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2015年09月20日
社説：安保転換を問う 安全保障法成立
September 19, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: Diet distorts Constitution by passing security bills into law
社説：安保転換を問う 安全保障法成立
◇憲法ゆがめた国会の罪
The Diet's enactment of the security-related legislation, opening the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense, has raised serious questions about the fate of Japan's democratic politics. Numerous members of the public, including those who staged demonstrations against the legislation in front of the Diet building and elsewhere, undoubtedly have questions over the legislation, feel angry and are worried about the laws.
日本の民主政治は一体どうなってしまうのか。国会周辺を中心に全国各地で反対デモを続ける人々だけでなく、多くの国民が疑問や怒り、そして不安を感じているだろう。
The House of Councillors passed the bills, which will drastically change Japan's basic national policy that the country has nurtured since the end of World War II, into law at a plenary session without addressing numerous questions and inconsistencies.
戦後築いてきた国のかたちを大きく変える安全保障関連法案が与党などの賛成多数により参院本会議で可決され、成立した。数々の疑問や矛盾点を置き去りにしたまま、
With the enactment of the legislation, Japan can exercise the right to collective self-defense, and the overseas activities of the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) will be drastically expanded.
これで集団的自衛権の行使が認められ、自衛隊の海外での活動が拡大する。
Ruling coalition legislators, who belong to the legislative branch of the government, would not listen to the opinions of constitutional scholars and other experts who raised suspicions that the legislation violates the Constitution, which is the country's supreme law.
しかも、この法案は国の最高法規である憲法に違反している疑いが極めて濃いにもかかわらず、その指摘に立法府に属している与党議員が耳を傾けようともしなかった。今回の特異さはそこにある。
◇言論封じる言論の府
Yoshitada Konoike, chairman of the upper house special committee on the legislation, was quoted as saying that "I thought that there were so many flawed answers" that officials of the executive branch gave to questions during deliberations on the bills. Konoike made the remark after the panel railroaded the bills on Sept. 17 amid confusion. The minute of the session only states, "Impossible to hear" what the chairman and other members said during voting because of the confusion.
「どうしても不備な（政府）答弁が目立った気がする」
議事録も「聴取不能」としか残せないような大混乱の中で１７日、参院特別委員会での強行採決に踏み切った鴻池祥肇委員長（自民党）は採決後、こう語ったという。
One cannot help but wonder how many ruling coalition legislators can proudly say the Diet had thorough debate on the bills.
これで議論を尽くしたと胸を張れる与党議員はどれだけいるだろうか。
The governing bloc not only unilaterally terminated deliberations at the committee but also submitted and passed a motion calling for limiting the time for debate on censure motions and other resolutions that opposition parties submitted in a bid to block the passage of the bills at a plenary session.
審議を一方的に打ち切っただけではない。与党はその後の参院本会議で野党が提出した問責決議案などに対する討論を時間制限する動議まで出して可決した。
In other words, the citadel of discourse suppressed debate. The ruling coalition acted as if to say opposition parties should stop useless resistance because ruling coalition legislators far outnumber those from opposition parties.
「言論の府」自らが言論を封じ込める。それは「与党の数が上回っているのだから無駄な抵抗はやめろ」と言わんばかりの姿勢だった。
Opposition parties attempted to block the move to pass the bills into law by also submitting a no-confidence motion against the Cabinet of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to the House of Representatives. However, legislators from the ruling bloc obviously felt they were simply waiting as time passed.
野党は衆院でも内閣不信任決議案を提出するなど抵抗を試みたが、与党議員からすれば時間が経過するのをひたすら待つという心境だったろう。
Throughout Diet deliberations, the Abe government maintained its self-righteous attitude with which it dismissed any opposition and opinions calling for prudence in enacting the legislation.
結局、安倍政権はこうした異論や慎重論を封じ込める独善的な姿勢に終始したといっていい。
Numerous members of the general public are dissatisfied with and worried about the Abe administration's high-handed manner in which it dealt with the bills and the Diet that failed to stop the government's move as well as the contents of the laws.
