordinated China strategy, the report urged Japan to “have fully funded, modern and highly capable military forces” and called on the two countries to “at least coordinate, and if possible integrate, their policies and actions elsewhere in Asia and beyond.”
日米の対中戦略の共有が不可欠だと強調し、「十分な予算に支えられた軍事力」「アジアやより広い地域で日米の政策、行動を可能ならば統合する」ことを日本に求めた。
This is a clear call for integrating the two nations’ security policy development and execution in all aspects, including defense budgeting.
防衛予算の拡大をはじめ、あらゆる面で日米の一体化をめざす方向だ。
But the national interests of the United States don’t necessarily coincide exactly with those of Japan with regard not only to how to respond to China’s rise but also to other key issues.
だが、中国との関係に限らず、米国の利益と日本の利益は必ずしも一致しない。
The question facing Japan is if it can decline any strong security policy request from the United States, which has a history of launching misguided wars.
時に誤った戦争に踏み込む米国の強い要請を断れるのか。
Abe has said that Japan will make its own independent decisions as to whether it should exercise its right to collective self-defense. But will this be really possible for Japan when the effectiveness of Article 9 as a protection against the risk of becoming involved in overseas conflict has been seriously undermined?
集団的自衛権の行使について、首相は「（日本が）主体的に判断する」と答弁したが、９条という防波堤が揺らぐ今、本当にできるのか。
Japan should be well aware of the fact that the United States, while wary about China’s military buildup, has been working eagerly to build sturdy multiple channels of dialogue with the country.
留意すべきは、米国自身、中国を警戒しながらも重層的な対話のパイプ作りに腐心していることだ。
To protect its own peace, Japan should also pursue close dialogue and a broad range of cooperation with China.
日本も自らの平和を守るためには、中国との緊密な対話と幅広い協力が欠かせない。
The Abe administration, however, has been focusing its security policy efforts on bolstering Japan’s alliance with the United States, allowing erosion in the human interactions underpinning the bilateral ties with China.
それなのに日本は日米同盟の強化に傾斜し、日中関係の人的基盤は細るばかりだ。
Given Japan’s geographical proximity to China and the complicated and troubled history of their bilateral relations, the Japanese government needs to perform a delicate balancing act in dealing with its neighboring giant.
中国に近い地理的な特性や歴史の複雑さを思えば、その関係はより微妙なかじ取りが求められる。
Japan should restrain itself from getting embroiled in U.S. military actions and stick to its traditional strictly defensive security policy to avoid an arms race with China. The functions of Article 9 can, and should, serve as a foundation for Japan’s efforts to strike a proper balance between deterrence and dialogue.
米国の軍事行動とは一線を画し、専守防衛を貫くことで軍拡競争を避ける。憲法９条の機能こそ、抑止と対話の均衡を保つための基盤となる。
DIET HAS A VITAL ROLE TO PLAY
■問われる国会の役割
An Upper House election will be held this summer. Simultaneous polls of both chambers of the Diet appear to be in the cards.
夏に参院選がある。衆参同日選の可能性も指摘されている。
In a move with significant political implications, the Abe administration has decided to postpone until after the Upper House poll some important new steps based on the security legislation. They include expanding the scope of Japan’s peacekeeping missions to allow SDF personnel to come to the assistance of members of U.N. and private-sector organizations and other countries’ troops who have come under attack during such operations. The administration has also delayed the introduction of a bill to revise Japan’s Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement with the United States to expand the SDF’s logistic support for U.S. forces.
そんななか安倍政権は、平時の米艦防護やＰＫＯに派遣する自衛隊の「駆けつけ警護」、米軍への兵站を拡大する日米物品役務相互提供協定（ＡＣＳＡ）改定案の国会提出など、安保法制にもとづく新たな動きを参院選後に先送りしている。
The Abe administration is again concentrating its political energy on economic issues before a key election with a clear intention to shift the focus of its policy discourse to security topics after the poll. The administration adopted the same strategy for its initiatives to enact the state secrets protection law and the security legislation.
選挙前は「経済」を掲げ、選挙が終われば「安保」にかじを切る。特定秘密保護法も安保法制も同じパターンだった。
This time, too, the administration will try to push through the related measures all at once if the ruling camp is victorious in the election.
政権は今回も、選挙に勝てば一気に進めようとするだろう。
The Abe administration has taken a series of foreign and security policy measures aimed at concentrating power in the hands of the government. They include the enactment of the state secrets protection law and the creation of the National Security Council.
安倍政権は特定秘密保護法、国家安全保障会議（ＮＳＣ）の創設など、政府への権限を集中させる外交・安保施策を次々と打ち出してきた。
That has made it all the more important for the Diet to perform its function of checking the actions of the executive branch. But the Diet’s performance has been deeply disappointing.
だからこそ、国会のチェック機能が重要なのに、肝心の国会が心もとない。
The Diet has not even bothered to consider the joint opposition bill to repeal the security legislation or the counterproposals made by the opposition parties. This fact is a clear and undeniable sign that the Diet has become dysfunctional.
