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2014年06月27日
首相沖縄訪問 米軍基地負担を着実に減らせ
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Government must work to reduce Okinawa U.S. base-hosting burdens
首相沖縄訪問 米軍基地負担を着実に減らせ
The government must make utmost efforts to steadily ease the burden that hosting U.S. military bases places on Okinawa Prefecture.
沖縄の米軍基地負担を着実に軽減するため、政府は全力で取り組まなければならない。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe attended a memorial service on Monday for those killed in the war commemorating the 69 years since the end of the Battle of Okinawa, which raged just before the Pacific War came to an end in 1945.
太平洋戦争末期の沖縄戦の終結に合わせた「慰霊の日」の２３日、安倍首相は、沖縄全戦没者追悼式に出席した。
In a speech at the ceremony, Abe said: “We will give consideration to the feelings of the people of Okinawa and will do our best to reduce their burden for hosting the bases, while assuming a stance of carrying out what we can do as much as possible.”
あいさつで、沖縄県内の基地負担軽減について「沖縄の方々の気持ちに寄り添いながら、『できることは全て行う』との姿勢で全力を尽くす」と強調した。
Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima last December approved a reclamation project necessary to transfer the functions of the U.S. Marine Corps’ Futenma Air Station in Ginowan to the Henoko coastal district in Nago. Nakaima had previously called for “relocation to a place outside Okinawa” in a peace declaration at the ceremony for three consecutive years, 2011-13. This year, however, he changed his wording to shift away from insistence on a plan for relocation outside of Okinawa.
仲井真弘多知事は昨年末、米軍普天間飛行場の辺野古移設に伴う埋め立てを承認した。式典の平和宣言では、３年連続で「県外移設」を訴えてきたが、今年は県外に固執しない表現に変えた。
His difficult about-face on the matter came as strong calls persist among prefectural residents for relocation outside of Okinawa. To show good faith in supporting Nakaima after his wrenching decision, the government must implement various measures to reduce the prefecture’s burden in hosting U.S. military bases.
沖縄県では依然、県外移設を求める声が根強い中、苦渋の判断をした仲井真知事を支えるためにも政府は、様々な基地負担軽減策をきちんと実行する必要がある。
The Futenma issue is expected to be a major topic of contention in November’s gubernatorial election, as Nakaima’s term in office ends. Nakaima remains uncommitted on whether he will run for a third term. At the same time, the conservative mayor of Naha, an opponent of the Henoko relocation plan, has been seeking to run in the election.
仲井真知事の任期満了に伴う１１月の知事選では、普天間問題が大きな争点となろう。辺野古移設に反対する保守系市長が出馬の構えを見せる一方、知事は３選出馬に関して態度を保留している。
To minimize the impact of the gubernatorial election results on the relocation plan, it is imperative to take every possible measure.
知事選結果が辺野古移設に与える影響を最小限にするため、可能な手を打つことが重要である。
Advance return of Futenma
The central government reportedly plans to begin boring as part of soil investigations at the planned reclamation site in July and to advance construction work on replacement facilities ahead of schedule as much as possible. It is imperative that the planned return of Futenma Air Station and associated land to Japan, targeted for fiscal 2022 and onward, be advanced as much as possible by speeding design and construction.
政府は、埋め立て予定地のボーリング調査を７月にも開始し、代替施設の工事をできる限り前倒しする方針という。設計・工事期間の短縮を図り、「２０２２年度以降」とされる普天間飛行場の返還を早めるべきだ。
Tokyo and Washington agreed last week to restrict entry into the area scheduled for land reclamation and the surrounding waters at all times.
日米両政府は先週、埋め立て予定地を含む周辺水域を常時立ち入り禁止とすることで合意した。
This may be an inevitable step to preclude obstruction by opponents and avoid unexpected confusion. To help promote the work, not only the Defense Ministry but also the National Police Agency, as well as the Japan Coast Guard and other relevant organizations, must join hands in taking all possible measures.
反対派による妨害を排除し、不測の事態を避けるにはやむを得ない。作業を円滑に進めるため、防衛省だけでなく、警察、海上保安庁など関係機関が連携し、万全の体制をとることが求められる。
The government is also looking into the possibility of drastically pushing forward the return of Camp Kinser in Makiminato, which has been targeted for return to Japan in 2024-25 or later.
政府は、「２４〜２５年度以降」とされる牧港補給地区の返還の大幅繰り上げも検討している。
Japan and the United States have also been negotiating to conclude a new agreement under which environmental surveys for U.S. bases to be returned to Japan would be conducted in advance. This could amount to a de facto revision of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement. If such a change were to be realized, it would have a great significance.
返還予定の米軍基地内の環境調査を事前に行えるようにする新たな協定の締結に向けた日米交渉も行っている。事実上の日米地位協定の改定に当たるもので、実現すれば、その意義は大きい。
As for training involving the U.S. military’s MV-22 Osprey transport aircraft deployed at the Futenma base, efforts must be made to move more training to areas outside of Okinawa Prefecture. It is essential that the prefecture’s heavy burden be shared broadly across the whole of Japan.
普天間飛行場に配備されている米軍輸送機ＭＶ２２オスプレイの訓練についても、県外への分散移転をさらに拡大したい。沖縄の過重な負担を日本全体で引き受けることが大切である。
Moving forward with the realignment of U.S. bases in Okinawa, while maintaining deterrence capabilities of U.S. troops, and completing this work in conjunction with regional development, will be an important part of reinforcing trust between the Abe administration and the local governments and residents of Okinawa.
在沖縄米軍の抑止力を維持しつつ、地域振興とも連動した基地再編を進めることが、安倍政権と地元の信頼関係を強化しよう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 24, 2014)
Government must work to reduce Okinawa U.S. base-hosting burdens
首相沖縄訪問 米軍基地負担を着実に減らせ
The government must make utmost efforts to steadily ease the burden that hosting U.S. military bases places on Okinawa Prefecture.
沖縄の米軍基地負担を着実に軽減するため、政府は全力で取り組まなければならない。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe attended a memorial service on Monday for those killed in the war commemorating the 69 years since the end of the Battle of Okinawa, which raged just before the Pacific War came to an end in 1945.
太平洋戦争末期の沖縄戦の終結に合わせた「慰霊の日」の２３日、安倍首相は、沖縄全戦没者追悼式に出席した。
In a speech at the ceremony, Abe said: “We will give consideration to the feelings of the people of Okinawa and will do our best to reduce their burden for hosting the bases, while assuming a stance of carrying out what we can do as much as possible.”
あいさつで、沖縄県内の基地負担軽減について「沖縄の方々の気持ちに寄り添いながら、『できることは全て行う』との姿勢で全力を尽くす」と強調した。
Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima last December approved a reclamation project necessary to transfer the functions of the U.S. Marine Corps’ Futenma Air Station in Ginowan to the Henoko coastal district in Nago. Nakaima had previously called for “relocation to a place outside Okinawa” in a peace declaration at the ceremony for three consecutive years, 2011-13. This year, however, he changed his wording to shift away from insistence on a plan for relocation outside of Okinawa.
仲井真弘多知事は昨年末、米軍普天間飛行場の辺野古移設に伴う埋め立てを承認した。式典の平和宣言では、３年連続で「県外移設」を訴えてきたが、今年は県外に固執しない表現に変えた。
His difficult about-face on the matter came as strong calls persist among prefectural residents for relocation outside of Okinawa. To show good faith in supporting Nakaima after his wrenching decision, the government must implement various measures to reduce the prefecture’s burden in hosting U.S. military bases.
沖縄県では依然、県外移設を求める声が根強い中、苦渋の判断をした仲井真知事を支えるためにも政府は、様々な基地負担軽減策をきちんと実行する必要がある。
The Futenma issue is expected to be a major topic of contention in November’s gubernatorial election, as Nakaima’s term in office ends. Nakaima remains uncommitted on whether he will run for a third term. At the same time, the conservative mayor of Naha, an opponent of the Henoko relocation plan, has been seeking to run in the election.
仲井真知事の任期満了に伴う１１月の知事選では、普天間問題が大きな争点となろう。辺野古移設に反対する保守系市長が出馬の構えを見せる一方、知事は３選出馬に関して態度を保留している。
To minimize the impact of the gubernatorial election results on the relocation plan, it is imperative to take every possible measure.
知事選結果が辺野古移設に与える影響を最小限にするため、可能な手を打つことが重要である。
Advance return of Futenma
The central government reportedly plans to begin boring as part of soil investigations at the planned reclamation site in July and to advance construction work on replacement facilities ahead of schedule as much as possible. It is imperative that the planned return of Futenma Air Station and associated land to Japan, targeted for fiscal 2022 and onward, be advanced as much as possible by speeding design and construction.
政府は、埋め立て予定地のボーリング調査を７月にも開始し、代替施設の工事をできる限り前倒しする方針という。設計・工事期間の短縮を図り、「２０２２年度以降」とされる普天間飛行場の返還を早めるべきだ。
Tokyo and Washington agreed last week to restrict entry into the area scheduled for land reclamation and the surrounding waters at all times.
日米両政府は先週、埋め立て予定地を含む周辺水域を常時立ち入り禁止とすることで合意した。
This may be an inevitable step to preclude obstruction by opponents and avoid unexpected confusion. To help promote the work, not only the Defense Ministry but also the National Police Agency, as well as the Japan Coast Guard and other relevant organizations, must join hands in taking all possible measures.
反対派による妨害を排除し、不測の事態を避けるにはやむを得ない。作業を円滑に進めるため、防衛省だけでなく、警察、海上保安庁など関係機関が連携し、万全の体制をとることが求められる。
The government is also looking into the possibility of drastically pushing forward the return of Camp Kinser in Makiminato, which has been targeted for return to Japan in 2024-25 or later.
政府は、「２４〜２５年度以降」とされる牧港補給地区の返還の大幅繰り上げも検討している。
Japan and the United States have also been negotiating to conclude a new agreement under which environmental surveys for U.S. bases to be returned to Japan would be conducted in advance. This could amount to a de facto revision of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement. If such a change were to be realized, it would have a great significance.
返還予定の米軍基地内の環境調査を事前に行えるようにする新たな協定の締結に向けた日米交渉も行っている。事実上の日米地位協定の改定に当たるもので、実現すれば、その意義は大きい。
As for training involving the U.S. military’s MV-22 Osprey transport aircraft deployed at the Futenma base, efforts must be made to move more training to areas outside of Okinawa Prefecture. It is essential that the prefecture’s heavy burden be shared broadly across the whole of Japan.
普天間飛行場に配備されている米軍輸送機ＭＶ２２オスプレイの訓練についても、県外への分散移転をさらに拡大したい。沖縄の過重な負担を日本全体で引き受けることが大切である。
Moving forward with the realignment of U.S. bases in Okinawa, while maintaining deterrence capabilities of U.S. troops, and completing this work in conjunction with regional development, will be an important part of reinforcing trust between the Abe administration and the local governments and residents of Okinawa.
在沖縄米軍の抑止力を維持しつつ、地域振興とも連動した基地再編を進めることが、安倍政権と地元の信頼関係を強化しよう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 24, 2014)
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2014年06月25日
被災地の防潮堤 地域に応じた見直しが必要だ
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Seawall plans should be amended to suit the needs of local people
被災地の防潮堤 地域に応じた見直しが必要だ
Plans to build huge seawalls along the coastal areas hit hardest by the Great East Japan Earthquake have been met with staunch opposition from local residents one after another. We urge the Iwate, Miyagi and Fukushima prefectural governments to calmly reexamine their seawall plans and alter them as necessary.
東日本大震災の被災地で、巨大な防潮堤の建設計画に住民から異論が相次いでいる。計画を冷静に再点検し、必要に応じて見直すべきだ。
In the 2011 earthquake, 60 percent of seawalls with a total length of about 300 kilometers in the three prefectures were either seriously damaged or destroyed. The central and three prefectural governments are currently pushing a project to build 390 kilometers of new seawalls with \800 billion from state coffers.
大震災では、岩手、宮城、福島の３県で、計約３００キロあった防潮堤の６割が全半壊した。政府と３県は８０００億円の国費を投じ、新たに計３９０キロに及ぶ整備を進めている。
To prepare for tsunami, adequately sized seawalls must be constructed. The problem is that many communities are opposed to the project as local residents consider the proposed walls “too high.”
“[The seawalls] will leave less land available along the coasts, adversely affecting fisheries” and “They will block ocean views” are two of the opinions expressed by local residents.
津波に備え、適切な規模の防潮堤は必要だ。問題は、住民が「防潮堤が高すぎる」として、計画に反対する地域が少なくないことだ。「海沿いの土地が減り、漁業に支障が出る」「海が見えなくなる」といった声が出ている。
Miyagi Prefecture has yet to win approval for the project from 40 of 276 communities where the construction of new seawalls is planned.
宮城県では県が建設を計画する２７６か所のうち、約４０か所で合意を得られていない。
Compared to the Great Hanshin Earthquake, which struck mainly urban areas, the disaster-hit regions in the three Tohoku prefectures are mostly depopulated. If the fishery and tourism industries on which local residents depend decline, their livelihood would be severely affected.
主に都市部が被災した阪神大震災と異なり、東北３県の被災地には過疎地が多い。頼みの綱の漁業や観光が振るわなくなれば、住民の生活への影響は大きい。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s wife, Akie, is among those who have questioned the advisability of building such high seawalls, saying, “I’m not sure that reconstruction should be carried out in such a way that it will block ocean views.” We completely understand their concerns.
安倍首相の昭恵夫人らが「海が見えない復興でいいのだろうか」と、防潮堤の高さに疑問を投げかけたのは理解できる。
Study cost-effectiveness
The higher the seawall is the more effective it will be as a safeguard against tsunami. But on the other hand, higher seawalls are more expensive to construct, ruin scenic views and take a toll on the environment. Such seawalls also entail higher maintenance costs. Moreover, the life of concrete seawalls is roughly 50 years, which makes rebuilding them inevitable at some point in the future.
防潮堤は、高いほど津波の防御効果は大きいが、一方で、建設費がかさみ、周辺の景観や環境は損なわれる。維持するための補修費もかかる。コンクリート製の堤防は耐用年数が５０年程度とされ、将来的に改築は避けられない。
Also from the viewpoint of cost-effectiveness, the project should be carefully studied.
費用対効果の観点からも慎重な検討が必要である。
Each of the three prefectures has decided on the height of the seawalls based on guidelines compiled by an examination committee of experts at the Central Disaster Management Council. The standard of seawalls in the guidelines is to protect the lives and property of local residents in the event of a huge tsunami, which can occur once in a few decades or more than a century.