国民の多くは今回の法律の中身とともに、安倍政権の強引な手法と、それを食い止めることができなかった国会に強い不満や不安を感じているはずだ。
It was one of Prime Minister Abe's long-cherished goals to open the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense. The move leading up to the enactment of the security legislation began in summer 2014 when the Abe Cabinet reversed the government's longstanding interpretation of the war-renouncing Constitution as banning Japan from exercising this right.
集団的自衛権の行使容認は安倍晋三首相の長年の悲願であり、今回は昨夏、集団的自衛権の行使は違憲だとしてきた歴代内閣の憲法解釈を、強引に覆したことに始まる。
However, constitutional scholars and other experts pointed out one after another that the security bills are unconstitutional and public opposition to the bills intensified. However, the prime minister and other top government officials responded by only citing the 1959 Supreme Court ruling on the so-called Sunagawa Incident, in which the top court said Japan inherently has the right to self-defense, and other views, but failed to provide any convincing counter-argument to critics.
だが、憲法違反だと憲法学者ら多くの専門家が批判し、反対世論が一段と強まったのに対し、首相らは砂川事件の最高裁判決（１９５９年）などを持ち出すだけで、最後まで説得力のある反論ができなかった。
Article 98 of the Constitution stipulates that the Constitution is "the supreme law of the nation," and that no law contrary to the Constitution "shall have legal force or validity." The prime minister and other top government officials should know this. However, Yosuke Isozaki, an adviser to the prime minister who played a leading role in developing the legislation, stated that "legal stability is irrelevant."
憲法９８条は憲法は国の最高法規であり、それに反する法律は効力を有しないと明記している。当然、それは承知しているはずだが、首相の側近で今回の法整備をリードしてきた礒崎陽輔首相補佐官は「法的安定性は関係ない」と語った。
This remark by Isozaki apparently reflects the true intentions of the Abe government. It is no exaggeration to say the administration went beyond the bounds of its authority as the executive branch and distorted the Constitution. Ruling coalition legislators went along with the move without raising questions. Komeito, the LDP's junior ruling coalition partner, also bears serious responsibility as it helped quickly enact the legislation while being aware that some of the party's supporters were opposing the bills.
再三指摘してきたように、この発言こそが安倍政権の本音だったろう。政権は行政権の範囲を逸脱し、憲法をゆがめたといっていい。そして与党議員もそれに疑いをはさむことなく追認した。自民党のみならず、支持者の一部にも反対論が出ているのを知っていながら成立を急いだ公明党の責任も重い。
◇安倍手法を自公後押し
Article 99 of the Constitution states that the Emperor or the Regent as well as Cabinet ministers, Diet members, judges and all other public servants "have the obligation to respect and uphold the Constitution." It is the basic principle of constitutionalism that the Constitution is not something that binds members of the public but something that restrains those in power and prevents them from abusing their power.
さらに憲法９９条は、憲法を尊重し擁護する義務を負うのは、天皇または摂政、国務大臣、国会議員、裁判官、その他の公務員だと記している。憲法を守る義務があるのは首相や国会議員らだということだ。憲法は国民を縛るものではなく、権力側を制限し、その独走、暴走を防ぐためにあるというのが立憲主義の基本的な考え方である。
However, a draft of a new Constitution that the LDP worked out in 2012 states that the people should be aware that their freedom and rights are accompanied by duties and responsibilities and must not run counter to public good and public order.
これに対して自民党が２０１２年に決定した憲法改正草案には「（国民は）自由及び権利には責任及び義務が伴うことを自覚し、常に公益及び公の秩序に反してはならない」などとある。
The LDP's tendency to place priority on the state over individuals' rights has been growing since Prime Minister Abe returned to power in late 2012. The enactment of the Act on the Protection of Specially Designated Secrets in 2013 and the security legislation is part of this tendency.
第２次安倍政権発足後、自民党には個人の権利よりも国家を優先する傾向が一段と強まっているのは間違いない。一昨年成立した特定秘密保護法も今回の法整備もそうした流れの中にある。
Diet deliberations on the security bills failed to clarify the criteria for cases in which Japan can deploy Self-Defense Forces (SDF) troops overseas under the legislation.
今回の法律で自衛隊の海外派遣はどんな場合に認められるのか。審議を重ねても基準はあいまいなままだった。
In other words, such decisions are left largely to the discretion of the executive branch of the government.