野党が共同で提出した安保法制の廃止法案や対案を審議すらしない現状が、国会の機能不全を物語る。
The opposition parties have a crucial mission to carry out. They need to expand electoral cooperation among themselves and strengthen their solidarity with citizens.
野党の使命は極めて重い。政党間の選挙協力を着実に進め、市民との連帯を広げる。
They also have to protect the nation’s constitutionalism and redress the “unconstitutional” legislation. The mission requires fresh and serious debate on the future of politics in this nation.
立憲主義を守り、「違憲」の法制を正す。それは、日本の政治のあり方を問い直す議論でもある。
EDITORIAL: Diet must debate constitutionality of new security legislation
（社説）安全保障法制の施行 「違憲」の法制、正す論戦を
The new national security legislation expanding the scope of Japan’s military operations took effect on March 29.
新たな安全保障法制がきょう施行された。
The ruling coalition, led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s Liberal Democratic Party, rammed the legislation through the Diet in September in the face of anxiety and opposition among many citizens and criticism by constitutional scholars that it is unconstitutional. The controversial set of laws is now in force.
昨年９月、多くの市民の不安と反対、そして憲法専門家らの「違憲」批判を押し切って安倍政権が強行成立させた法制が、効力を持つことになる。
The legislation, composed of two statutes incorporating the content of 11 bills, significantly expands the scope of Self-Defense Forces operations outside Japan. It allows Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense by changing the government’s interpretation of the Constitution.
It also enables the SDF to provide logistical support to the forces of the United States and other countries and engage in a wider range of United Nations peacekeeping operations.
１１本の法案を２本にまとめた法制には、憲法解釈の変更による集団的自衛権の行使容認、米軍など他国軍への兵站（へいたん）（後方支援）、国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）の任務拡大など、幅広い自衛隊の海外活動が含まれる。
The Abe administration railroaded the broad security legislation through just one session of the Diet. Many observers say Abe was in a rush to get the legislation passed because he promised in his April 29 address to a Joint Meeting of the U.S. Congress to “achieve” the legislative reform “by this coming summer.”
安倍政権はこれだけ広範な法制を、わずか１会期の国会審議で成立させた。背景に、首相自身が昨年４月に訪米中の議会演説で「（法案を）夏までに成就させる」と約束した対米公約があった、との見方が強い。
After the legislation passed the Diet, Abe said he would “make tenacious efforts to explain” it to the public. But he has failed to deliver on his promise.
法制の成立後、首相は「これから粘り強く説明を行っていきたい」と語ったが、実行されていない。
The Diet debate on related issues since then has been far from sufficient.
その後の国会審議も十分とは到底言えない。
CASTING A WIDE NET
■投網をかけるように
This situation represents a crisis of Japan’s constitutionalism, which means the government’s power is defined and limited by the Constitution. This extraordinary and dangerous situation must not be allowed to continue.
憲法が権力を縛る立憲主義の危機である。この異常事態を放置することはできない。
The “unconstitutional” legislation, not based on broad public consensus, should be rectified. It is necessary to sort out the content of the legislation so that at least the unconstitutional parts will be repealed. The Diet, especially the opposition camp, needs to play a vital role in this undertaking.
幅広い国民の合意を欠く「違憲」法制は正さねばならない。法制の中身を仕分けし、少なくとも違憲の部分は廃止する必要がある。国会、とりわけ野党が果たすべき役割は大きい。
The Abe administration has maintained that the legislation is constitutional because it only allows Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense in limited situations.
安倍政権は、集団的自衛権の行使容認は限定的で、だから合憲だと説明してきた。
On the other hand, the administration has continued giving equivocal answers at the Diet to questions about the limits to the exercise of this right by Japan in an apparent attempt for the government to secure as much discretion as possible in assessing situations.
一方で、政府の裁量をできるだけ広く残そうと、「限定」の幅についてあいまいな国会答弁を繰り返してきた。
This will allow the government in power to interpret the scope of the limits in any manner it chooses.
時の政権の判断で、いかようにも解釈できる余地が残されている。
The administration’s move to make it possible for Japan to engage in collective self-defense operations was prompted primarily by the challenge of countering the growing military power of China through enhancing the deterrence provided by Japan’s security alliance with the United States.
集団的自衛権を容認した眼目は、中国にいかに対抗し、抑止力を高めるかにある。
Here’s the idea behind the move. Japan needs to ensure that U.S. forces will maintain their presence in the Asia-Pacific region while compensating for the relative decline in U.S. military power by enhancing the SDF and expanding its security cooperation with other countries in the region.
米軍をアジア太平洋地域に引き留め、そのパワーが相対的に低下しつつある分は、自衛隊の強化や地域諸国との連携によって補う。そんな考え方だ。
The legislation is designed to allow the SDF to operate in wide areas outside Japan by eliminating a broad range of obstacles and impediments to the SDF’s joint operations with U.S. forces.