防潮堤の高さは、中央防災会議の専門調査会が示した指針に基づき、各県が決めた。数十年から百数十年に１度の頻度で起きる大津波から、住民の生命と財産を守ることが基準となっている。
Under its plan, Miyagi Prefecture will raise the height of its seawalls from the pre-disaster average of four meters to 7.5 meters. That height, however, will be insufficient to block gigantic tsunami equivalent to those in the Great East Japan Earthquake, which are said to occur once in a millennium.
宮城県の場合、震災前に平均４メートルだった高さを、７・５メートルにまで引き上げる計画となった。
それでも、１０００年に１度と言われる東日本大震災級の巨大津波は防げない。
Instead, the purpose of building seawalls should be to reduce the force of tsunami, thereby securing more time for residents to flee the area. It is important to ensure the construction of seawalls is a part of comprehensive measures to minimize damage from a disaster that also include the establishment of evacuation centers and routes.
防潮堤は、津波の勢いを抑え、住民が逃げる時間をより長く確保することを目的とすべきだろう。避難場所や経路の整備などと併せ、総合的な減災対策の一環として建設することが重要だ。
Some communities have lowered the planned height of seawalls, while taking such measures as transferring houses to higher ground and building seawalls in locations further inland.
住宅の高台移転や防潮堤の内陸移転などを組み合わせ、防潮堤を計画より低くした地区もある。
If the prefectural governments insist on keeping the planned heights and invite a backlash from local residents as a result, it will further delay work to implement disaster management measures and scuttle efforts to rebuild communities, and placing roadblocks in the path of reconstructing people’s lives.
県側が「高さは変えられない」と主張して住民の反発を招けば、かえって防災対策は遅れる。町づくりも進まず、住民の生活再建に支障を来す。
Bearing this in mind, the prefectural governments must listen to what local residents have to say.
そのことを念頭に、行政は住民の声に耳を傾けてもらいたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 23, 201
Seawall plans should be amended to suit the needs of local people
被災地の防潮堤 地域に応じた見直しが必要だ
Plans to build huge seawalls along the coastal areas hit hardest by the Great East Japan Earthquake have been met with staunch opposition from local residents one after another. We urge the Iwate, Miyagi and Fukushima prefectural governments to calmly reexamine their seawall plans and alter them as necessary.
東日本大震災の被災地で、巨大な防潮堤の建設計画に住民から異論が相次いでいる。計画を冷静に再点検し、必要に応じて見直すべきだ。
In the 2011 earthquake, 60 percent of seawalls with a total length of about 300 kilometers in the three prefectures were either seriously damaged or destroyed. The central and three prefectural governments are currently pushing a project to build 390 kilometers of new seawalls with \800 billion from state coffers.
大震災では、岩手、宮城、福島の３県で、計約３００キロあった防潮堤の６割が全半壊した。政府と３県は８０００億円の国費を投じ、新たに計３９０キロに及ぶ整備を進めている。
To prepare for tsunami, adequately sized seawalls must be constructed. The problem is that many communities are opposed to the project as local residents consider the proposed walls “too high.”
“[The seawalls] will leave less land available along the coasts, adversely affecting fisheries” and “They will block ocean views” are two of the opinions expressed by local residents.
津波に備え、適切な規模の防潮堤は必要だ。問題は、住民が「防潮堤が高すぎる」として、計画に反対する地域が少なくないことだ。「海沿いの土地が減り、漁業に支障が出る」「海が見えなくなる」といった声が出ている。
Miyagi Prefecture has yet to win approval for the project from 40 of 276 communities where the construction of new seawalls is planned.
宮城県では県が建設を計画する２７６か所のうち、約４０か所で合意を得られていない。
Compared to the Great Hanshin Earthquake, which struck mainly urban areas, the disaster-hit regions in the three Tohoku prefectures are mostly depopulated. If the fishery and tourism industries on which local residents depend decline, their livelihood would be severely affected.
主に都市部が被災した阪神大震災と異なり、東北３県の被災地には過疎地が多い。頼みの綱の漁業や観光が振るわなくなれば、住民の生活への影響は大きい。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s wife, Akie, is among those who have questioned the advisability of building such high seawalls, saying, “I’m not sure that reconstruction should be carried out in such a way that it will block ocean views.” We completely understand their concerns.
安倍首相の昭恵夫人らが「海が見えない復興でいいのだろうか」と、防潮堤の高さに疑問を投げかけたのは理解できる。
Study cost-effectiveness
The higher the seawall is the more effective it will be as a safeguard against tsunami. But on the other hand, higher seawalls are more expensive to construct, ruin scenic views and take a toll on the environment. Such seawalls also entail higher maintenance costs. Moreover, the life of concrete seawalls is roughly 50 years, which makes rebuilding them inevitable at some point in the future.
防潮堤は、高いほど津波の防御効果は大きいが、一方で、建設費がかさみ、周辺の景観や環境は損なわれる。維持するための補修費もかかる。コンクリート製の堤防は耐用年数が５０年程度とされ、将来的に改築は避けられない。
Also from the viewpoint of cost-effectiveness, the project should be carefully studied.
費用対効果の観点からも慎重な検討が必要である。
Each of the three prefectures has decided on the height of the seawalls based on guidelines compiled by an examination committee of experts at the Central Disaster Management Council. The standard of seawalls in the guidelines is to protect the lives and property of local residents in the event of a huge tsunami, which can occur once in a few decades or more than a century.
防潮堤の高さは、中央防災会議の専門調査会が示した指針に基づき、各県が決めた。数十年から百数十年に１度の頻度で起きる大津波から、住民の生命と財産を守ることが基準となっている。
Under its plan, Miyagi Prefecture will raise the height of its seawalls from the pre-disaster average of four meters to 7.5 meters. That height, however, will be insufficient to block gigantic tsunami equivalent to those in the Great East Japan Earthquake, which are said to occur once in a millennium.
宮城県の場合、震災前に平均４メートルだった高さを、７・５メートルにまで引き上げる計画となった。
それでも、１０００年に１度と言われる東日本大震災級の巨大津波は防げない。
Instead, the purpose of building seawalls should be to reduce the force of tsunami, thereby securing more time for residents to flee the area. It is important to ensure the construction of seawalls is a part of comprehensive measures to minimize damage from a disaster that also include the establishment of evacuation centers and routes.
防潮堤は、津波の勢いを抑え、住民が逃げる時間をより長く確保することを目的とすべきだろう。避難場所や経路の整備などと併せ、総合的な減災対策の一環として建設することが重要だ。
Some communities have lowered the planned height of seawalls, while taking such measures as transferring houses to higher ground and building seawalls in locations further inland.
住宅の高台移転や防潮堤の内陸移転などを組み合わせ、防潮堤を計画より低くした地区もある。
If the prefectural governments insist on keeping the planned heights and invite a backlash from local residents as a result, it will further delay work to implement disaster management measures and scuttle efforts to rebuild communities, and placing roadblocks in the path of reconstructing people’s lives.
県側が「高さは変えられない」と主張して住民の反発を招けば、かえって防災対策は遅れる。町づくりも進まず、住民の生活再建に支障を来す。
Bearing this in mind, the prefectural governments must listen to what local residents have to say.
そのことを念頭に、行政は住民の声に耳を傾けてもらいたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 23, 201
2014年06月24日
河野談話検証 外交的配慮が事実に優先した
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Diplomatic consideration outweighed historical facts in Kono statement
河野談話検証 外交的配慮が事実に優先した
Once again a flaw in the 1993 statement issued by then Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono on so-called comfort women has come to the fore.
いわゆる従軍慰安婦に関する河野官房長官談話の綻びが、改めて浮き彫りになった。
A team of experts set up by the government has compiled a report examining the process of drafting the Kono statement, which was issued in August 1993 and expressed apologies and remorse to former comfort women.
有識者による政府の検討会が、元慰安婦への「おわびと反省」を表明した１９９３年８月の河野談話の作成過程を検証した報告書をまとめた。
South Korea demanded changes in certain expressions in the initial draft, saying The documents must be evaluated favorably by the South Korean people. The report shed light on the close coordination about the statement’s wording between the Japanese and South Korean governments.
韓国側が「韓国国民から評価を受け得るものでなければならない」と談話の修正を求めるなど、日韓両政府が緊密に表現を調整した実態が明らかになった。
Regarding whether coerciveness was involved in the recruitment of comfort women, a focal point of this issue, the 1993 statement said, “They were recruited generally against their own will, through coaxing, coercion, etc.”
焦点の慰安婦募集の強制性について、談話は「甘言、強圧による等、総じて本人たちの意思に反して行われた」としている。
In explaining why the statement used such expressions, the report clearly said, “...the question of how ‘coerciveness’ of the recruitment of the comfort women would be expressed and worded in the statement constituted the main issue of contention in the communication” with the South Korean side and “Coordination took place until the last moment.”
こうした表現になった経緯に関し、報告書は「どのような表現・文言で織り込むかが韓国側とのやりとりの核心」で、「最後まで調整が実施された」と明記した。
As for the Japanese military’s involvement in the establishment of comfort stations, the South Korean side insisted on using the expression “instruction,” which was rejected by Japan, the report said. Both sides eventually settled on the word “request” instead.
慰安所の設置に関する日本軍の関与については、日本軍の「指示」との表現を盛り込むよう韓国側が求めたが、日本側は拒否し、「要請」との表現に落ち着いた。
At the request of the South Korean government, the Japanese government interviewed 16 former comfort women, but the statement was drafted within the Japanese government before all the interviews were concluded.
韓国側の求めで、日本政府は元慰安婦１６人の聞き取り調査を行ったが、調査終了前に政府内で原案が作成されていたという。
Problem-plagued statement
It is clear that the government gave priority to making political compromises and paying diplomatic consideration over historical facts. It is a problem-plagued statement made jointly by Japan and South Korea.
事実関係よりも政治的妥協と外交的配慮を優先したのは明らかだ。極めて問題の多い“日韓合作”の談話と言えよう。
Until this time, the Japanese government had avoided in-depth discussions to ascertain the facts regarding the issue of comfort women and the Kono statement.
日本政府は従来、慰安婦問題や河野談話の事実関係について、突っ込んだ議論を避けてきた。
Examining in detail the process of drafting the statement and releasing the results are meaningful in resolving misunderstanding in the international community about the issue of comfort women.
今回、談話の作成過程を詳しく検証し、公表したことは、慰安婦問題をめぐる国際社会の誤解を解くうえで一定の意味がある。
According to the report, the statement did not say the authorities were “forcefully taking away” women, as the Japanese government was not able to confirm it based on its investigations.
日本側は、調査では官憲による強制連行は確認できなかったとして、談話には「強制連行」という言葉は使わなかった。
But at a press conference during which the statement was released, Kono responded to a question about whether women were forcefully taken away by saying, “We accept that to be the case.” Kono committed a serious transgression by further spreading wrong conceptions about the issue.
だが、河野氏は談話発表時の記者会見で、強制連行の有無についての質問に、「そういう事実があった」と答えた。誤った認識をさらに広げた河野氏の罪は重い。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has made it clear that the government will not review the statement, a decision he probably made from the broader political perspective of seeking an improvement in relations between Japan and South Korea. Seoul, however, refuted Japan’s verification of the statement, saying the move could “impair the credibility of the statement.”
安倍首相は、河野談話を見直さない方針を明言している。日韓関係の改善を模索するための大局的な政治判断だろう。だが、韓国政府は、検証について「談話の信頼性を損ねる」と反発している。
Since the Kono statement, there has been widespread misunderstanding in the world that Japan forcibly took away comfort women.
河野談話が起点となり、日本が慰安婦を強制連行したかのような誤解が世界中に広がっている。
In the U.S. city of Glendale, Calif., Korean-Americans with strong ties with South Korea engaged in anti-Japanese activity by setting up a statue of a comfort woman.
米国では昨年、グレンデール市に慰安婦像が設置され、韓国系米国人による反日運動が展開された。
The government has not launched effective counterarguments because of the Kono statement.
河野談話があるために、政府は有効な反論を行えずにいる。
We believe it will eventually be unavoidable to change the statement.
談話の見直しは、いずれ避けられないのではないか。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 21, 2014)
Diplomatic consideration outweighed historical facts in Kono statement
河野談話検証 外交的配慮が事実に優先した
Once again a flaw in the 1993 statement issued by then Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono on so-called comfort women has come to the fore.
いわゆる従軍慰安婦に関する河野官房長官談話の綻びが、改めて浮き彫りになった。
A team of experts set up by the government has compiled a report examining the process of drafting the Kono statement, which was issued in August 1993 and expressed apologies and remorse to former comfort women.
有識者による政府の検討会が、元慰安婦への「おわびと反省」を表明した１９９３年８月の河野談話の作成過程を検証した報告書をまとめた。
South Korea demanded changes in certain expressions in the initial draft, saying The documents must be evaluated favorably by the South Korean people. The report shed light on the close coordination about the statement’s wording between the Japanese and South Korean governments.
韓国側が「韓国国民から評価を受け得るものでなければならない」と談話の修正を求めるなど、日韓両政府が緊密に表現を調整した実態が明らかになった。
Regarding whether coerciveness was involved in the recruitment of comfort women, a focal point of this issue, the 1993 statement said, “They were recruited generally against their own will, through coaxing, coercion, etc.”
焦点の慰安婦募集の強制性について、談話は「甘言、強圧による等、総じて本人たちの意思に反して行われた」としている。
In explaining why the statement used such expressions, the report clearly said, “...the question of how ‘coerciveness’ of the recruitment of the comfort women would be expressed and worded in the statement constituted the main issue of contention in the communication” with the South Korean side and “Coordination took place until the last moment.”
こうした表現になった経緯に関し、報告書は「どのような表現・文言で織り込むかが韓国側とのやりとりの核心」で、「最後まで調整が実施された」と明記した。
As for the Japanese military’s involvement in the establishment of comfort stations, the South Korean side insisted on using the expression “instruction,” which was rejected by Japan, the report said. Both sides eventually settled on the word “request” instead.
慰安所の設置に関する日本軍の関与については、日本軍の「指示」との表現を盛り込むよう韓国側が求めたが、日本側は拒否し、「要請」との表現に落ち着いた。
At the request of the South Korean government, the Japanese government interviewed 16 former comfort women, but the statement was drafted within the Japanese government before all the interviews were concluded.