要するに政府の判断に委ねられる範囲が極めて大きいということだ。
Needless to say, the procedure for gaining approval of overseas deployment of SDF personnel from the Diet is of great importance.
言うまでもなく今後は国会の承認手続きも重要となる。
However, serious questions remain as to whether the legislative branch can check whether dispatching SDF personnel overseas is appropriate in each mission, considering the way legislators deliberated the bills.
だが今のような国会できちんとチェックできるのか。疑問が深まるのは当然だ。
In 1960, the Diet ratified revisions to the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty while fierce demonstrations against the move were staged outside the Diet building, just like the latest enactment of the security legislation. After then Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi, Abe's grandfather, stepped down, his successor Hayato Ikeda pledged to double the people's income, shifting the government's emphasis from security to economic growth.
６０年の日米安全保障条約改定も激しい反対デモが国会を取り巻く中で承認された。そして首相の祖父である当時の岸信介首相が退陣した後、政権に就いた池田勇人首相は「所得倍増計画」を打ち出し、安保から経済重視への転換を図ってみせた。
Prime Minister Abe is expected to emphasize that his government will again attach importance to economic policies.
安倍首相も今後、再び経済政策重視をアピールしていくと思われる。
The prime minister and the ruling coalition made haste to enact the security legislation for fear that if deliberations on the bills continued until shortly before the summer 2016 upper house election, it would adversely affect the governing bloc's chance of winning the race.
来年夏には参院選がある。今回、首相や与党が成立を急いだのは、参院選の直近まで審議が続いて選挙戦に影響するのを避けたかったからでもある。
The coalition apparently wants members of the public to forget the security legislation as soon as possible.
国民には早く忘れてほしいというのが本音であろう。
All the more because of this, members of the public must not forget legislators who helped the government recklessly move to enact the legislation by force of numbers.
だからこそ私たちは、数の力で政権の独走を後押しした議員たちを忘れてはならないのである。
毎日新聞 2015年09月19日 02時30分
Editorial: Diet distorts Constitution by passing security bills into law
社説：安保転換を問う 安全保障法成立
◇憲法ゆがめた国会の罪
The Diet's enactment of the security-related legislation, opening the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense, has raised serious questions about the fate of Japan's democratic politics. Numerous members of the public, including those who staged demonstrations against the legislation in front of the Diet building and elsewhere, undoubtedly have questions over the legislation, feel angry and are worried about the laws.
日本の民主政治は一体どうなってしまうのか。国会周辺を中心に全国各地で反対デモを続ける人々だけでなく、多くの国民が疑問や怒り、そして不安を感じているだろう。
The House of Councillors passed the bills, which will drastically change Japan's basic national policy that the country has nurtured since the end of World War II, into law at a plenary session without addressing numerous questions and inconsistencies.
戦後築いてきた国のかたちを大きく変える安全保障関連法案が与党などの賛成多数により参院本会議で可決され、成立した。数々の疑問や矛盾点を置き去りにしたまま、
With the enactment of the legislation, Japan can exercise the right to collective self-defense, and the overseas activities of the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) will be drastically expanded.
これで集団的自衛権の行使が認められ、自衛隊の海外での活動が拡大する。
Ruling coalition legislators, who belong to the legislative branch of the government, would not listen to the opinions of constitutional scholars and other experts who raised suspicions that the legislation violates the Constitution, which is the country's supreme law.
しかも、この法案は国の最高法規である憲法に違反している疑いが極めて濃いにもかかわらず、その指摘に立法府に属している与党議員が耳を傾けようともしなかった。今回の特異さはそこにある。
◇言論封じる言論の府
Yoshitada Konoike, chairman of the upper house special committee on the legislation, was quoted as saying that "I thought that there were so many flawed answers" that officials of the executive branch gave to questions during deliberations on the bills. Konoike made the remark after the panel railroaded the bills on Sept. 17 amid confusion. The minute of the session only states, "Impossible to hear" what the chairman and other members said during voting because of the confusion.
「どうしても不備な（政府）答弁が目立った気がする」
議事録も「聴取不能」としか残せないような大混乱の中で１７日、参院特別委員会での強行採決に踏み切った鴻池祥肇委員長（自民党）は採決後、こう語ったという。
One cannot help but wonder how many ruling coalition legislators can proudly say the Diet had thorough debate on the bills.