This approach can be likened to casting a wide net to catch as many fish in as wide an area as possible.
米軍との共同行動に支障を来さないよう、投網をかけるように幅広く、海外で自衛隊が動けるようにしておく。
This means the SDF will expand its joint military drills, information sharing and cooperation concerning military equipment with the forces of the United States and other countries. Such efforts will be made not just during security emergencies but in peacetime as well.
有事だけでなく平時から米軍など他国軍との共同訓練や情報共有、装備面での連携が進むことになる。
ARTICLE 9 AS BASIS FOR DIALOGUE
■９条を対話の基盤に
The problem is that the administration, to achieve its security policy goals, has relaxed the restrictions that the war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution had imposed on the SDF’s overseas operations.
問題は、そのために自衛隊の海外活動に一定の歯止めをかけてきた「９条の縛り」を緩めてしまったことだ。
At the end of February, the Commission on the Future of the Alliance, a study group comprising Japanese and American experts including Richard Armitage, a former U.S. deputy secretary of state, released a report titled “The U.S.-Japan Alliance to 2030.”
２月末、アーミテージ元国務副長官ら日米の有識者らによる日米安全保障研究会が「２０３０年までの日米同盟」という報告書をまとめた。
Stressing the importance for Tokyo and Washington to have a coordinated China strategy, the report urged Japan to “have fully funded, modern and highly capable military forces” and called on the two countries to “at least coordinate, and if possible integrate, their policies and actions elsewhere in Asia and beyond.”
日米の対中戦略の共有が不可欠だと強調し、「十分な予算に支えられた軍事力」「アジアやより広い地域で日米の政策、行動を可能ならば統合する」ことを日本に求めた。
This is a clear call for integrating the two nations’ security policy development and execution in all aspects, including defense budgeting.
防衛予算の拡大をはじめ、あらゆる面で日米の一体化をめざす方向だ。
But the national interests of the United States don’t necessarily coincide exactly with those of Japan with regard not only to how to respond to China’s rise but also to other key issues.
だが、中国との関係に限らず、米国の利益と日本の利益は必ずしも一致しない。
The question facing Japan is if it can decline any strong security policy request from the United States, which has a history of launching misguided wars.
時に誤った戦争に踏み込む米国の強い要請を断れるのか。
Abe has said that Japan will make its own independent decisions as to whether it should exercise its right to collective self-defense. But will this be really possible for Japan when the effectiveness of Article 9 as a protection against the risk of becoming involved in overseas conflict has been seriously undermined?
集団的自衛権の行使について、首相は「（日本が）主体的に判断する」と答弁したが、９条という防波堤が揺らぐ今、本当にできるのか。
Japan should be well aware of the fact that the United States, while wary about China’s military buildup, has been working eagerly to build sturdy multiple channels of dialogue with the country.
留意すべきは、米国自身、中国を警戒しながらも重層的な対話のパイプ作りに腐心していることだ。
To protect its own peace, Japan should also pursue close dialogue and a broad range of cooperation with China.
日本も自らの平和を守るためには、中国との緊密な対話と幅広い協力が欠かせない。
The Abe administration, however, has been focusing its security policy efforts on bolstering Japan’s alliance with the United States, allowing erosion in the human interactions underpinning the bilateral ties with China.
それなのに日本は日米同盟の強化に傾斜し、日中関係の人的基盤は細るばかりだ。
Given Japan’s geographical proximity to China and the complicated and troubled history of their bilateral relations, the Japanese government needs to perform a delicate balancing act in dealing with its neighboring giant.
中国に近い地理的な特性や歴史の複雑さを思えば、その関係はより微妙なかじ取りが求められる。
Japan should restrain itself from getting embroiled in U.S. military actions and stick to its traditional strictly defensive security policy to avoid an arms race with China. The functions of Article 9 can, and should, serve as a foundation for Japan’s efforts to strike a proper balance between deterrence and dialogue.
米国の軍事行動とは一線を画し、専守防衛を貫くことで軍拡競争を避ける。憲法９条の機能こそ、抑止と対話の均衡を保つための基盤となる。
DIET HAS A VITAL ROLE TO PLAY
■問われる国会の役割
An Upper House election will be held this summer. Simultaneous polls of both chambers of the Diet appear to be in the cards.
夏に参院選がある。衆参同日選の可能性も指摘されている。
In a move with significant political implications, the Abe administration has decided to postpone until after the Upper House poll some important new steps based on the security legislation. They include expanding the scope of Japan’s peacekeeping missions to allow SDF personnel to come to the assistance of members of U.N. and private-sector organizations and other countries’ troops who have come under attack during such operations. The administration has also delayed the introduction of a bill to revise Japan’s Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement with the United States to expand the SDF’s logistic support for U.S. forces.