韓国側の求めで、日本政府は元慰安婦１６人の聞き取り調査を行ったが、調査終了前に政府内で原案が作成されていたという。
Problem-plagued statement
It is clear that the government gave priority to making political compromises and paying diplomatic consideration over historical facts. It is a problem-plagued statement made jointly by Japan and South Korea.
事実関係よりも政治的妥協と外交的配慮を優先したのは明らかだ。極めて問題の多い“日韓合作”の談話と言えよう。
Until this time, the Japanese government had avoided in-depth discussions to ascertain the facts regarding the issue of comfort women and the Kono statement.
日本政府は従来、慰安婦問題や河野談話の事実関係について、突っ込んだ議論を避けてきた。
Examining in detail the process of drafting the statement and releasing the results are meaningful in resolving misunderstanding in the international community about the issue of comfort women.
今回、談話の作成過程を詳しく検証し、公表したことは、慰安婦問題をめぐる国際社会の誤解を解くうえで一定の意味がある。
According to the report, the statement did not say the authorities were “forcefully taking away” women, as the Japanese government was not able to confirm it based on its investigations.
日本側は、調査では官憲による強制連行は確認できなかったとして、談話には「強制連行」という言葉は使わなかった。
But at a press conference during which the statement was released, Kono responded to a question about whether women were forcefully taken away by saying, “We accept that to be the case.” Kono committed a serious transgression by further spreading wrong conceptions about the issue.
だが、河野氏は談話発表時の記者会見で、強制連行の有無についての質問に、「そういう事実があった」と答えた。誤った認識をさらに広げた河野氏の罪は重い。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has made it clear that the government will not review the statement, a decision he probably made from the broader political perspective of seeking an improvement in relations between Japan and South Korea. Seoul, however, refuted Japan’s verification of the statement, saying the move could “impair the credibility of the statement.”
安倍首相は、河野談話を見直さない方針を明言している。日韓関係の改善を模索するための大局的な政治判断だろう。だが、韓国政府は、検証について「談話の信頼性を損ねる」と反発している。
Since the Kono statement, there has been widespread misunderstanding in the world that Japan forcibly took away comfort women.
河野談話が起点となり、日本が慰安婦を強制連行したかのような誤解が世界中に広がっている。
In the U.S. city of Glendale, Calif., Korean-Americans with strong ties with South Korea engaged in anti-Japanese activity by setting up a statue of a comfort woman.
米国では昨年、グレンデール市に慰安婦像が設置され、韓国系米国人による反日運動が展開された。
The government has not launched effective counterarguments because of the Kono statement.
河野談話があるために、政府は有効な反論を行えずにいる。
We believe it will eventually be unavoidable to change the statement.
談話の見直しは、いずれ避けられないのではないか。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 21, 2014)
2014年06月23日
環境相の発言―「最後は金」が蝕むもの
June 19, 2014
EDITORIAL: Ishihara’s remark about interim storage facility adds insult to injury
環境相の発言―「最後は金」が蝕むもの
No doubt about it. Environment Minister Nobuteru Ishihara’s insensitive remark about the problem of selecting a site to temporarily store radiation-contaminated soil reflected a slice of the grim reality of the terrible mess caused by the 2011 disaster at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
そうだ。石原伸晃環境相の言葉が無神経に映したのは、いまの福島の一断面である。
“In the end, it will come down to money,” Ishihara said, giving the impression that giving wads of cash to residents in Fukushima Prefecture was the only way to resolve the problem.
「最後は金目でしょ」
Indeed, there are a slew of issues in areas affected by the nuclear catastrophe that cannot be solved without payments of money. A huge amount of funds will be needed to pay compensation to victims, complete decontamination work of affected areas and rebuild disaster-hit areas. There is also the question of returning local residents to their homes and providing support for evacuees who are living in new areas.
損害賠償も除染も帰還も、移転先での新しい生活も。復興でさえも。原発事故の被災地には、「最後は金目」な案件がうずまいている。
But it is not money people in the affected areas in Fukushima really want.
だけど、福島の人たちが本当に欲しいのはお金じゃない。
What they really crave is a return to the good old days when they didn’t have to worry about radiation while working their rice and vegetable fields or spending their leisure time on the beach laughing with their children and grandchildren.
放射能なんかこれっぽっちも気にしなくてよかった日々であり、田んぼや畑や海で汗をぬぐうひとときであり、子どもや孫と笑って過ごせる生活だ。
They know full well that they can’t get that life back. That is what makes their current situation all the more wretched.
取り戻せないことはわかっている。だからこそ、やりきれない。
It is the central government, not residents in areas around the Fukushima nuclear plant, that wants to solve all the problems with money.
金目で済ませたいのは、住民ではない。国のほうなのだ。
Money is certainly a convenient tool. It seems to be a panacea for issues involving compensation.
確かに、お金は便利だ。「代償」の道具として万能にみえる。
Since the triple meltdown in 2011, however, money has been undermining the affected communities in Fukushima.
だけど、そのお金は原発事故のあと、福島をひたすら蝕（むしば）んでもきた。
Some people in these communities have received payouts, while others haven’t. Some have received what was seen as “too much” compensation, while others felt the payments to them were “insufficient.”
「もらった」「もらえない」「足りない」「もらいすぎだ」――。
Despite appearing to be neutral and impartial, the money has aggressively intruded into local communities, families and relationships between friends in a divisive manner.
無色透明を装いながら、遠慮なしに地域や家族や友人関係に踏み込み、分断した。
Over the past three years, people in Fukushima have had enough painful experiences to make them aware of how money can create contradictions and emptiness. During the period, they have also had to fight the perception that they are pursuing money as their ultimate goal.
この３年間、その矛盾と空虚さをいやというほどかみしめてきた。「どうせ金なんだろ」という目と闘いながら。
Given these circumstances, they have been struggling to pull themselves together, rebuild their relations with people around them and figure out how to live. It is people in Fukushima, not the central government, who have been addressing these weighty problems.
その中で自分をどう取り戻し、周りとの関係を結びなおし、いかに生きるか。重たい問いと向き合ってきたのは、国ではない。彼らのほうだ。
The same can be said about the proposed facility for interim storage of radioactive soil. The residents, quite naturally, do not want such a facility in their hometowns. But there can be no progress in the efforts to rebuild Fukushima unless contaminated soil can be stored somewhere.
中間貯蔵施設もそうだ。ふるさとに、そんなものは欲しくない。だが、除染した汚染土をどこかで保管しなければ、福島全体の復興が進まない。
Some people probably attended explanatory meetings for local residents as a way to escape from their anxieties and find answers for the way forward.
葛藤から抜け出し、なにか前を向いていくための答えを探しに住民説明会へと足を運んだ人たちもいただろう。
Ishihara’s remark broke the hearts of those people.
石原氏の言葉は、そういう人たちの心をへし折った。
The government’s promise to dispose of the soil outside the prefecture within 30 years can now only sound hollow.
「３０年以内の県外処分」も、もはやそらぞらしい響きにしか聞こえまい。
Which community outside the prefecture would be willing to accept a huge amount of contaminated soil?
膨大な量の汚染土を、いったい県外のどこが引き取るというのか。
The grossly irresponsible way the government has been making empty promises concerning the issue seems to be reflected in the callous attitude of the minister, who bluntly said that it is after all a question of money.
あてもないまま「約束します」と繰り返す国の軽さが、「最後は金目」と言い放つ大臣の姿と重なる。
Since the controversial remark, Ishihara has been busy explaining what he meant and offering apologies.
発言後、石原氏は釈明と陳謝に追われている。
The negotiations over the storage site have already been difficult and arduous.
ただでさえ、むずかしさを増していた交渉だ。
It will be a formidable task to repair the government’s relations with the local communities that have been badly damaged by Ishihara’s gaffe.
こんな形で断ち切ってしまった関係を修復するのは、容易ではないだろう。
Ishihara, the minister responsible for the issue of the storage site, didn’t attend any of the explanatory meetings held over a period of about two weeks.
約２週間にわたった説明会に担当大臣である石原氏は一度も出席しなかった。
Ishihara should visit the communities and listen to what their residents say.
まずは現地に足を運び、耳を傾けるといい。
Doing so would help him realize the grave implications of what he said and the seriousness of the damage it caused to the communities.
自らの発言の罪深さを、蝕んでしまったものの重さを、骨身で実感するために。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 19
EDITORIAL: Ishihara’s remark about interim storage facility adds insult to injury
環境相の発言―「最後は金」が蝕むもの
No doubt about it. Environment Minister Nobuteru Ishihara’s insensitive remark about the problem of selecting a site to temporarily store radiation-contaminated soil reflected a slice of the grim reality of the terrible mess caused by the 2011 disaster at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
そうだ。石原伸晃環境相の言葉が無神経に映したのは、いまの福島の一断面である。
“In the end, it will come down to money,” Ishihara said, giving the impression that giving wads of cash to residents in Fukushima Prefecture was the only way to resolve the problem.
「最後は金目でしょ」
Indeed, there are a slew of issues in areas affected by the nuclear catastrophe that cannot be solved without payments of money. A huge amount of funds will be needed to pay compensation to victims, complete decontamination work of affected areas and rebuild disaster-hit areas. There is also the question of returning local residents to their homes and providing support for evacuees who are living in new areas.
損害賠償も除染も帰還も、移転先での新しい生活も。復興でさえも。原発事故の被災地には、「最後は金目」な案件がうずまいている。
But it is not money people in the affected areas in Fukushima really want.
だけど、福島の人たちが本当に欲しいのはお金じゃない。
What they really crave is a return to the good old days when they didn’t have to worry about radiation while working their rice and vegetable fields or spending their leisure time on the beach laughing with their children and grandchildren.
放射能なんかこれっぽっちも気にしなくてよかった日々であり、田んぼや畑や海で汗をぬぐうひとときであり、子どもや孫と笑って過ごせる生活だ。
They know full well that they can’t get that life back. That is what makes their current situation all the more wretched.
取り戻せないことはわかっている。だからこそ、やりきれない。
It is the central government, not residents in areas around the Fukushima nuclear plant, that wants to solve all the problems with money.
金目で済ませたいのは、住民ではない。国のほうなのだ。
Money is certainly a convenient tool. It seems to be a panacea for issues involving compensation.
確かに、お金は便利だ。「代償」の道具として万能にみえる。
Since the triple meltdown in 2011, however, money has been undermining the affected communities in Fukushima.
だけど、そのお金は原発事故のあと、福島をひたすら蝕（むしば）んでもきた。
Some people in these communities have received payouts, while others haven’t. Some have received what was seen as “too much” compensation, while others felt the payments to them were “insufficient.”
「もらった」「もらえない」「足りない」「もらいすぎだ」――。
Despite appearing to be neutral and impartial, the money has aggressively intruded into local communities, families and relationships between friends in a divisive manner.
無色透明を装いながら、遠慮なしに地域や家族や友人関係に踏み込み、分断した。
Over the past three years, people in Fukushima have had enough painful experiences to make them aware of how money can create contradictions and emptiness. During the period, they have also had to fight the perception that they are pursuing money as their ultimate goal.
この３年間、その矛盾と空虚さをいやというほどかみしめてきた。「どうせ金なんだろ」という目と闘いながら。
Given these circumstances, they have been struggling to pull themselves together, rebuild their relations with people around them and figure out how to live. It is people in Fukushima, not the central government, who have been addressing these weighty problems.
その中で自分をどう取り戻し、周りとの関係を結びなおし、いかに生きるか。重たい問いと向き合ってきたのは、国ではない。彼らのほうだ。
The same can be said about the proposed facility for interim storage of radioactive soil. The residents, quite naturally, do not want such a facility in their hometowns. But there can be no progress in the efforts to rebuild Fukushima unless contaminated soil can be stored somewhere.
中間貯蔵施設もそうだ。ふるさとに、そんなものは欲しくない。だが、除染した汚染土をどこかで保管しなければ、福島全体の復興が進まない。
Some people probably attended explanatory meetings for local residents as a way to escape from their anxieties and find answers for the way forward.
葛藤から抜け出し、なにか前を向いていくための答えを探しに住民説明会へと足を運んだ人たちもいただろう。
Ishihara’s remark broke the hearts of those people.
石原氏の言葉は、そういう人たちの心をへし折った。
The government’s promise to dispose of the soil outside the prefecture within 30 years can now only sound hollow.
「３０年以内の県外処分」も、もはやそらぞらしい響きにしか聞こえまい。
Which community outside the prefecture would be willing to accept a huge amount of contaminated soil?
膨大な量の汚染土を、いったい県外のどこが引き取るというのか。
The grossly irresponsible way the government has been making empty promises concerning the issue seems to be reflected in the callous attitude of the minister, who bluntly said that it is after all a question of money.
あてもないまま「約束します」と繰り返す国の軽さが、「最後は金目」と言い放つ大臣の姿と重なる。
Since the controversial remark, Ishihara has been busy explaining what he meant and offering apologies.
発言後、石原氏は釈明と陳謝に追われている。
The negotiations over the storage site have already been difficult and arduous.
ただでさえ、むずかしさを増していた交渉だ。
It will be a formidable task to repair the government’s relations with the local communities that have been badly damaged by Ishihara’s gaffe.
こんな形で断ち切ってしまった関係を修復するのは、容易ではないだろう。
Ishihara, the minister responsible for the issue of the storage site, didn’t attend any of the explanatory meetings held over a period of about two weeks.
約２週間にわたった説明会に担当大臣である石原氏は一度も出席しなかった。
Ishihara should visit the communities and listen to what their residents say.
まずは現地に足を運び、耳を傾けるといい。
Doing so would help him realize the grave implications of what he said and the seriousness of the damage it caused to the communities.
自らの発言の罪深さを、蝕んでしまったものの重さを、骨身で実感するために。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 19
2014年06月20日
原発再稼働の前に―「被害地元」と向き合え
June 18, 2014
EDITORIAL: Abe needs to get priorities right before reactor restarts
原発再稼働の前に―「被害地元」と向き合え
The central government has required all prefectural and municipal entities within a 30-kilometer radius of nuclear power plants to have their own emergency response plans.
This was one of the lessons of the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster.
Does it follow then that areas outside the 30-km radius are safe?
大飯原発での事故を想定し、甲状腺の被曝線量が５０ミリシーベルト超となる可能性がある地域
福島での大事故の後、国は原発から３０キロ圏内の地域に、万一の事態に備えて防災計画を立てるよう求めている。では３０キロ圏外の地域は安全なのか。
That is anything but the case, as indicated by estimates of predicted dispersions of radioactive materials made by local governments around nuclear power plants.