これで議論を尽くしたと胸を張れる与党議員はどれだけいるだろうか。
The governing bloc not only unilaterally terminated deliberations at the committee but also submitted and passed a motion calling for limiting the time for debate on censure motions and other resolutions that opposition parties submitted in a bid to block the passage of the bills at a plenary session.
審議を一方的に打ち切っただけではない。与党はその後の参院本会議で野党が提出した問責決議案などに対する討論を時間制限する動議まで出して可決した。
In other words, the citadel of discourse suppressed debate. The ruling coalition acted as if to say opposition parties should stop useless resistance because ruling coalition legislators far outnumber those from opposition parties.
「言論の府」自らが言論を封じ込める。それは「与党の数が上回っているのだから無駄な抵抗はやめろ」と言わんばかりの姿勢だった。
Opposition parties attempted to block the move to pass the bills into law by also submitting a no-confidence motion against the Cabinet of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to the House of Representatives. However, legislators from the ruling bloc obviously felt they were simply waiting as time passed.
野党は衆院でも内閣不信任決議案を提出するなど抵抗を試みたが、与党議員からすれば時間が経過するのをひたすら待つという心境だったろう。
Throughout Diet deliberations, the Abe government maintained its self-righteous attitude with which it dismissed any opposition and opinions calling for prudence in enacting the legislation.
結局、安倍政権はこうした異論や慎重論を封じ込める独善的な姿勢に終始したといっていい。
Numerous members of the general public are dissatisfied with and worried about the Abe administration's high-handed manner in which it dealt with the bills and the Diet that failed to stop the government's move as well as the contents of the laws.
国民の多くは今回の法律の中身とともに、安倍政権の強引な手法と、それを食い止めることができなかった国会に強い不満や不安を感じているはずだ。
It was one of Prime Minister Abe's long-cherished goals to open the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense. The move leading up to the enactment of the security legislation began in summer 2014 when the Abe Cabinet reversed the government's longstanding interpretation of the war-renouncing Constitution as banning Japan from exercising this right.
集団的自衛権の行使容認は安倍晋三首相の長年の悲願であり、今回は昨夏、集団的自衛権の行使は違憲だとしてきた歴代内閣の憲法解釈を、強引に覆したことに始まる。
However, constitutional scholars and other experts pointed out one after another that the security bills are unconstitutional and public opposition to the bills intensified. However, the prime minister and other top government officials responded by only citing the 1959 Supreme Court ruling on the so-called Sunagawa Incident, in which the top court said Japan inherently has the right to self-defense, and other views, but failed to provide any convincing counter-argument to critics.
だが、憲法違反だと憲法学者ら多くの専門家が批判し、反対世論が一段と強まったのに対し、首相らは砂川事件の最高裁判決（１９５９年）などを持ち出すだけで、最後まで説得力のある反論ができなかった。
Article 98 of the Constitution stipulates that the Constitution is "the supreme law of the nation," and that no law contrary to the Constitution "shall have legal force or validity." The prime minister and other top government officials should know this. However, Yosuke Isozaki, an adviser to the prime minister who played a leading role in developing the legislation, stated that "legal stability is irrelevant."
憲法９８条は憲法は国の最高法規であり、それに反する法律は効力を有しないと明記している。当然、それは承知しているはずだが、首相の側近で今回の法整備をリードしてきた礒崎陽輔首相補佐官は「法的安定性は関係ない」と語った。
This remark by Isozaki apparently reflects the true intentions of the Abe government. It is no exaggeration to say the administration went beyond the bounds of its authority as the executive branch and distorted the Constitution. Ruling coalition legislators went along with the move without raising questions. Komeito, the LDP's junior ruling coalition partner, also bears serious responsibility as it helped quickly enact the legislation while being aware that some of the party's supporters were opposing the bills.
再三指摘してきたように、この発言こそが安倍政権の本音だったろう。政権は行政権の範囲を逸脱し、憲法をゆがめたといっていい。そして与党議員もそれに疑いをはさむことなく追認した。自民党のみならず、支持者の一部にも反対論が出ているのを知っていながら成立を急いだ公明党の責任も重い。
◇安倍手法を自公後押し
Article 99 of the Constitution states that the Emperor or the Regent as well as Cabinet ministers, Diet members, judges and all other public servants "have the obligation to respect and uphold the Constitution." It is the basic principle of constitutionalism that the Constitution is not something that binds members of the public but something that restrains those in power and prevents them from abusing their power.