そんななか安倍政権は、平時の米艦防護やＰＫＯに派遣する自衛隊の「駆けつけ警護」、米軍への兵站を拡大する日米物品役務相互提供協定（ＡＣＳＡ）改定案の国会提出など、安保法制にもとづく新たな動きを参院選後に先送りしている。
The Abe administration is again concentrating its political energy on economic issues before a key election with a clear intention to shift the focus of its policy discourse to security topics after the poll. The administration adopted the same strategy for its initiatives to enact the state secrets protection law and the security legislation.
選挙前は「経済」を掲げ、選挙が終われば「安保」にかじを切る。特定秘密保護法も安保法制も同じパターンだった。
This time, too, the administration will try to push through the related measures all at once if the ruling camp is victorious in the election.
政権は今回も、選挙に勝てば一気に進めようとするだろう。
The Abe administration has taken a series of foreign and security policy measures aimed at concentrating power in the hands of the government. They include the enactment of the state secrets protection law and the creation of the National Security Council.
安倍政権は特定秘密保護法、国家安全保障会議（ＮＳＣ）の創設など、政府への権限を集中させる外交・安保施策を次々と打ち出してきた。
That has made it all the more important for the Diet to perform its function of checking the actions of the executive branch. But the Diet’s performance has been deeply disappointing.
だからこそ、国会のチェック機能が重要なのに、肝心の国会が心もとない。
The Diet has not even bothered to consider the joint opposition bill to repeal the security legislation or the counterproposals made by the opposition parties. This fact is a clear and undeniable sign that the Diet has become dysfunctional.
野党が共同で提出した安保法制の廃止法案や対案を審議すらしない現状が、国会の機能不全を物語る。
The opposition parties have a crucial mission to carry out. They need to expand electoral cooperation among themselves and strengthen their solidarity with citizens.
野党の使命は極めて重い。政党間の選挙協力を着実に進め、市民との連帯を広げる。
They also have to protect the nation’s constitutionalism and redress the “unconstitutional” legislation. The mission requires fresh and serious debate on the future of politics in this nation.
立憲主義を守り、「違憲」の法制を正す。それは、日本の政治のあり方を問い直す議論でもある。
2016年03月29日
原発停止命令 国民の不安を直視せよ
--The Asahi Shimbun, March 27
EDITORIAL: Nuclear power proponents still scoffing at public safety concerns
（社説）原発停止命令 国民の不安を直視せよ
An Otsu District Court injunction has suspended operations of two reactors at Kansai Electric Power Co.’s Takahama nuclear power plant in Fukui Prefecture, one of which was online.
Again, the significance of that development should be taken to heart.
大津地裁の仮処分決定で、関西電力高浜原発（福井県）の運転が差し止められた意義をいま一度しっかり考えたい。
Proponents of nuclear power, in particular, should squarely face up to the public anxiety that lies in the backdrop of the court decision.
とりわけ原発を推進する立場の人たちは、司法判断の背後にある国民の不安を直視すべきだ。
But instead they are boiling with disgruntlement.
推進側では不満が渦巻く。
“Why is a single district court judge allowed to trip up the government’s energy policy?” Kazuo Sumi, a vice chairman of the Kansai Economic Federation, said resentfully.
“We could demand damages (from the residents who requested the injunction) if we were to win the case at a higher court,” Kansai Electric President Makoto Yagi said, although he prefaced his remark with a proviso that he is arguing only in general terms.
関西経済連合会の角和夫副会長は「なぜ一地裁の裁判官によって国のエネルギー政策に支障をきたすことが起こるのか」と憤り、関電の八木誠社長は一般論と前置きしつつ、「逆転勝訴すれば（住民側への）損害賠償請求は考えうる」と発言した。
The government is maintaining a wait-and-see attitude.
一方、国は静観を続ける。
The decision called into question the appropriateness of the Nuclear Regulation Authority’s new regulation standards and government-approved plans for evacuations in case of an emergency.
決定は、原子力規制委員会の新規制基準や、政府が了承した住民避難計画の妥当性に疑問を投げかけた。
But NRA Chairman Shunichi Tanaka argued, “Our standards are nearing the world’s top level.”
だが田中俊一規制委員長は「基準は世界最高レベルに近づいている」と反論。
And the government has no plans to review its emergency evacuation plans. It has only reiterated that it will “proceed with restarts of nuclear reactors in paying respect to NRA decisions.”
政府も避難計画は見直さず、「規制委の判断を尊重して再稼働を進める」と繰り返すばかりだ。
The Otsu decision is the third court order issued against the operation of nuclear reactors since the meltdowns five years ago at Tokyo Electric Power Co.’s Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
５年前の東京電力福島第一原発事故後、裁判所が原発の運転停止を命じたのは大津で３件目だ。
There has, in fact, been no fixed trend in court decisions. Another court rejected residents’ request last year for an injunction against reactor restarts at Kyushu Electric Power Co.’s Sendai nuclear plant in Kagoshima Prefecture.
But courts appear to be playing a more active role now than before the Fukushima disaster.