とてもそうは言えない。原発の周辺自治体が試算した放射性物質拡散予測で、その現実が次々と浮き彫りになっている。
For example, the border of Hyogo Prefecture is at least 40 kilometers from the offline Oi and Takahama nuclear power plants in Fukui Prefecture, which operator Kansai Electric Power Co. intends to restart at an early date.
例えば兵庫県は、関西電力が早期の再稼働をめざす福井県の大飯、高浜の両原発から最短でも４０キロ離れている。
But the Hyogo prefectural government used data on past weather patterns to estimate what levels of radiation thyroid glands would be exposed to in the event of Fukushima-class disasters taking place at both the Oi and Takahama plants. It found that the doses could exceed the international benchmark of 50 millisieverts in seven days, even on Awajishima island, which is 150 kilometers from the nuclear power plants. Individuals exposed to radiation levels of 50 millisieverts or higher are advised to take iodine tablets to protect their thyroid glands from radiation.
両原発で福島級の事故が起きたと想定し、過去の気象データを基に甲状腺の被曝（ひばく）線量を調べた。すると、１５０キロ離れた淡路島でも「安定ヨウ素剤の服用が必要」とする国際基準（７日間で５０ミリシーベルト）を超える場合があるとわかった。
Depending on wind direction, similar scenarios were also indicated for the cities of Kobe, Amagasaki, Nishinomiya and elsewhere along the Hanshin belt between Osaka and Kobe.
神戸市や尼崎、西宮市などの阪神間でも、風向きによって基準値を大きく上回る可能性が浮かんだ。
Simulations by the Shiga prefectural government found that, in a worst-case scenario, a Fukushima-class disaster at Oi could spread radioactive materials exceeding the international benchmark into the airspace above Lake Biwako, more than 40 kilometers away. Similarly affected areas could include parts of Kyoto and Osaka prefectures.
滋賀県の試算でも、大飯原発で福島級の事故が起きると、最悪の場合、４０キロ以上離れた琵琶湖上空まで基準を超える放射性物質が届くという結果が出た。基準超えの地域は京都、大阪府にも広がっていた。
What do these estimates signify?
なぜこんなことになるのか。
RISK OF THYROID CANCER
■甲状腺がんのリスク
A major accident at a nuclear power plant releases radioactive substances, which will eventually contaminate surface areas. Under international standards, evacuations and decontamination work would be required in areas where an individual's total body irradiation level exceeds 100 millisieverts in seven days. In the event of a Fukushima-class disaster, the areas requiring evacuation and decontamination work would be roughly within a 30-km radius of the stricken plant.
原発が大事故を起こすと、大気中に飛び出した放射性物質が広がり、地表も汚染する。福島級の事故の場合、避難や除染を必要とする国際基準（７日間の全身被曝で１００ミリシーベルト）を超える地域は、原発からおおむね３０キロ圏内とされた。
But winds carry and spread airborne radioactive plumes further away. In areas where radioactive iodine in the atmosphere has not been sufficiently rarefied, thyroid glands are exposed to radiation and the risk of thyroid cancer rises, especially among small children. It is vital to put a system in place to speedily discern the spread of radioactive plumes and determine the right timing for people to take iodine tablets.
だが放射性物質の集まり「プルーム」は、風任せでさらに外へと流れていく。大気中の放射性ヨウ素が十分に薄まっていないエリアでは、のど元の甲状腺が被曝して、小さな子どもが甲状腺がんになる確率が高くなる。プルームの拡散状況を素早く把握する体制を整え、的確なタイミングで安定ヨウ素剤を飲んでもらう備えが欠かせない。
One other factor that must be taken into consideration is that when it rains along the plume's track, concentrations of cesium and other radioactive materials that have long-term effects will fall to the ground and contaminate the soil. When that happens, temporary measures will not be sufficient.
さらに考慮せねばならないのは、プルームの通過と降雨が重なれば、セシウムなど長期の影響をもたらす放射性物質が地上に集中的に落ちて、土地を汚染してしまうことだ。そうなれば一時的な対策ではすまない。
In the Fukushima Prefecture village of Iitate, about 40 km from the crippled Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, rain fell just when a radioactive plume reached the community. Before the nuclear disaster, the villagers were in the process of building a self-sustaining farming operation in the belief that everyone could live happily. The village had not benefited financially from the nearby nuclear power plant. But since the disaster, the entire village has remained off-limits to the villagers.
福島第一原発から約４０キロ離れた福島県飯舘村では、プルームが飯舘村の上空に達したとき雨が降った。原発マネーとは縁遠く、地産地消や心の豊かさを目指す村づくりを進めていた。だが事故のせいで、今も全域が避難区域に指定されている。
The Union of Kansai Governments, whose members come from seven prefectures, including Osaka and Kyoto, has called on the central government to issue comprehensive guidelines on measures that should be taken in areas outside the 30-km radius from nuclear power plants, based on studies by local governments.
関西広域連合は自治体の独自調査の結果をふまえ、３０キロ圏外対策の具体的な指針を出すよう国に求めた。
Viable evacuation plans, along with prepared guidelines, need to be in place before issuing the order to evacuate. Otherwise, chaos can result. This was made clear from statements given to the government’s Investigation Committee on the Accident at the Fukushima Nuclear Power Stations by Tetsuro Fukuyama, a former deputy chief Cabinet secretary who was in charge of the evacuation process during the Fukushima crisis.
備えがなくては避難指示がいかに混乱するかは、明るみに出た「福山調書」でもはっきりした。
Acknowledging the need for such guidelines, the central government states in its nuclear disaster response policy outline that the Nuclear Regulation Authority will consider defining the extent of evacuation zones and other matters. 国も必要性を認め、原子力規制委員会が範囲の設定などを検討すると、原子力災害対策指針に記している。
However, the NRA has yet to embark on this task in earnest, mainly because it is engaged in safety screenings ahead of nuclear power plant restarts.
だが規制委では今も本格的な検討はされておらず、再稼働に向けて、原発の施設内の審査が着々と進む。
LEGITIMATE DEMAND
■当たり前の主張
With nuclear power generation, there is no such thing as "absolute safety"--no matter how stringent the regulations. もちろん規制をいくら強めても「絶対に安全」はない。
If any nuclear power plant is to be put into operation, the very least that must be done is to get an accurate grasp of the areas that will be affected in the event of a disaster.
By the same token, residents of those areas need to be informed of the exact nature of the risks they face and the steps that will be taken in the event of a nuclear accident.
原発を動かすなら、事故で被害を受ける地域を把握し、具体的な危険と対策を示して住民の了解を得ることが最低限必要である。
But to assume the central government understands this concept would be asking a lot.
だが国の覚悟は疑わしい。
Even though municipalities that host nuclear power plants will not be the only ones affected in a nuclear accident, the government's Strategic Energy Plan states that the central government "will strive to obtain the understanding and cooperation of people associated with the municipalities that host nuclear power plants" before restarting offline reactors.
被害を受けるのは立地自治体だけではないのに、エネルギー基本計画には、再稼働の際は「立地自治体等関係者の理解と協力を得るよう取り組む」と記した。
Here, we can see right through the government's intent to press for the resumption of operations by taking advantage of those local governments' dependence on nuclear power plants for their fiscal and employment needs.
財政や雇用を原発に頼る自治体の弱みを見越して再稼働をスルリと進めたい思惑が見える。
After the onset of the Fukushima disaster, Shiga Governor Yukiko Kada came up with the term "higai jimoto" to denote all local governments, not just those which host nuclear power plants, that could be seriously affected by a nuclear accident.
滋賀県の嘉田由紀子知事は福島での事故後、「被害地元」という考え方を示した。
Kada demanded the central government recognize them all as affected parties and allow them to get involved in the process before restarting nuclear plants.
原発を動かすかどうかは、事故の被害を受ける全ての自治体が地元としてかかわれるようにしてほしいと求めている。
This is a legitimate demand. In reality, however, it is still only the municipal and prefectural governments hosting nuclear power plants that have any real say.
当然の主張だ。だが現実は、立地自治体以外はほとんど口出しできない状況が続いている。
Toshiki Kudo, mayor of Hakodate in Hokkaido, who filed a lawsuit demanding the suspension of construction of the Oma nuclear power plant in neighboring Aomori Prefecture, warned that the same old "safety myth" of nuclear power generation will be perpetuated if the project is allowed to have its way.
隣の青森県にある大間原発の建設差し止めを求めて提訴した北海道函館市の工藤寿樹市長は、このままではまた「安全神話」になってしまうと警鐘を鳴らす。
"It will be game over for our country if the government stops trying its hardest to win the understanding of the people," Kudo said.
「理解を得るための手間ひまを惜しんだらおしまいだ」
At a recent news conference on Japan's right to collective self-defense, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe reiterated that the government will "protect lives of the Japanese people." If he is genuinely committed to saving people's lives, he obviously needs to look squarely at all local communities that could be seriously affected by a nuclear disaster before he can even begin to argue in favor of restarting idle nuclear reactors.
日本人の命を守る――。集団的自衛権の行使をめぐる記者会見で、安倍首相は繰り返した。それならば、原発事故の被害地元とも向き合わねばならない。再稼働の議論はそこからだ。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 18
EDITORIAL: Abe needs to get priorities right before reactor restarts
原発再稼働の前に―「被害地元」と向き合え
The central government has required all prefectural and municipal entities within a 30-kilometer radius of nuclear power plants to have their own emergency response plans.
This was one of the lessons of the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster.
Does it follow then that areas outside the 30-km radius are safe?
大飯原発での事故を想定し、甲状腺の被曝線量が５０ミリシーベルト超となる可能性がある地域
福島での大事故の後、国は原発から３０キロ圏内の地域に、万一の事態に備えて防災計画を立てるよう求めている。では３０キロ圏外の地域は安全なのか。
That is anything but the case, as indicated by estimates of predicted dispersions of radioactive materials made by local governments around nuclear power plants.
とてもそうは言えない。原発の周辺自治体が試算した放射性物質拡散予測で、その現実が次々と浮き彫りになっている。
For example, the border of Hyogo Prefecture is at least 40 kilometers from the offline Oi and Takahama nuclear power plants in Fukui Prefecture, which operator Kansai Electric Power Co. intends to restart at an early date.
例えば兵庫県は、関西電力が早期の再稼働をめざす福井県の大飯、高浜の両原発から最短でも４０キロ離れている。
But the Hyogo prefectural government used data on past weather patterns to estimate what levels of radiation thyroid glands would be exposed to in the event of Fukushima-class disasters taking place at both the Oi and Takahama plants. It found that the doses could exceed the international benchmark of 50 millisieverts in seven days, even on Awajishima island, which is 150 kilometers from the nuclear power plants. Individuals exposed to radiation levels of 50 millisieverts or higher are advised to take iodine tablets to protect their thyroid glands from radiation.
両原発で福島級の事故が起きたと想定し、過去の気象データを基に甲状腺の被曝（ひばく）線量を調べた。すると、１５０キロ離れた淡路島でも「安定ヨウ素剤の服用が必要」とする国際基準（７日間で５０ミリシーベルト）を超える場合があるとわかった。
Depending on wind direction, similar scenarios were also indicated for the cities of Kobe, Amagasaki, Nishinomiya and elsewhere along the Hanshin belt between Osaka and Kobe.
神戸市や尼崎、西宮市などの阪神間でも、風向きによって基準値を大きく上回る可能性が浮かんだ。
Simulations by the Shiga prefectural government found that, in a worst-case scenario, a Fukushima-class disaster at Oi could spread radioactive materials exceeding the international benchmark into the airspace above Lake Biwako, more than 40 kilometers away. Similarly affected areas could include parts of Kyoto and Osaka prefectures.
滋賀県の試算でも、大飯原発で福島級の事故が起きると、最悪の場合、４０キロ以上離れた琵琶湖上空まで基準を超える放射性物質が届くという結果が出た。基準超えの地域は京都、大阪府にも広がっていた。
What do these estimates signify?
なぜこんなことになるのか。
RISK OF THYROID CANCER
■甲状腺がんのリスク
A major accident at a nuclear power plant releases radioactive substances, which will eventually contaminate surface areas. Under international standards, evacuations and decontamination work would be required in areas where an individual's total body irradiation level exceeds 100 millisieverts in seven days. In the event of a Fukushima-class disaster, the areas requiring evacuation and decontamination work would be roughly within a 30-km radius of the stricken plant.
原発が大事故を起こすと、大気中に飛び出した放射性物質が広がり、地表も汚染する。福島級の事故の場合、避難や除染を必要とする国際基準（７日間の全身被曝で１００ミリシーベルト）を超える地域は、原発からおおむね３０キロ圏内とされた。
But winds carry and spread airborne radioactive plumes further away. In areas where radioactive iodine in the atmosphere has not been sufficiently rarefied, thyroid glands are exposed to radiation and the risk of thyroid cancer rises, especially among small children. It is vital to put a system in place to speedily discern the spread of radioactive plumes and determine the right timing for people to take iodine tablets.
だが放射性物質の集まり「プルーム」は、風任せでさらに外へと流れていく。大気中の放射性ヨウ素が十分に薄まっていないエリアでは、のど元の甲状腺が被曝して、小さな子どもが甲状腺がんになる確率が高くなる。プルームの拡散状況を素早く把握する体制を整え、的確なタイミングで安定ヨウ素剤を飲んでもらう備えが欠かせない。
One other factor that must be taken into consideration is that when it rains along the plume's track, concentrations of cesium and other radioactive materials that have long-term effects will fall to the ground and contaminate the soil. When that happens, temporary measures will not be sufficient.
さらに考慮せねばならないのは、プルームの通過と降雨が重なれば、セシウムなど長期の影響をもたらす放射性物質が地上に集中的に落ちて、土地を汚染してしまうことだ。そうなれば一時的な対策ではすまない。
In the Fukushima Prefecture village of Iitate, about 40 km from the crippled Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, rain fell just when a radioactive plume reached the community. Before the nuclear disaster, the villagers were in the process of building a self-sustaining farming operation in the belief that everyone could live happily. The village had not benefited financially from the nearby nuclear power plant. But since the disaster, the entire village has remained off-limits to the villagers.
福島第一原発から約４０キロ離れた福島県飯舘村では、プルームが飯舘村の上空に達したとき雨が降った。原発マネーとは縁遠く、地産地消や心の豊かさを目指す村づくりを進めていた。だが事故のせいで、今も全域が避難区域に指定されている。
The Union of Kansai Governments, whose members come from seven prefectures, including Osaka and Kyoto, has called on the central government to issue comprehensive guidelines on measures that should be taken in areas outside the 30-km radius from nuclear power plants, based on studies by local governments.
関西広域連合は自治体の独自調査の結果をふまえ、３０キロ圏外対策の具体的な指針を出すよう国に求めた。
Viable evacuation plans, along with prepared guidelines, need to be in place before issuing the order to evacuate. Otherwise, chaos can result. This was made clear from statements given to the government’s Investigation Committee on the Accident at the Fukushima Nuclear Power Stations by Tetsuro Fukuyama, a former deputy chief Cabinet secretary who was in charge of the evacuation process during the Fukushima crisis.
備えがなくては避難指示がいかに混乱するかは、明るみに出た「福山調書」でもはっきりした。
Acknowledging the need for such guidelines, the central government states in its nuclear disaster response policy outline that the Nuclear Regulation Authority will consider defining the extent of evacuation zones and other matters. 国も必要性を認め、原子力規制委員会が範囲の設定などを検討すると、原子力災害対策指針に記している。
However, the NRA has yet to embark on this task in earnest, mainly because it is engaged in safety screenings ahead of nuclear power plant restarts.
だが規制委では今も本格的な検討はされておらず、再稼働に向けて、原発の施設内の審査が着々と進む。
LEGITIMATE DEMAND
■当たり前の主張
With nuclear power generation, there is no such thing as "absolute safety"--no matter how stringent the regulations. もちろん規制をいくら強めても「絶対に安全」はない。
If any nuclear power plant is to be put into operation, the very least that must be done is to get an accurate grasp of the areas that will be affected in the event of a disaster.
By the same token, residents of those areas need to be informed of the exact nature of the risks they face and the steps that will be taken in the event of a nuclear accident.
原発を動かすなら、事故で被害を受ける地域を把握し、具体的な危険と対策を示して住民の了解を得ることが最低限必要である。
But to assume the central government understands this concept would be asking a lot.
だが国の覚悟は疑わしい。
Even though municipalities that host nuclear power plants will not be the only ones affected in a nuclear accident, the government's Strategic Energy Plan states that the central government "will strive to obtain the understanding and cooperation of people associated with the municipalities that host nuclear power plants" before restarting offline reactors.
被害を受けるのは立地自治体だけではないのに、エネルギー基本計画には、再稼働の際は「立地自治体等関係者の理解と協力を得るよう取り組む」と記した。
Here, we can see right through the government's intent to press for the resumption of operations by taking advantage of those local governments' dependence on nuclear power plants for their fiscal and employment needs.
財政や雇用を原発に頼る自治体の弱みを見越して再稼働をスルリと進めたい思惑が見える。
After the onset of the Fukushima disaster, Shiga Governor Yukiko Kada came up with the term "higai jimoto" to denote all local governments, not just those which host nuclear power plants, that could be seriously affected by a nuclear accident.
滋賀県の嘉田由紀子知事は福島での事故後、「被害地元」という考え方を示した。
Kada demanded the central government recognize them all as affected parties and allow them to get involved in the process before restarting nuclear plants.
原発を動かすかどうかは、事故の被害を受ける全ての自治体が地元としてかかわれるようにしてほしいと求めている。
This is a legitimate demand. In reality, however, it is still only the municipal and prefectural governments hosting nuclear power plants that have any real say.
当然の主張だ。だが現実は、立地自治体以外はほとんど口出しできない状況が続いている。
Toshiki Kudo, mayor of Hakodate in Hokkaido, who filed a lawsuit demanding the suspension of construction of the Oma nuclear power plant in neighboring Aomori Prefecture, warned that the same old "safety myth" of nuclear power generation will be perpetuated if the project is allowed to have its way.
隣の青森県にある大間原発の建設差し止めを求めて提訴した北海道函館市の工藤寿樹市長は、このままではまた「安全神話」になってしまうと警鐘を鳴らす。
"It will be game over for our country if the government stops trying its hardest to win the understanding of the people," Kudo said.
「理解を得るための手間ひまを惜しんだらおしまいだ」
At a recent news conference on Japan's right to collective self-defense, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe reiterated that the government will "protect lives of the Japanese people." If he is genuinely committed to saving people's lives, he obviously needs to look squarely at all local communities that could be seriously affected by a nuclear disaster before he can even begin to argue in favor of restarting idle nuclear reactors.
日本人の命を守る――。集団的自衛権の行使をめぐる記者会見で、安倍首相は繰り返した。それならば、原発事故の被害地元とも向き合わねばならない。再稼働の議論はそこからだ。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 18
2014年06月19日
（社説）若者の意識 「どうせ」のその先へ
June 17, 2014
EDITORIAL: Young Japanese need help to outgrow defeatist mentality
（社説）若者の意識 「どうせ」のその先へ
An international survey has offered much reassurance to certain people who are pessimistic about Japan’s younger generations.
Some of these pessimists passionately argue that young Japanese do not take pride in their country because of “self-deprecating views” about Japanese history that have been firmly planted in their minds. Others vociferously claim that the consciousness of social norms among Japanese youth has declined because excessive individualism has prevailed.
「『自虐史観』を植えつけられて、若者が自国に誇りを持てなくなっている」
「行き過ぎた個人主義がはびこり規範意識が低下している」
They should feel a little easier now given the results of an online survey, conducted by the Cabinet Office from November to December 2013, covering males and females between the ages of 13 and 29 in Japan, South Korea, the United States, Britain, Germany, France and Sweden.
The survey drew responses from around 1,000 individuals in each country.
The findings were included in this year’s White Paper on Children and Young People that has been approved by the Cabinet.
こう熱心に主張される向きには、まずは安心して頂きたい。
閣議決定された今年の「子ども・若者白書」は、日本、韓国、米国、英国、ドイツ、フランス、スウェーデンの計７カ国で、１３〜２９歳の男女約千人ずつを対象に昨年実施したインターネット調査の結果を掲載した。
Seventy percent of the Japanese respondents said they are proud of being their country’s nationals, the fourth-highest ratio following the figures for the United States, Sweden and Britain. In addition, 55 percent of the Japanese respondents said they want to do things that will contribute to their nation, the highest ratio among the seven countries.
「自国人であることに誇りを持っている」と答えた人の割合は、日本が７０％。米国、スウェーデン、英国に次いで高く、「自国のために役立つと思うようなことをしたい」は５５％でトップだった。
When asked if they think individuals are free to do anything they want as long as they don’t cause trouble for others, only 42 percent of the Japanese young people said “yes,” a far lower ratio than the average of about 80 percent for the other countries.
一方「他人に迷惑をかけなければ、何をしようと個人の自由だ」は４２％。他国平均は約８割なので極端に低い。
Such a survey, of course, cannot reveal all of the views and feelings of young people. But it is still troubling to know that only 46 percent of the Japanese respondents felt content with themselves, compared with more than 70 percent in each of the six other countries.
調査で若者意識すべてをつかめるわけではないが、気になるのは「自分自身に満足している」と回答した人の割合が日本は４６％で最下位だったことだ。他の６カ国は７割を超える。
How should we feel about the unique fact that far fewer young Japanese are content with themselves than those who are proud of their country?
日本人であることの誇りが、自分自身への満足を大きく上回るという日本だけのこの傾向をさて、どう考えたらいいのか。
The mind-set of children and young people of today offers hints about what is the invisible but prevailing mood in this society. There is no absolutely correct answer to the question. But we are tempted to think there is a strong undercurrent of a defeatist mentality symbolized by the Japanese word “dose” (anyway, in any case or after all) as used in such a sentence as “Dose dame da” (It's no use, anyway).
いまを生きる子どもや若者の意識からは、目に見えない、この社会の「気分」を感じ取ることができる。正解はない。ただ、基調には「どうせ」が漂っているように思えてならない。
The survey found that just 62 percent of young Japanese had bright hopes for their future. Only 52 percent of the Japanese respondents were willing to tackle important challenges with enthusiasm even when success is not certain, while just 44 percent wanted to get involved in dealing with societal problems to make society better, according to the survey.
And only 30 percent of young Japanese said they think their participation may change even slightly the social phenomena they want improve. Japanese ranked at the bottom for all these questions.
「自分の将来に明るい希望を持っている」（６２％）、「うまくいくかわからないことにも意欲的に取り組む」（５２％）、「社会をよりよくするため、社会における問題に関与したい」（４４％）、「私の参加により、変えてほしい社会現象が少し変えられるかもしれない」（３０％）。すべて日本が最下位だ。
“Dose” is a convenient word. If you don’t have high hopes, you can avoid disappointment. This can be described as a “happy” attitude toward life in this age of low economic growth.
「どうせ」は便利だ。高望みしなければ、失望せずに済む。低成長時代に適合した、「幸せ」な生き方だとも言える。
If this “dose” mentality spreads, however, many people will view society, which they should shape themselves, as something that cannot be changed.
だが、「どうせ」が広がると、本来は自分たちの手でかたちづくっていくはずの社会が、変わりようのない所与のものとして受けいれられてしまう。
By playing certain roles in society, people fulfill their desire to be recognized by others and have positive feelings about their lives. A society dominated by the “dose” mind-set probably cannot perform that function well.
人は社会のなかで役割を担い、そのことを通じて人に認められたいという欲求を満たし、生きている実感を手にできる。「どうせ」な社会はおそらく、その機能を持ち得ないだろう。
The current situation in Japan poses a serious test of the ability of the more-experienced adults to reject this defeatist mentality. They shouldn’t refuse this challenge by saying, “Such a naive approach can make no difference, anyway.”
「どうせ」なんかじゃない。
彼らよりも長く生きている「大人」がそれを示せるかどうかが、まずは問われている。「そんなキレイゴトじゃ、どうせ何も変わらないんだよ」で、片付けてしまわずに。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 17
EDITORIAL: Young Japanese need help to outgrow defeatist mentality
（社説）若者の意識 「どうせ」のその先へ
An international survey has offered much reassurance to certain people who are pessimistic about Japan’s younger generations.
Some of these pessimists passionately argue that young Japanese do not take pride in their country because of “self-deprecating views” about Japanese history that have been firmly planted in their minds. Others vociferously claim that the consciousness of social norms among Japanese youth has declined because excessive individualism has prevailed.
「『自虐史観』を植えつけられて、若者が自国に誇りを持てなくなっている」
「行き過ぎた個人主義がはびこり規範意識が低下している」
They should feel a little easier now given the results of an online survey, conducted by the Cabinet Office from November to December 2013, covering males and females between the ages of 13 and 29 in Japan, South Korea, the United States, Britain, Germany, France and Sweden.
The survey drew responses from around 1,000 individuals in each country.
The findings were included in this year’s White Paper on Children and Young People that has been approved by the Cabinet.
こう熱心に主張される向きには、まずは安心して頂きたい。
閣議決定された今年の「子ども・若者白書」は、日本、韓国、米国、英国、ドイツ、フランス、スウェーデンの計７カ国で、１３〜２９歳の男女約千人ずつを対象に昨年実施したインターネット調査の結果を掲載した。
Seventy percent of the Japanese respondents said they are proud of being their country’s nationals, the fourth-highest ratio following the figures for the United States, Sweden and Britain. In addition, 55 percent of the Japanese respondents said they want to do things that will contribute to their nation, the highest ratio among the seven countries.
「自国人であることに誇りを持っている」と答えた人の割合は、日本が７０％。米国、スウェーデン、英国に次いで高く、「自国のために役立つと思うようなことをしたい」は５５％でトップだった。
When asked if they think individuals are free to do anything they want as long as they don’t cause trouble for others, only 42 percent of the Japanese young people said “yes,” a far lower ratio than the average of about 80 percent for the other countries.
一方「他人に迷惑をかけなければ、何をしようと個人の自由だ」は４２％。他国平均は約８割なので極端に低い。
Such a survey, of course, cannot reveal all of the views and feelings of young people. But it is still troubling to know that only 46 percent of the Japanese respondents felt content with themselves, compared with more than 70 percent in each of the six other countries.
調査で若者意識すべてをつかめるわけではないが、気になるのは「自分自身に満足している」と回答した人の割合が日本は４６％で最下位だったことだ。他の６カ国は７割を超える。
How should we feel about the unique fact that far fewer young Japanese are content with themselves than those who are proud of their country?
日本人であることの誇りが、自分自身への満足を大きく上回るという日本だけのこの傾向をさて、どう考えたらいいのか。
The mind-set of children and young people of today offers hints about what is the invisible but prevailing mood in this society. There is no absolutely correct answer to the question. But we are tempted to think there is a strong undercurrent of a defeatist mentality symbolized by the Japanese word “dose” (anyway, in any case or after all) as used in such a sentence as “Dose dame da” (It's no use, anyway).
いまを生きる子どもや若者の意識からは、目に見えない、この社会の「気分」を感じ取ることができる。正解はない。ただ、基調には「どうせ」が漂っているように思えてならない。
The survey found that just 62 percent of young Japanese had bright hopes for their future. Only 52 percent of the Japanese respondents were willing to tackle important challenges with enthusiasm even when success is not certain, while just 44 percent wanted to get involved in dealing with societal problems to make society better, according to the survey.
And only 30 percent of young Japanese said they think their participation may change even slightly the social phenomena they want improve. Japanese ranked at the bottom for all these questions.
「自分の将来に明るい希望を持っている」（６２％）、「うまくいくかわからないことにも意欲的に取り組む」（５２％）、「社会をよりよくするため、社会における問題に関与したい」（４４％）、「私の参加により、変えてほしい社会現象が少し変えられるかもしれない」（３０％）。すべて日本が最下位だ。
“Dose” is a convenient word. If you don’t have high hopes, you can avoid disappointment. This can be described as a “happy” attitude toward life in this age of low economic growth.
「どうせ」は便利だ。高望みしなければ、失望せずに済む。低成長時代に適合した、「幸せ」な生き方だとも言える。
If this “dose” mentality spreads, however, many people will view society, which they should shape themselves, as something that cannot be changed.
だが、「どうせ」が広がると、本来は自分たちの手でかたちづくっていくはずの社会が、変わりようのない所与のものとして受けいれられてしまう。
By playing certain roles in society, people fulfill their desire to be recognized by others and have positive feelings about their lives. A society dominated by the “dose” mind-set probably cannot perform that function well.
人は社会のなかで役割を担い、そのことを通じて人に認められたいという欲求を満たし、生きている実感を手にできる。「どうせ」な社会はおそらく、その機能を持ち得ないだろう。
The current situation in Japan poses a serious test of the ability of the more-experienced adults to reject this defeatist mentality. They shouldn’t refuse this challenge by saying, “Such a naive approach can make no difference, anyway.”