九州電力川内原発では昨年、住民側の申し立てが却下されるなど、司法判断も一様とはいえないものの、事故前に比べ、より積極的な役割を果たそうとする傾向は明らかだ。
The nuclear proponents’ reactions reveal an underlying thinking: “The use of nuclear power is indispensable for Japan, which does not abound in energy resources. The government set up the NRA following the Fukushima disaster to increase expert control. Regional utilities have also taken safety enhancement measures. Courts are therefore asked not to meddle.”
エネルギー資源が乏しい日本に原発は欠かせず、事故後、国は規制委をつくって専門的なチェックを強めた。電力各社も安全性向上に取り組んできた。だから裁判所の口出しは余計だ――。推進側の反応からはそんな考え方が透けて見える。
But they should have a deeper understanding that this argument is no longer convincing to the public and court judges.
だがそれでは、国民も裁判官も納得しない時代になっていることをもっと理解すべきだ。
Some critics say the latest decision deviated from the 1992 Supreme Court ruling saying that decisions on the safety of nuclear plants should be made by administrative organs on the basis of expert opinions. But that argument is also off the mark.
「原発の安全性は専門家の意見を踏まえた行政の判断に委ねるべきだ」という９２年の最高裁判決を逸脱している、との批判もあたらない。
The ruling, given in a case over Shikoku Electric Power Co.’s Ikata nuclear plant, certainly presented that point of view. But it also stated that the objective of safety regulations based on the Law on the Regulation of Nuclear Source Material, Nuclear Fuel Material and Reactors is to “make sure that no serious disaster will happen by any chance.”
四国電力伊方原発をめぐるこの判決はそういう考えを示す一方で、原子炉等規制法に基づく安全規制の目的について「深刻な災害が万が一にも起こらないようにするため」としている。
A safety net, left in the hands of experts, collapsed all too easily during the Fukushima disaster, turning the phrase “by any chance” into reality.
福島では、専門家任せの安全網がもろくも崩れ、「万が一」が現実になった。
Courts, which are the guardians of law, should rather be commended for trying to find out independently, to the extent that they can, if there is enough preparedness when a nuclear reactor will be restarted.
再び原発を動かすとき、備えは十分か。法の番人である裁判所が、できる限り独自に確かめるのはむしろ望ましい姿勢といえよう。
The latest alarm bell sounded by the judiciary sector provides an opportunity to ask once again why all the safety measures taken after the Fukushima nuclear disaster are still struggling to win the trust of the public.
なぜ事故後に積み重ねた対策でも国民の信頼が得られないのか。司法からの警鐘は、それを問い直すきっかけにすべきだ。
The Fukushima disaster changed the awareness of the public. The judiciary sector was also affected.
原発事故を経て、国民の意識は変わった。司法もその影響を受けている。
It is high time for a change among nuclear proponents.
原発を推進してきた側も、変わるべき時だ。
EDITORIAL: Nuclear power proponents still scoffing at public safety concerns
（社説）原発停止命令 国民の不安を直視せよ
An Otsu District Court injunction has suspended operations of two reactors at Kansai Electric Power Co.’s Takahama nuclear power plant in Fukui Prefecture, one of which was online.
Again, the significance of that development should be taken to heart.
大津地裁の仮処分決定で、関西電力高浜原発（福井県）の運転が差し止められた意義をいま一度しっかり考えたい。
Proponents of nuclear power, in particular, should squarely face up to the public anxiety that lies in the backdrop of the court decision.
とりわけ原発を推進する立場の人たちは、司法判断の背後にある国民の不安を直視すべきだ。
But instead they are boiling with disgruntlement.
推進側では不満が渦巻く。
“Why is a single district court judge allowed to trip up the government’s energy policy?” Kazuo Sumi, a vice chairman of the Kansai Economic Federation, said resentfully.
“We could demand damages (from the residents who requested the injunction) if we were to win the case at a higher court,” Kansai Electric President Makoto Yagi said, although he prefaced his remark with a proviso that he is arguing only in general terms.
関西経済連合会の角和夫副会長は「なぜ一地裁の裁判官によって国のエネルギー政策に支障をきたすことが起こるのか」と憤り、関電の八木誠社長は一般論と前置きしつつ、「逆転勝訴すれば（住民側への）損害賠償請求は考えうる」と発言した。
The government is maintaining a wait-and-see attitude.
一方、国は静観を続ける。
The decision called into question the appropriateness of the Nuclear Regulation Authority’s new regulation standards and government-approved plans for evacuations in case of an emergency.
決定は、原子力規制委員会の新規制基準や、政府が了承した住民避難計画の妥当性に疑問を投げかけた。
But NRA Chairman Shunichi Tanaka argued, “Our standards are nearing the world’s top level.”
だが田中俊一規制委員長は「基準は世界最高レベルに近づいている」と反論。
And the government has no plans to review its emergency evacuation plans. It has only reiterated that it will “proceed with restarts of nuclear reactors in paying respect to NRA decisions.”