「どうせ」なんかじゃない。
彼らよりも長く生きている「大人」がそれを示せるかどうかが、まずは問われている。「そんなキレイゴトじゃ、どうせ何も変わらないんだよ」で、片付けてしまわずに。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 17
2014年06月18日
イラク情勢緊迫 過激派の攻勢をどう抑えるか
The Yomiuri Shimbun
What can be done to stop offensive by extremist Sunni insurgents in Iraq?
イラク情勢緊迫 過激派の攻勢をどう抑えるか
The situation in Iraq has become ever more strained. Rebels led by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), a Sunni extremist group advocating the creation of a new Islamic state, have seized several cities in northern Iraq.
イラク情勢が緊迫の度を増している。
「新たなイスラム国家建設」を掲げるスンニ派の過激派組織「イラク・シリアのイスラム国（ＩＳＩＳ）」が、イラク北部の複数の都市を制圧した。
The Iraqi administration of Prime Minister Nouri Maliki is fighting back with air strikes, while recruiting volunteer soldiers from among his Shiite supporters.
マリキ政権は軍による空爆を行い、支持基盤のシーア派から義勇兵を募って応戦している。
This is indeed an alarming situation that increases the turmoil in the Middle East.
中東の混乱に拍車をかける、憂慮すべき事態と言えよう。
The ISIS is an Al-Qaida-inspired armed group. Having expanded its influence by riding the tide of Syria’s civil war, the ISIS is said to have grown to about 5,000 fighters. Upon entering another theater of war in Iraq, the group even declared it would eliminate the border with Syria.
ＩＳＩＳは、国際テロ組織アル・カーイダの流れをくむ武装集団だ。シリア内戦に乗じて勢力を拡大し、推定５０００人規模に膨れ上がった。イラクに転戦する際には、シリアとの国境の抹消までも宣言していた。
The United States has announced a $10 million reward for its leader, who is dubbed the second Osama bin Laden.
指導者は「第２のビンラーディン」とも呼ばれており、米国が１０００万ドルの懸賞金をかけて国際指名手配した。
Imposing strict Islam in seized areas, ISIS militants have killed people for refusing to pledge allegiance to the ISIS. This is a horrific situation from a humanitarian viewpoint. The United Nations has rightly condemned the ISIS, saying the executions were carried out immediately without any legal process. As the turmoil has been spreading, oil prices have begun rising on the market.
ＩＳＩＳは、制圧地域で厳格なイスラム法を適用し、従わない者を殺害している。人道上、極めて問題である。国連が「司法手続きを経ない即決の処刑だ」と非難したのはもっともだ。混乱拡大で、原油価格も上昇し始めた。
Maliki should also be held strictly responsible for having brought about the current situation. He has given preferential treatment to Shiites, who represent the majority of the Iraqi people, in the administration, while persistently driving out their Sunni political opponents.
マリキ首相にもこうした事態を招いた重い責任がある。首相は、国民の多数を占めるシーア派を政権で優遇し、スンニ派の政敵追い落としに固執した。
Morale deteriorating
Even within the military forces and public security organizations, sectarian conflicts have surfaced, undermining the morale of personnel.
軍や治安機関の内部でも宗派対立が顕在化し、士気は低下した。
In the areas attacked by the ISIS, officers and soldiers are said to have fled, discarding their uniforms and equipment. These are the prices Maliki is paying for failing to pursue national reconciliation.
ＩＳＩＳが攻め込んだ地域では、将兵らが制服や装備を投げ出して逃亡したという。
国民融和を怠った首相の統治手法のツケが回った結果である。
It would be difficult for his administration alone to stem the ISIS offensive. For the time being, it is necessary for the international community to support and cooperate with the Maliki administration to avoid further turmoil.
ＩＳＩＳの攻勢をマリキ政権が単独で食い止めるのは困難だろう。当面は、国際社会がマリキ政権を支え、連携して混乱の拡大を回避する必要がある。
Holding the key to such efforts is how the United States reacts to the situation. U.S. President Barack Obama said he would not rule out any options. Later he sent an aircraft carrier to the Persian Gulf, with possible air strikes in mind. But he remains negative about U.S. intervention in the conflict in Iraq and has already ruled out the possibility of putting U.S. troops on the ground there.
カギを握るのは米国の対応だ。オバマ大統領は、「あらゆる選択肢を排除しない」と述べ、空爆も念頭にペルシャ湾へ空母を派遣した。一方で、紛争介入への消極姿勢は変わらず、地上軍投入の可能性を早々に排除した。
Obama was elected to the presidency by advocating the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq and completed their withdrawal in 2011.
オバマ氏は、米軍のイラク撤退を掲げて当選し、２０１１年に撤収を完了させた。
The deteriorating situation in Iraq raises a question for Obama: Has the United States taken sufficient measures to maintain law and order in Iraq following its withdrawal?
イラク情勢の悪化は、撤収後の治安確保の手当てなどが十分だったのかという問いを大統領に突きつけている。
A key point now is how Iran, a major Shiite country neighboring Iraq with a large influence on the Maliki administration, will act. The country is said to be ready to hold direct talks with the United States over assistance to Iraq, despite the fact that the two countries have broken off ties.
シーア派大国で、マリキ政権に影響力を持つ隣国イランの出方も焦点だ。イラク支援をめぐり、断交中の米国とも直接協議する方針という。
Other neighboring countries in the Middle East are urged to present a united front against the ISIS by joining international efforts.
中東の周辺国は、この動きに加わり、対ＩＳＩＳで共闘していくことが求められる。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 17, 2014)
What can be done to stop offensive by extremist Sunni insurgents in Iraq?
イラク情勢緊迫 過激派の攻勢をどう抑えるか
The situation in Iraq has become ever more strained. Rebels led by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), a Sunni extremist group advocating the creation of a new Islamic state, have seized several cities in northern Iraq.
イラク情勢が緊迫の度を増している。
「新たなイスラム国家建設」を掲げるスンニ派の過激派組織「イラク・シリアのイスラム国（ＩＳＩＳ）」が、イラク北部の複数の都市を制圧した。
The Iraqi administration of Prime Minister Nouri Maliki is fighting back with air strikes, while recruiting volunteer soldiers from among his Shiite supporters.
マリキ政権は軍による空爆を行い、支持基盤のシーア派から義勇兵を募って応戦している。
This is indeed an alarming situation that increases the turmoil in the Middle East.
中東の混乱に拍車をかける、憂慮すべき事態と言えよう。
The ISIS is an Al-Qaida-inspired armed group. Having expanded its influence by riding the tide of Syria’s civil war, the ISIS is said to have grown to about 5,000 fighters. Upon entering another theater of war in Iraq, the group even declared it would eliminate the border with Syria.
ＩＳＩＳは、国際テロ組織アル・カーイダの流れをくむ武装集団だ。シリア内戦に乗じて勢力を拡大し、推定５０００人規模に膨れ上がった。イラクに転戦する際には、シリアとの国境の抹消までも宣言していた。
The United States has announced a $10 million reward for its leader, who is dubbed the second Osama bin Laden.
指導者は「第２のビンラーディン」とも呼ばれており、米国が１０００万ドルの懸賞金をかけて国際指名手配した。
Imposing strict Islam in seized areas, ISIS militants have killed people for refusing to pledge allegiance to the ISIS. This is a horrific situation from a humanitarian viewpoint. The United Nations has rightly condemned the ISIS, saying the executions were carried out immediately without any legal process. As the turmoil has been spreading, oil prices have begun rising on the market.
ＩＳＩＳは、制圧地域で厳格なイスラム法を適用し、従わない者を殺害している。人道上、極めて問題である。国連が「司法手続きを経ない即決の処刑だ」と非難したのはもっともだ。混乱拡大で、原油価格も上昇し始めた。
Maliki should also be held strictly responsible for having brought about the current situation. He has given preferential treatment to Shiites, who represent the majority of the Iraqi people, in the administration, while persistently driving out their Sunni political opponents.
マリキ首相にもこうした事態を招いた重い責任がある。首相は、国民の多数を占めるシーア派を政権で優遇し、スンニ派の政敵追い落としに固執した。
Morale deteriorating
Even within the military forces and public security organizations, sectarian conflicts have surfaced, undermining the morale of personnel.
軍や治安機関の内部でも宗派対立が顕在化し、士気は低下した。
In the areas attacked by the ISIS, officers and soldiers are said to have fled, discarding their uniforms and equipment. These are the prices Maliki is paying for failing to pursue national reconciliation.
ＩＳＩＳが攻め込んだ地域では、将兵らが制服や装備を投げ出して逃亡したという。
国民融和を怠った首相の統治手法のツケが回った結果である。
It would be difficult for his administration alone to stem the ISIS offensive. For the time being, it is necessary for the international community to support and cooperate with the Maliki administration to avoid further turmoil.
ＩＳＩＳの攻勢をマリキ政権が単独で食い止めるのは困難だろう。当面は、国際社会がマリキ政権を支え、連携して混乱の拡大を回避する必要がある。
Holding the key to such efforts is how the United States reacts to the situation. U.S. President Barack Obama said he would not rule out any options. Later he sent an aircraft carrier to the Persian Gulf, with possible air strikes in mind. But he remains negative about U.S. intervention in the conflict in Iraq and has already ruled out the possibility of putting U.S. troops on the ground there.
カギを握るのは米国の対応だ。オバマ大統領は、「あらゆる選択肢を排除しない」と述べ、空爆も念頭にペルシャ湾へ空母を派遣した。一方で、紛争介入への消極姿勢は変わらず、地上軍投入の可能性を早々に排除した。
Obama was elected to the presidency by advocating the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq and completed their withdrawal in 2011.
オバマ氏は、米軍のイラク撤退を掲げて当選し、２０１１年に撤収を完了させた。
The deteriorating situation in Iraq raises a question for Obama: Has the United States taken sufficient measures to maintain law and order in Iraq following its withdrawal?
イラク情勢の悪化は、撤収後の治安確保の手当てなどが十分だったのかという問いを大統領に突きつけている。
A key point now is how Iran, a major Shiite country neighboring Iraq with a large influence on the Maliki administration, will act. The country is said to be ready to hold direct talks with the United States over assistance to Iraq, despite the fact that the two countries have broken off ties.
シーア派大国で、マリキ政権に影響力を持つ隣国イランの出方も焦点だ。イラク支援をめぐり、断交中の米国とも直接協議する方針という。
Other neighboring countries in the Middle East are urged to present a united front against the ISIS by joining international efforts.
中東の周辺国は、この動きに加わり、対ＩＳＩＳで共闘していくことが求められる。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 17, 2014)
2014年06月17日
（社説）諫早湾干拓 有明海再生は開門から
June 16, 2014
EDITORIAL: Open floodgates to restore the Ariake Sea
（社説）諫早湾干拓 有明海再生は開門から
The government is being forced to pay 490,000 yen (about $4,900) to plaintiffs per day as a penalty because it is not abiding by a finalized court ruling.
確定した判決に従わない政府が、罰として１日あたり４９万円を原告に支払うことになった。
Needless to say, the fine is coming out of taxpayer money. The unbelievable penalty stems from a 2010 Fukuoka High Court ruling.
いうまでもなく、国民の税金である。耳を疑うような公金支出のもとになったのは、２０１０年の福岡高裁判決だった。
In 1997, Nagasaki Prefecture’s Isahaya Bay, located in the western part of the Ariake Sea in the Kyushu region, was closed off from the sea by a wall of floodgates for a government land reclamation project. As a result, a wide area of tidal land disappeared.
舞台は九州・有明海の西部、長崎県の諫早湾。国の干拓事業で１７年前、湾が堤防で閉め切られ、広大な干潟が消えた。
The 2010 court ruling ordered the government to open some of the floodgates within three years to assess the impact the opening will have on the environment in the sea. Though the deadline for the opening came in December 2013, the government has yet to comply.
判決は、有明海の環境変化を見きわめるため、堤防の排水門を３年以内に開くよう命じた。しかし、政府は昨年１２月に期限が来ても開門しなかった。
Subsequently, the plaintiffs, many of whom are engaged in the local fishing industry, filed a petition with a court to require the government to abide by the ruling. As a result, the fine was assessed until the government complied.
そこで原告の漁業者らは裁判所に申し立てをし、判決に従うよう促す強制金が決まった。
Why does the government refuse to comply? The Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries says that the Nagasaki prefectural government and people engaged in farming the reclaimed land are opposed to the opening of the gates.
なぜ判決に従わないのか。地元の長崎県や干拓地の営農者らが開門に反対しているからだ、と農林水産省はいう。
In November 2013, the Nagasaki District Court issued an injunction that sided with the farmers’ request barring the opening of the floodgates. The farmers also filed a petition to force the government to comply with the court's decision. Their demand that the government be forced to pay 490,000 yen to the plaintiffs per day if it opens the gates was also approved by the court.
なるほど、営農者らが訴えた開門差し止めは、昨年１１月に長崎地裁で認められた。営農者らもその決定が守られるよう申し立て、開門すれば政府が１日４９万円を払うことも認められた。
Whether it opens the floodgates or not, the government has to pay a penalty. Saying, “Opening the floodgates or being prohibited from opening the floodgates, we cannot take sides on the two opposing positions,” the government is caught in a dilemma.
どちらに転んでも強制金。「開門と開門禁止。二つの義務の一方には立てない」と、政府は板挟みを演じている。
However, behind the conflicting court rulings is the government’s stubborn stance.
だが、そもそも裁判所の判断が割れた背景には、政府のかたくなな姿勢があった。
The government has yet to acknowledge the causal relationship between the closing of the bay and damage to the local fishing industry. The stance worked to the disadvantage of people engaged in fishing in the hearings at the Nagasaki District Court.
高裁判決が認めた漁業被害と湾閉め切りの因果関係を、政府は今も認めない。それが長崎地裁の審理のなかで漁業者側の不利にはたらいた。
It is futile to spend more time for arguments in courts. It is the time to leave the judicial system for now and turn attention to the situation in the bay.
これ以上、司法論争に時間を費やすのは不毛である。ここは訴訟合戦から一度離れ、現場に目を向けるべきだ。
In the huge reservoir set up in the closed bay, the water quality has deteriorated, where noxious blue-green algae is being generated in large quantities every year. When the water level in the reservoir rises, the water there is discharged outside the closed bay. As a result, the reservoir has become a source of pollution in the Ariake Sea.
干潟をつぶしてできた調整池では水質が悪化し、毎年有毒のアオコが大量発生する。水位が上がると湾へ流すため、池が有明海の汚染源になり果てた。
After the bay was closed, benthos, such as lugworms, decreased sharply in the entire Ariake Sea. Some researchers show that the decrease could be one of the causes of the damage to the fisheries industry.
湾閉め切り後、有明海全域でゴカイなどの底生生物が激減した。これが漁業不振の一因では、と指摘する研究もある。
In 2002, the agriculture ministry opened the floodgates for a short period. Then, the number of benthos increased sharply in less than a month. If seawater is allowed to flow into the reservoir, part of the purification function of the tidal land will be restored. As a result, a way to improve the environment in the reservoir and the Ariake Sea will be gained.
農水省は０２年に短期開門調査をしている。１カ月弱で底生生物は一時的に急増した。池に海水を入れれば、干潟の浄化機能の一部がよみがえり、環境改善のヒントが見えてくるはずだ。
Opponents of opening the gates say that if they are opened, the livelihoods of farmers will be damaged. However, the ministry is showing confidence in measures to prevent adverse effects. If farmers have anxieties over these preventative steps, the ministry will be able to strengthen the measures.
開門反対派は、開門すれば農業に支障が出る、と恐れる。だが、農水省は対策に自信を示している。不安ならば、さらに対策を強化すればいい。
What we cannot understand is the Nagasaki prefectural government's insistence on continuing to refuse even discussions on opening the floodgates. How much longer will it allow the conflict between local people to continue?
理解に苦しむのは、開門の話し合いさえ拒み続ける長崎県の対応だ。地域の対立要因をいつまで放置するつもりなのか。
Now is the time for all the people concerned to combine their wisdom toward the restoration of the environment in the Ariake Sea and reconciliation between local people.
有明海の環境再生と、地元の和解へ向けて関係者全員が真剣に知恵を結集するときだ。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 15
EDITORIAL: Open floodgates to restore the Ariake Sea
（社説）諫早湾干拓 有明海再生は開門から
The government is being forced to pay 490,000 yen (about $4,900) to plaintiffs per day as a penalty because it is not abiding by a finalized court ruling.
確定した判決に従わない政府が、罰として１日あたり４９万円を原告に支払うことになった。
Needless to say, the fine is coming out of taxpayer money. The unbelievable penalty stems from a 2010 Fukuoka High Court ruling.
いうまでもなく、国民の税金である。耳を疑うような公金支出のもとになったのは、２０１０年の福岡高裁判決だった。
In 1997, Nagasaki Prefecture’s Isahaya Bay, located in the western part of the Ariake Sea in the Kyushu region, was closed off from the sea by a wall of floodgates for a government land reclamation project. As a result, a wide area of tidal land disappeared.
舞台は九州・有明海の西部、長崎県の諫早湾。国の干拓事業で１７年前、湾が堤防で閉め切られ、広大な干潟が消えた。
The 2010 court ruling ordered the government to open some of the floodgates within three years to assess the impact the opening will have on the environment in the sea. Though the deadline for the opening came in December 2013, the government has yet to comply.
判決は、有明海の環境変化を見きわめるため、堤防の排水門を３年以内に開くよう命じた。しかし、政府は昨年１２月に期限が来ても開門しなかった。
Subsequently, the plaintiffs, many of whom are engaged in the local fishing industry, filed a petition with a court to require the government to abide by the ruling. As a result, the fine was assessed until the government complied.
そこで原告の漁業者らは裁判所に申し立てをし、判決に従うよう促す強制金が決まった。
Why does the government refuse to comply? The Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries says that the Nagasaki prefectural government and people engaged in farming the reclaimed land are opposed to the opening of the gates.
なぜ判決に従わないのか。地元の長崎県や干拓地の営農者らが開門に反対しているからだ、と農林水産省はいう。
In November 2013, the Nagasaki District Court issued an injunction that sided with the farmers’ request barring the opening of the floodgates. The farmers also filed a petition to force the government to comply with the court's decision. Their demand that the government be forced to pay 490,000 yen to the plaintiffs per day if it opens the gates was also approved by the court.
なるほど、営農者らが訴えた開門差し止めは、昨年１１月に長崎地裁で認められた。営農者らもその決定が守られるよう申し立て、開門すれば政府が１日４９万円を払うことも認められた。
Whether it opens the floodgates or not, the government has to pay a penalty. Saying, “Opening the floodgates or being prohibited from opening the floodgates, we cannot take sides on the two opposing positions,” the government is caught in a dilemma.
どちらに転んでも強制金。「開門と開門禁止。二つの義務の一方には立てない」と、政府は板挟みを演じている。
However, behind the conflicting court rulings is the government’s stubborn stance.
だが、そもそも裁判所の判断が割れた背景には、政府のかたくなな姿勢があった。
The government has yet to acknowledge the causal relationship between the closing of the bay and damage to the local fishing industry. The stance worked to the disadvantage of people engaged in fishing in the hearings at the Nagasaki District Court.
高裁判決が認めた漁業被害と湾閉め切りの因果関係を、政府は今も認めない。それが長崎地裁の審理のなかで漁業者側の不利にはたらいた。
It is futile to spend more time for arguments in courts. It is the time to leave the judicial system for now and turn attention to the situation in the bay.
これ以上、司法論争に時間を費やすのは不毛である。ここは訴訟合戦から一度離れ、現場に目を向けるべきだ。
In the huge reservoir set up in the closed bay, the water quality has deteriorated, where noxious blue-green algae is being generated in large quantities every year. When the water level in the reservoir rises, the water there is discharged outside the closed bay. As a result, the reservoir has become a source of pollution in the Ariake Sea.
干潟をつぶしてできた調整池では水質が悪化し、毎年有毒のアオコが大量発生する。水位が上がると湾へ流すため、池が有明海の汚染源になり果てた。
After the bay was closed, benthos, such as lugworms, decreased sharply in the entire Ariake Sea. Some researchers show that the decrease could be one of the causes of the damage to the fisheries industry.
湾閉め切り後、有明海全域でゴカイなどの底生生物が激減した。これが漁業不振の一因では、と指摘する研究もある。
In 2002, the agriculture ministry opened the floodgates for a short period. Then, the number of benthos increased sharply in less than a month. If seawater is allowed to flow into the reservoir, part of the purification function of the tidal land will be restored. As a result, a way to improve the environment in the reservoir and the Ariake Sea will be gained.
農水省は０２年に短期開門調査をしている。１カ月弱で底生生物は一時的に急増した。池に海水を入れれば、干潟の浄化機能の一部がよみがえり、環境改善のヒントが見えてくるはずだ。
Opponents of opening the gates say that if they are opened, the livelihoods of farmers will be damaged. However, the ministry is showing confidence in measures to prevent adverse effects. If farmers have anxieties over these preventative steps, the ministry will be able to strengthen the measures.
開門反対派は、開門すれば農業に支障が出る、と恐れる。だが、農水省は対策に自信を示している。不安ならば、さらに対策を強化すればいい。
What we cannot understand is the Nagasaki prefectural government's insistence on continuing to refuse even discussions on opening the floodgates. How much longer will it allow the conflict between local people to continue?
理解に苦しむのは、開門の話し合いさえ拒み続ける長崎県の対応だ。地域の対立要因をいつまで放置するつもりなのか。
Now is the time for all the people concerned to combine their wisdom toward the restoration of the environment in the Ariake Sea and reconciliation between local people.
有明海の環境再生と、地元の和解へ向けて関係者全員が真剣に知恵を結集するときだ。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 15
2014年06月16日
公明党と憲法―自民にただ屈するのか
June 14, 2014
EDITORIAL: Defense policy talks test New Komeito’s political integrity
公明党と憲法―自民にただ屈するのか
In talks with the ruling Liberal Democratic Party over Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s initiative to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense, junior coalition partner New Komeito is showing signs of accepting the policy switch if certain conditions are met.
集団的自衛権の与党協議で、公明党が行使容認を前提とした条件闘争に向かっている。
With firm resolution, Abe is pursuing a formal Cabinet endorsement of a change in the government’s traditional interpretation of Article 9 of the Constitution.
憲法解釈を変える閣議決定に向けた安倍首相の意思は固い。
New Komeito has discarded the option of dissolving its alliance with the LDP in order to protect its political integrity.
New Komeito appears to have given up hope of holding its own against the fierce political pressure from its much bigger ally, and has decided to focus on setting strict conditions for supporting Abe’s initiative.
一方で公明党は、連立離脱を自ら封印した。自民党の攻勢に耐えきれそうもないが、せめて厳しい条件はつけておきたい。そんな思いがうかがえる。
No matter what conditions it may set, however, the fact is that New Komeito will endorse Japan’s exercise of the right to collective self-defense if it strikes a deal with the LDP. Compromising on this vital issue could create serious problems for the future. The party leadership should be aware of the huge political implications of its decision on this issue.
だが、どんな条件をつけたところで、集団的自衛権を認めることに変わりはない。妥協は将来に禍根を残す。公明党はその重みを肝に銘じるべきだ。
During talks between the two parties on June 13, Masahiko Komura, who represents the LDP side, proposed “three requirements” for Japan’s involvement in collective self-defense operations.
きのうの与党協議で、自民党の高村正彦座長が、日本が自衛権を発動するための新しい「３要件」の私案を示した。
Komura’s personal proposal would change the first of the three requirements the LDP has suggested, which says that there should be urgent and unjust aggression against Japan.
いまの３要件のうち、「我が国に対する急迫不正の侵害があること」という第一の要件を、次のように改めるという。
The first requirement as proposed by Komura says: “An armed attack against Japan has started or an armed attack against another country has started and as a result there are concerns that Japan’s existence could be threatened and that the Japanese people’s right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness could be fundamentally violated.”
「我が国に対する武力攻撃が発生したこと、または他国に対する武力攻撃が発生し、これにより我が国の存立が脅かされ、国民の生命、自由及び幸福追求の権利が根底から覆されるおそれがあること」
This proposal goes far beyond the “limited use” of the right indicated by the LDP. It could end up paving the way for the use of the nation’s right to collective self-defense in a wide range of situations.
自民党が主張する「限定容認」どころではない。集団的自衛権がかなり広範囲に認められることになりかねない。
The phrase that the people’s right could be “fundamentally violated” has been inserted in response to New Komeito’s argument.
後段にある、国民の生命などが「根底から覆される」というくだりは、公明党の考えを踏まえて盛り込まれた。
This phrase was originally a part of the government’s 1972 statement, which said Japan is not allowed to exercise its right to collective self-defense. Komura has used an expression that was once used to describe a situation that allows Japan to exercise its right to individual self-defense in a cunning way that is useful for his purpose.
もともとは「集団的自衛権の行使は許されない」と結論づけた７２年の政府見解の一部だ。個別の自衛権を認める前提として使われていた表現を、都合よく援用しているにすぎない。
New Komeito believes that strict observance of the requirement would ensure that Japan’s actual use of the right to collective self-defense will be almost limited to situations in which U.S. warships carrying Japanese citizens for evacuation need protection.
公明党は、これが厳格に守られれば、集団的自衛権として実際に認められるのは、避難する日本人を乗せた米艦の防護にほぼ限られると見る。
But Komura’s proposal leaves room for a broader interpretation of the rule by containing the term “concerns” with regard to the possibility of the people’s right being “fundamentally violated.”
ただし高村私案は、「根底から覆される」に「おそれ」をつけて、拡大解釈の余地を残している。
New Komeito is opposed to this potential loophole. The party is apparently trying to score at least some political points against the LDP by setting strict conditions.
この抜け穴に、公明党は反発する。なんとか一矢を報いたいということなのだろう。
Even so, there is no denying that New Komeito, if it accepts the LDP’s proposal, will help the Abe administration to change the government’s constitutional interpretation at will.
だとしても、政権が意のままに憲法解釈を変えることに手を貸すのは間違いない。
Imagine what could happen if this kind of departure from the rule of law is tolerated.
そんな「法の支配」からの逸脱が許されれば、どうなるか。
Isao Iijima, special Cabinet adviser, recently indicated the possibility of a change in the government’s interpretation about the constitutional principle of the separation of religion and politics. It was a thinly veiled warning to New Komeito, which is backed by the lay Buddhist organization Soka Gakkai.
飯島勲内閣官房参与が公明党と創価学会との関係をとらえ、憲法の「政教分離」についての政府見解は変わりうると、におわせた。
Iijima’s remark is tantamount to the declaration that the powers that be might be free to change the official interpretation of not just the war-renouncing Article 9, but any other part of the Constitution that they don’t like.
時の権力者が気に入らなければ、９条以外の解釈にも手をつけない保証はない。こう自ら明らかにしたようなものだ。
Does New Komeito still intend to go along with the LDP’s attempt to force through an effective amendment to the Constitution?
公明党は、それでもついて行くというのか。自民党の力ずくの憲法改変に。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 14
EDITORIAL: Defense policy talks test New Komeito’s political integrity
公明党と憲法―自民にただ屈するのか
In talks with the ruling Liberal Democratic Party over Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s initiative to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense, junior coalition partner New Komeito is showing signs of accepting the policy switch if certain conditions are met.
集団的自衛権の与党協議で、公明党が行使容認を前提とした条件闘争に向かっている。
With firm resolution, Abe is pursuing a formal Cabinet endorsement of a change in the government’s traditional interpretation of Article 9 of the Constitution.
憲法解釈を変える閣議決定に向けた安倍首相の意思は固い。
New Komeito has discarded the option of dissolving its alliance with the LDP in order to protect its political integrity.
New Komeito appears to have given up hope of holding its own against the fierce political pressure from its much bigger ally, and has decided to focus on setting strict conditions for supporting Abe’s initiative.
一方で公明党は、連立離脱を自ら封印した。自民党の攻勢に耐えきれそうもないが、せめて厳しい条件はつけておきたい。そんな思いがうかがえる。
No matter what conditions it may set, however, the fact is that New Komeito will endorse Japan’s exercise of the right to collective self-defense if it strikes a deal with the LDP. Compromising on this vital issue could create serious problems for the future. The party leadership should be aware of the huge political implications of its decision on this issue.
だが、どんな条件をつけたところで、集団的自衛権を認めることに変わりはない。妥協は将来に禍根を残す。公明党はその重みを肝に銘じるべきだ。
During talks between the two parties on June 13, Masahiko Komura, who represents the LDP side, proposed “three requirements” for Japan’s involvement in collective self-defense operations.