政府も避難計画は見直さず、「規制委の判断を尊重して再稼働を進める」と繰り返すばかりだ。
The Otsu decision is the third court order issued against the operation of nuclear reactors since the meltdowns five years ago at Tokyo Electric Power Co.’s Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
５年前の東京電力福島第一原発事故後、裁判所が原発の運転停止を命じたのは大津で３件目だ。
There has, in fact, been no fixed trend in court decisions. Another court rejected residents’ request last year for an injunction against reactor restarts at Kyushu Electric Power Co.’s Sendai nuclear plant in Kagoshima Prefecture.
But courts appear to be playing a more active role now than before the Fukushima disaster.
九州電力川内原発では昨年、住民側の申し立てが却下されるなど、司法判断も一様とはいえないものの、事故前に比べ、より積極的な役割を果たそうとする傾向は明らかだ。
The nuclear proponents’ reactions reveal an underlying thinking: “The use of nuclear power is indispensable for Japan, which does not abound in energy resources. The government set up the NRA following the Fukushima disaster to increase expert control. Regional utilities have also taken safety enhancement measures. Courts are therefore asked not to meddle.”
エネルギー資源が乏しい日本に原発は欠かせず、事故後、国は規制委をつくって専門的なチェックを強めた。電力各社も安全性向上に取り組んできた。だから裁判所の口出しは余計だ――。推進側の反応からはそんな考え方が透けて見える。
But they should have a deeper understanding that this argument is no longer convincing to the public and court judges.
だがそれでは、国民も裁判官も納得しない時代になっていることをもっと理解すべきだ。
Some critics say the latest decision deviated from the 1992 Supreme Court ruling saying that decisions on the safety of nuclear plants should be made by administrative organs on the basis of expert opinions. But that argument is also off the mark.
「原発の安全性は専門家の意見を踏まえた行政の判断に委ねるべきだ」という９２年の最高裁判決を逸脱している、との批判もあたらない。
The ruling, given in a case over Shikoku Electric Power Co.’s Ikata nuclear plant, certainly presented that point of view. But it also stated that the objective of safety regulations based on the Law on the Regulation of Nuclear Source Material, Nuclear Fuel Material and Reactors is to “make sure that no serious disaster will happen by any chance.”
四国電力伊方原発をめぐるこの判決はそういう考えを示す一方で、原子炉等規制法に基づく安全規制の目的について「深刻な災害が万が一にも起こらないようにするため」としている。
A safety net, left in the hands of experts, collapsed all too easily during the Fukushima disaster, turning the phrase “by any chance” into reality.
福島では、専門家任せの安全網がもろくも崩れ、「万が一」が現実になった。
Courts, which are the guardians of law, should rather be commended for trying to find out independently, to the extent that they can, if there is enough preparedness when a nuclear reactor will be restarted.
再び原発を動かすとき、備えは十分か。法の番人である裁判所が、できる限り独自に確かめるのはむしろ望ましい姿勢といえよう。
The latest alarm bell sounded by the judiciary sector provides an opportunity to ask once again why all the safety measures taken after the Fukushima nuclear disaster are still struggling to win the trust of the public.
なぜ事故後に積み重ねた対策でも国民の信頼が得られないのか。司法からの警鐘は、それを問い直すきっかけにすべきだ。
The Fukushima disaster changed the awareness of the public. The judiciary sector was also affected.
原発事故を経て、国民の意識は変わった。司法もその影響を受けている。
It is high time for a change among nuclear proponents.
原発を推進してきた側も、変わるべき時だ。
2016年03月26日
政府と沖縄県 分断を埋める協議に
--The Asahi Shimbun, March 24
EDITORIAL: A more sincere attitude needed in new talks on Futenma issue
（社説）政府と沖縄県 分断を埋める協議に
The government and Okinawa Prefecture on March 23 started a fresh round of talks over the plan to relocate the functions of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma from Ginowan, a crowded city in central Okinawa, to the Henoko district of Nago. The two sides held the first of a series of meetings in accordance with a court-mediated agreement they reached earlier in March to stop their legal battle over the plan.
米軍普天間飛行場の名護市辺野古への移設をめぐる裁判の和解を受け、政府と沖縄県がきのう初めての協議に臨んだ。
The talks should be used to heal the bitter division between the two sides over the issue.
この協議を両者の分断を埋める機会にしなければならない。
That requires both the Abe administration and the Okinawa prefectural government to offer sincere and straightforward answers to questions posed by the other side as part of serious efforts to find common ground.
そのためには互いの問いかけに正面から答え、接点を見いだす努力が求められる。
Unfortunately, however, the first session ended without any sign of progress toward the goal.
だが残念ながら、初回の協議はすれ違いに終わった。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga refused to budge on the government’s official position that building a new military facility in Henoko to replace the Futenma base is the “only solution.”
菅官房長官は「辺野古が唯一の解決策」との姿勢を変えなかった。
Okinawa Governor Takeshi Onaga later said he had urged the administration to abandon this position and make sincere efforts to bring the negotiations forward.