きのうの与党協議で、自民党の高村正彦座長が、日本が自衛権を発動するための新しい「３要件」の私案を示した。
Komura’s personal proposal would change the first of the three requirements the LDP has suggested, which says that there should be urgent and unjust aggression against Japan.
いまの３要件のうち、「我が国に対する急迫不正の侵害があること」という第一の要件を、次のように改めるという。
The first requirement as proposed by Komura says: “An armed attack against Japan has started or an armed attack against another country has started and as a result there are concerns that Japan’s existence could be threatened and that the Japanese people’s right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness could be fundamentally violated.”
「我が国に対する武力攻撃が発生したこと、または他国に対する武力攻撃が発生し、これにより我が国の存立が脅かされ、国民の生命、自由及び幸福追求の権利が根底から覆されるおそれがあること」
This proposal goes far beyond the “limited use” of the right indicated by the LDP. It could end up paving the way for the use of the nation’s right to collective self-defense in a wide range of situations.
自民党が主張する「限定容認」どころではない。集団的自衛権がかなり広範囲に認められることになりかねない。
The phrase that the people’s right could be “fundamentally violated” has been inserted in response to New Komeito’s argument.
後段にある、国民の生命などが「根底から覆される」というくだりは、公明党の考えを踏まえて盛り込まれた。
This phrase was originally a part of the government’s 1972 statement, which said Japan is not allowed to exercise its right to collective self-defense. Komura has used an expression that was once used to describe a situation that allows Japan to exercise its right to individual self-defense in a cunning way that is useful for his purpose.
もともとは「集団的自衛権の行使は許されない」と結論づけた７２年の政府見解の一部だ。個別の自衛権を認める前提として使われていた表現を、都合よく援用しているにすぎない。
New Komeito believes that strict observance of the requirement would ensure that Japan’s actual use of the right to collective self-defense will be almost limited to situations in which U.S. warships carrying Japanese citizens for evacuation need protection.
公明党は、これが厳格に守られれば、集団的自衛権として実際に認められるのは、避難する日本人を乗せた米艦の防護にほぼ限られると見る。
But Komura’s proposal leaves room for a broader interpretation of the rule by containing the term “concerns” with regard to the possibility of the people’s right being “fundamentally violated.”
ただし高村私案は、「根底から覆される」に「おそれ」をつけて、拡大解釈の余地を残している。
New Komeito is opposed to this potential loophole. The party is apparently trying to score at least some political points against the LDP by setting strict conditions.
この抜け穴に、公明党は反発する。なんとか一矢を報いたいということなのだろう。
Even so, there is no denying that New Komeito, if it accepts the LDP’s proposal, will help the Abe administration to change the government’s constitutional interpretation at will.
だとしても、政権が意のままに憲法解釈を変えることに手を貸すのは間違いない。
Imagine what could happen if this kind of departure from the rule of law is tolerated.
そんな「法の支配」からの逸脱が許されれば、どうなるか。
Isao Iijima, special Cabinet adviser, recently indicated the possibility of a change in the government’s interpretation about the constitutional principle of the separation of religion and politics. It was a thinly veiled warning to New Komeito, which is backed by the lay Buddhist organization Soka Gakkai.
飯島勲内閣官房参与が公明党と創価学会との関係をとらえ、憲法の「政教分離」についての政府見解は変わりうると、におわせた。
Iijima’s remark is tantamount to the declaration that the powers that be might be free to change the official interpretation of not just the war-renouncing Article 9, but any other part of the Constitution that they don’t like.
時の権力者が気に入らなければ、９条以外の解釈にも手をつけない保証はない。こう自ら明らかにしたようなものだ。
Does New Komeito still intend to go along with the LDP’s attempt to force through an effective amendment to the Constitution?
公明党は、それでもついて行くというのか。自民党の力ずくの憲法改変に。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 14
2014年06月13日
自民農協改革案 全中の指導体制温存を許すな
The Yomiuri Shimbun
JA-Zenchu structure must not emerge unscathed from LDP reform plan
自民農協改革案 全中の指導体制温存を許すな
How can the JA Group of agricultural cooperatives be drastically overhauled to reenergize Japan’s farming industry? This reform process is about to face a moment of truth.
日本農業の再生に向けて、農業協同組合（ＪＡ）グループの抜本的な改革をどう実現するか。正念場はこれからだ。
The Liberal Democratic Party has completed its agricultural reform plan. The centerpieces of the plan are revamping the leadership of regional agricultural cooperatives, which is currently concentrated in the hands of the Central Union of Agricultural Cooperatives (JA-Zenchu), and shifting JA-Zenchu’s structure to a new setup.
自民党が農業改革案をまとめた。全国農業協同組合中央会（ＪＡ全中）を頂点とした地域農協に対する指導体制を改め、全中を新たな組織へと移行させることが柱である。
In response to criticism that the group’s all-encompassing administrative leadership has sapped the motivation of producers, the LDP’s plan would restrict JA-Zenchu’s role to collating the wishes and purposes of agricultural cooperatives, as well as liaising and coordinating among them.
自民党案は、画一的な経営指導が生産現場の意欲を損なってきたとの批判を受けて、全中の役割を地域農協の意思集約や連絡・調整に限定するとした。
The reforms aim to end JA-Zenchu’s excessive intervention into the affairs of regional cooperatives, and promote the switch to a more “proactive” form of farming that gives greater play to the self-initiative of farmers. We think the direction of the plan makes sense.
全中による地域農協への過度な介入をやめさせ、自主性を生かした「攻めの農業」への転換を促す改革の方向性は妥当だろう。
The LDP plans to solidify details, such as the group’s new structure after the JA group reviews its organizational makeup, and revise the Agricultural Cooperatives Law and other laws during next year’s ordinary Diet session.
自民党は具体的な組織の在り方などについては、ＪＡグループ内の検討も踏まえてさらに詰め、来年の通常国会で農協法などの改正を図るとしている。
However, it is disconcerting that essential elements of the reforms remain undecided.
気がかりなのは、改革の肝心な部分が固まっていないことだ。
Last month, the government’s Regulatory Reform Council proposed that JA-Zenchu be abolished. JA-Zenchu vehemently opposed the idea, stating the move would “lead to the dismantlement of the JA Group.” We cannot escape concerns that the LDP reform plan could be watered down due to such fierce backlash from JA-Zenchu.
先月、政府の規制改革会議は全中の廃止案を打ち出した。これに対し、全中は「ＪＡグループの解体につながる」と、猛反発した。自民党の改革案が今後、全中の巻き返しによって「骨抜き」にされる懸念は拭えない。
Actions must eclipse titles
One idea being floated was to change JA-Zenchu’s status from a corporate body based on the Agricultural Cooperatives Law to a general incorporated association. But simply changing its status while it retains powerful influence over regional agricultural cooperatives will not improve the effectiveness of the reform.
全中を農協法に基づく法人から一般社団法人などに移行させる案も浮上しているが、地域農協への強い影響力が温存されれば改革の実効性は上がるまい。
It remains unclear how the LDP will handle JA-Zenchu’s levy system, through which \8 billion is collected annually for operating expenses from agricultural cooperatives and other sources nationwide.
全中が地域農協などから年間８０億円の運営費を上納させている賦課金制度の扱いも不透明だ。
We think legal revisions should be made to abolish this collection system for vast sums of money that, along with JA-Zenchu’s extensive administrative authority based on the Agricultural Cooperatives Law, form the base of its power.
農協法に基づく強い経営指導権とともに、全中の権力基盤となっている多額の集金システムを、法改正で廃止すべきである。
In the reform plan, the LDP said it would “positively consider” converting the group’s National Federation of Agricultural Cooperative Associations (JA Zen-Noh), which runs a shipping and sales network for products grown by farmers, into a stock company.
自民党案は、農作物の集荷や販売を担う全国農業協同組合連合会（ＪＡ全農）の株式会社化を「前向きに検討する」とした。
It is a reasonable objective to support closer ties between JA Zen-Noh and companies through such means as mergers and acquisitions as well as expanding their operations through diversified capital procurement.
資金調達の多様化による事業拡大や、合併・買収（Ｍ＆Ａ）の手法も使った企業との連携強化を後押しする狙いは適切だ。
Steadily implementing reforms in areas other than the cooperatives will also be needed. The LDP plan included a call to raise the cap on business investment in agricultural production corporations from “25 percent or less” to “less than 50 percent.”
農協以外の改革も着実に進める必要がある。自民党案は、農業生産法人に対する企業の出資制限を「２５％以下」から「５０％未満」に緩和することも盛り込んだ。
About 400,000 hectares of arable farmland in Japan has been abandoned, an area equivalent to all of Shiga Prefecture. We expect the involvement of more companies in agriculture will result in more effective use of farmland and more efficient management of the farming industry.
国内の耕作放棄地は滋賀県の広さに相当する４０万ヘクタールに上る。企業参入による農地の有効利用と、農業経営の効率化に期待したい。
Negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade deal are within grasping distance of a major agreement. The nation cannot afford to put off strengthening the competitiveness of its agricultural sector. Japan must quickly implement agricultural reforms that reward motivated farmers.
環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）交渉も大詰めの段階で、日本農業の競争力強化は待ったなしである。意欲ある農家が報われる農業改革を急がねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 11, 2014)
JA-Zenchu structure must not emerge unscathed from LDP reform plan
自民農協改革案 全中の指導体制温存を許すな
How can the JA Group of agricultural cooperatives be drastically overhauled to reenergize Japan’s farming industry? This reform process is about to face a moment of truth.
日本農業の再生に向けて、農業協同組合（ＪＡ）グループの抜本的な改革をどう実現するか。正念場はこれからだ。
The Liberal Democratic Party has completed its agricultural reform plan. The centerpieces of the plan are revamping the leadership of regional agricultural cooperatives, which is currently concentrated in the hands of the Central Union of Agricultural Cooperatives (JA-Zenchu), and shifting JA-Zenchu’s structure to a new setup.
自民党が農業改革案をまとめた。全国農業協同組合中央会（ＪＡ全中）を頂点とした地域農協に対する指導体制を改め、全中を新たな組織へと移行させることが柱である。
In response to criticism that the group’s all-encompassing administrative leadership has sapped the motivation of producers, the LDP’s plan would restrict JA-Zenchu’s role to collating the wishes and purposes of agricultural cooperatives, as well as liaising and coordinating among them.
自民党案は、画一的な経営指導が生産現場の意欲を損なってきたとの批判を受けて、全中の役割を地域農協の意思集約や連絡・調整に限定するとした。
The reforms aim to end JA-Zenchu’s excessive intervention into the affairs of regional cooperatives, and promote the switch to a more “proactive” form of farming that gives greater play to the self-initiative of farmers. We think the direction of the plan makes sense.
全中による地域農協への過度な介入をやめさせ、自主性を生かした「攻めの農業」への転換を促す改革の方向性は妥当だろう。
The LDP plans to solidify details, such as the group’s new structure after the JA group reviews its organizational makeup, and revise the Agricultural Cooperatives Law and other laws during next year’s ordinary Diet session.
自民党は具体的な組織の在り方などについては、ＪＡグループ内の検討も踏まえてさらに詰め、来年の通常国会で農協法などの改正を図るとしている。
However, it is disconcerting that essential elements of the reforms remain undecided.
気がかりなのは、改革の肝心な部分が固まっていないことだ。
Last month, the government’s Regulatory Reform Council proposed that JA-Zenchu be abolished. JA-Zenchu vehemently opposed the idea, stating the move would “lead to the dismantlement of the JA Group.” We cannot escape concerns that the LDP reform plan could be watered down due to such fierce backlash from JA-Zenchu.
先月、政府の規制改革会議は全中の廃止案を打ち出した。これに対し、全中は「ＪＡグループの解体につながる」と、猛反発した。自民党の改革案が今後、全中の巻き返しによって「骨抜き」にされる懸念は拭えない。
Actions must eclipse titles
One idea being floated was to change JA-Zenchu’s status from a corporate body based on the Agricultural Cooperatives Law to a general incorporated association. But simply changing its status while it retains powerful influence over regional agricultural cooperatives will not improve the effectiveness of the reform.
全中を農協法に基づく法人から一般社団法人などに移行させる案も浮上しているが、地域農協への強い影響力が温存されれば改革の実効性は上がるまい。
It remains unclear how the LDP will handle JA-Zenchu’s levy system, through which \8 billion is collected annually for operating expenses from agricultural cooperatives and other sources nationwide.
全中が地域農協などから年間８０億円の運営費を上納させている賦課金制度の扱いも不透明だ。
We think legal revisions should be made to abolish this collection system for vast sums of money that, along with JA-Zenchu’s extensive administrative authority based on the Agricultural Cooperatives Law, form the base of its power.
農協法に基づく強い経営指導権とともに、全中の権力基盤となっている多額の集金システムを、法改正で廃止すべきである。
In the reform plan, the LDP said it would “positively consider” converting the group’s National Federation of Agricultural Cooperative Associations (JA Zen-Noh), which runs a shipping and sales network for products grown by farmers, into a stock company.
自民党案は、農作物の集荷や販売を担う全国農業協同組合連合会（ＪＡ全農）の株式会社化を「前向きに検討する」とした。
It is a reasonable objective to support closer ties between JA Zen-Noh and companies through such means as mergers and acquisitions as well as expanding their operations through diversified capital procurement.
資金調達の多様化による事業拡大や、合併・買収（Ｍ＆Ａ）の手法も使った企業との連携強化を後押しする狙いは適切だ。
Steadily implementing reforms in areas other than the cooperatives will also be needed. The LDP plan included a call to raise the cap on business investment in agricultural production corporations from “25 percent or less” to “less than 50 percent.”
農協以外の改革も着実に進める必要がある。自民党案は、農業生産法人に対する企業の出資制限を「２５％以下」から「５０％未満」に緩和することも盛り込んだ。
About 400,000 hectares of arable farmland in Japan has been abandoned, an area equivalent to all of Shiga Prefecture. We expect the involvement of more companies in agriculture will result in more effective use of farmland and more efficient management of the farming industry.
国内の耕作放棄地は滋賀県の広さに相当する４０万ヘクタールに上る。企業参入による農地の有効利用と、農業経営の効率化に期待したい。
Negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade deal are within grasping distance of a major agreement. The nation cannot afford to put off strengthening the competitiveness of its agricultural sector. Japan must quickly implement agricultural reforms that reward motivated farmers.
環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）交渉も大詰めの段階で、日本農業の競争力強化は待ったなしである。意欲ある農家が報われる農業改革を急がねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 11, 2014)