これに対し、翁長雄志知事は「辺野古が唯一の解決策というかたくなな固定観念に縛られないで、真摯（しんし）に協議を進めるよう求めた」と語った。
What the administration needs to understand is that without solid support and cooperation from the local communities involved, a security architecture would inevitably stand on a fragile foundation.
考えるべきなのは、地元の理解と協力を欠いた安全保障の基盤は脆弱（ぜいじゃく）にならざるを得ないということである。
Building a new base in Henoko without an agreement with the prefectural government could jeopardize stable operations of U.S. military bases in Okinawa. That could undermine the stability of Japan’s entire national security system.
県との合意が得られないまま辺野古に新基地を造っても、沖縄の米軍基地は安定的な運用ができなくなる恐れがある。日本の安全保障は、かえって不安定な状況に陥りかねない。
The administration should use the new talks with the Okinawa government to work out specific steps to fulfill an important promise Prime Minister Shinzo Abe made to Onaga’s predecessor, Hirokazu Nakaima.
At the end of 2013, Abe promised Nakaima, who approved land reclamation to build the base in Henoko, that operations of the Futenma air base would be terminated within five years.
政府がいま、なすべきは、県との協議にかかる期間を生かし、安倍首相が２０１３年末に仲井真弘多・前知事に約束した「普天間の５年以内の運用停止」の実現に向けて、具体的な検討に入ることだ。
Even if the relocation plan is implemented, the envisioned new base will be completed in fiscal 2022 at the earliest. The elimination of the danger posed by the Futenma base to the local communities must not be delayed until then.
辺野古移設が実現するとしても、どんなに早くても２０２２年度以降。それまでの間、普天間の危険性除去が棚上げされることがあってはならない。
The government has been taking measures to relocate part of the functions of the Futenma base to other places. It should expand the scope of these efforts and start seriously considering dispersing Futenma’s functions to locations outside the prefecture and outside Japan.
政府はこれまでも普天間の機能の分散を進めてきた。これをさらに進め、県外・国外への分散を真剣に検討すべきだ。
That requires the administration to hold talks not only with local governments in mainland Japan but also with the U.S. government. The administration should show it is committed to making every possible effort to solve the problem.
そのためには、本土の自治体とも話し合い、米国とも協議に入る必要がある。
そうした姿勢こそ、政府に求めたい。
On March 23, the Abe administration proposed separate talks with Okinawa for an early return of half of the U.S. Marines jungle warfare training area in northern parts of Okinawa island.
政府はきのう、沖縄本島北部に広がる米軍北部訓練場の半分あまりの早期返還について、県との協議を提案した。
The proposal to return a “major portion” of the training area was included in the final report of the Special Action Committee on Okinawa (SACO), released in 1996. But it has yet to be implemented.
９６年の日米特別行動委員会（ＳＡＣＯ）の最終報告に盛り込まれたが、実現していない案件だ。
The administration has a duty to reduce the burden on Okinawa, but this should not be linked to the Henoko issue.
沖縄の負担軽減に努めるのは当然だが、辺野古移設とは別問題である。
To avoid creating unnecessary confusion within the local communities, the central government should carefully discuss the idea without trying to link the proposal to negotiations over the Henoko plan.
両者を関連づけ、地元に無用の混乱を招かないよう丁寧な議論をしてほしい。
One move the administration made after the court-mediated agreement was reached on March 4 has raised questions about its posture toward the talks for settling the dispute.
和解後の政府の姿勢にも疑問がある。
Before the talks began, the administration instructed Onaga to repeal the nullification of his predecessor’s approval of land reclamation in Henoko.
政府は県との協議を開く前に、辺野古埋め立ての承認取り消しを撤回するよう翁長知事に指示した。
Although the administration’s instruction was made according to the terms of the agreement, the move certainly does not signal a serious pursuit of a true settlement of the dispute.
和解条項に盛られた手続きだとはいえ、真の和解を望む態度とは程遠い。
The new talks should not be used to postpone the problem until a final court ruling on a new lawsuit over the issue is handed down.
今回の協議を、新たな訴訟の判決が確定するまでの問題の先送りに終わらせてはならない。
The administration has a heavy responsibility for ensuring that the talks will finally bring an end to this conflict.
政府の責任は極めて大きい。
EDITORIAL: A more sincere attitude needed in new talks on Futenma issue
（社説）政府と沖縄県 分断を埋める協議に
The government and Okinawa Prefecture on March 23 started a fresh round of talks over the plan to relocate the functions of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma from Ginowan, a crowded city in central Okinawa, to the Henoko district of Nago. The two sides held the first of a series of meetings in accordance with a court-mediated agreement they reached earlier in March to stop their legal battle over the plan.
米軍普天間飛行場の名護市辺野古への移設をめぐる裁判の和解を受け、政府と沖縄県がきのう初めての協議に臨んだ。
The talks should be used to heal the bitter division between the two sides over the issue.
この協議を両者の分断を埋める機会にしなければならない。
That requires both the Abe administration and the Okinawa prefectural government to offer sincere and straightforward answers to questions posed by the other side as part of serious efforts to find common ground.
そのためには互いの問いかけに正面から答え、接点を見いだす努力が求められる。
Unfortunately, however, the first session ended without any sign of progress toward the goal.
だが残念ながら、初回の協議はすれ違いに終わった。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga refused to budge on the government’s official position that building a new military facility in Henoko to replace the Futenma base is the “only solution.”
菅官房長官は「辺野古が唯一の解決策」との姿勢を変えなかった。
Okinawa Governor Takeshi Onaga later said he had urged the administration to abandon this position and make sincere efforts to bring the negotiations forward.
これに対し、翁長雄志知事は「辺野古が唯一の解決策というかたくなな固定観念に縛られないで、真摯（しんし）に協議を進めるよう求めた」と語った。
What the administration needs to understand is that without solid support and cooperation from the local communities involved, a security architecture would inevitably stand on a fragile foundation.
考えるべきなのは、地元の理解と協力を欠いた安全保障の基盤は脆弱（ぜいじゃく）にならざるを得ないということである。
Building a new base in Henoko without an agreement with the prefectural government could jeopardize stable operations of U.S. military bases in Okinawa. That could undermine the stability of Japan’s entire national security system.
県との合意が得られないまま辺野古に新基地を造っても、沖縄の米軍基地は安定的な運用ができなくなる恐れがある。日本の安全保障は、かえって不安定な状況に陥りかねない。
The administration should use the new talks with the Okinawa government to work out specific steps to fulfill an important promise Prime Minister Shinzo Abe made to Onaga’s predecessor, Hirokazu Nakaima.
At the end of 2013, Abe promised Nakaima, who approved land reclamation to build the base in Henoko, that operations of the Futenma air base would be terminated within five years.
政府がいま、なすべきは、県との協議にかかる期間を生かし、安倍首相が２０１３年末に仲井真弘多・前知事に約束した「普天間の５年以内の運用停止」の実現に向けて、具体的な検討に入ることだ。
Even if the relocation plan is implemented, the envisioned new base will be completed in fiscal 2022 at the earliest. The elimination of the danger posed by the Futenma base to the local communities must not be delayed until then.
辺野古移設が実現するとしても、どんなに早くても２０２２年度以降。それまでの間、普天間の危険性除去が棚上げされることがあってはならない。
The government has been taking measures to relocate part of the functions of the Futenma base to other places. It should expand the scope of these efforts and start seriously considering dispersing Futenma’s functions to locations outside the prefecture and outside Japan.
政府はこれまでも普天間の機能の分散を進めてきた。これをさらに進め、県外・国外への分散を真剣に検討すべきだ。
That requires the administration to hold talks not only with local governments in mainland Japan but also with the U.S. government. The administration should show it is committed to making every possible effort to solve the problem.
そのためには、本土の自治体とも話し合い、米国とも協議に入る必要がある。
そうした姿勢こそ、政府に求めたい。
On March 23, the Abe administration proposed separate talks with Okinawa for an early return of half of the U.S. Marines jungle warfare training area in northern parts of Okinawa island.
政府はきのう、沖縄本島北部に広がる米軍北部訓練場の半分あまりの早期返還について、県との協議を提案した。
The proposal to return a “major portion” of the training area was included in the final report of the Special Action Committee on Okinawa (SACO), released in 1996. But it has yet to be implemented.
９６年の日米特別行動委員会（ＳＡＣＯ）の最終報告に盛り込まれたが、実現していない案件だ。
The administration has a duty to reduce the burden on Okinawa, but this should not be linked to the Henoko issue.
沖縄の負担軽減に努めるのは当然だが、辺野古移設とは別問題である。
To avoid creating unnecessary confusion within the local communities, the central government should carefully discuss the idea without trying to link the proposal to negotiations over the Henoko plan.
両者を関連づけ、地元に無用の混乱を招かないよう丁寧な議論をしてほしい。
One move the administration made after the court-mediated agreement was reached on March 4 has raised questions about its posture toward the talks for settling the dispute.
和解後の政府の姿勢にも疑問がある。
Before the talks began, the administration instructed Onaga to repeal the nullification of his predecessor’s approval of land reclamation in Henoko.
政府は県との協議を開く前に、辺野古埋め立ての承認取り消しを撤回するよう翁長知事に指示した。
Although the administration’s instruction was made according to the terms of the agreement, the move certainly does not signal a serious pursuit of a true settlement of the dispute.
和解条項に盛られた手続きだとはいえ、真の和解を望む態度とは程遠い。
The new talks should not be used to postpone the problem until a final court ruling on a new lawsuit over the issue is handed down.
今回の協議を、新たな訴訟の判決が確定するまでの問題の先送りに終わらせてはならない。
The administration has a heavy responsibility for ensuring that the talks will finally bring an end to this conflict.
政府の責任は極めて大きい。