さらに憲法９９条は、憲法を尊重し擁護する義務を負うのは、天皇または摂政、国務大臣、国会議員、裁判官、その他の公務員だと記している。憲法を守る義務があるのは首相や国会議員らだということだ。憲法は国民を縛るものではなく、権力側を制限し、その独走、暴走を防ぐためにあるというのが立憲主義の基本的な考え方である。
However, a draft of a new Constitution that the LDP worked out in 2012 states that the people should be aware that their freedom and rights are accompanied by duties and responsibilities and must not run counter to public good and public order.
これに対して自民党が２０１２年に決定した憲法改正草案には「（国民は）自由及び権利には責任及び義務が伴うことを自覚し、常に公益及び公の秩序に反してはならない」などとある。
The LDP's tendency to place priority on the state over individuals' rights has been growing since Prime Minister Abe returned to power in late 2012. The enactment of the Act on the Protection of Specially Designated Secrets in 2013 and the security legislation is part of this tendency.
第２次安倍政権発足後、自民党には個人の権利よりも国家を優先する傾向が一段と強まっているのは間違いない。一昨年成立した特定秘密保護法も今回の法整備もそうした流れの中にある。
Diet deliberations on the security bills failed to clarify the criteria for cases in which Japan can deploy Self-Defense Forces (SDF) troops overseas under the legislation.
今回の法律で自衛隊の海外派遣はどんな場合に認められるのか。審議を重ねても基準はあいまいなままだった。
In other words, such decisions are left largely to the discretion of the executive branch of the government.
要するに政府の判断に委ねられる範囲が極めて大きいということだ。
Needless to say, the procedure for gaining approval of overseas deployment of SDF personnel from the Diet is of great importance.
言うまでもなく今後は国会の承認手続きも重要となる。
However, serious questions remain as to whether the legislative branch can check whether dispatching SDF personnel overseas is appropriate in each mission, considering the way legislators deliberated the bills.
だが今のような国会できちんとチェックできるのか。疑問が深まるのは当然だ。
In 1960, the Diet ratified revisions to the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty while fierce demonstrations against the move were staged outside the Diet building, just like the latest enactment of the security legislation. After then Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi, Abe's grandfather, stepped down, his successor Hayato Ikeda pledged to double the people's income, shifting the government's emphasis from security to economic growth.
６０年の日米安全保障条約改定も激しい反対デモが国会を取り巻く中で承認された。そして首相の祖父である当時の岸信介首相が退陣した後、政権に就いた池田勇人首相は「所得倍増計画」を打ち出し、安保から経済重視への転換を図ってみせた。
Prime Minister Abe is expected to emphasize that his government will again attach importance to economic policies.
安倍首相も今後、再び経済政策重視をアピールしていくと思われる。
The prime minister and the ruling coalition made haste to enact the security legislation for fear that if deliberations on the bills continued until shortly before the summer 2016 upper house election, it would adversely affect the governing bloc's chance of winning the race.
来年夏には参院選がある。今回、首相や与党が成立を急いだのは、参院選の直近まで審議が続いて選挙戦に影響するのを避けたかったからでもある。
The coalition apparently wants members of the public to forget the security legislation as soon as possible.
国民には早く忘れてほしいというのが本音であろう。
All the more because of this, members of the public must not forget legislators who helped the government recklessly move to enact the legislation by force of numbers.
だからこそ私たちは、数の力で政権の独走を後押しした議員たちを忘れてはならないのである。
毎日新聞 2015年09月19日 02時30分
2015年09月19日
社説：安保転換を問う 参院委採決強行 民意に背を向けた政権
September 18, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: Abe gov't turns its back on public opinion
社説：安保転換を問う 参院委採決強行 民意に背を向けた政権
Controversial legislation opening the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense was rammed through a House of Councillors special committee on security policy on Sept. 17. It was an abnormal way of approving the bills, as it cannot be confirmed whether the panel actually put the bills to a vote amid loud protests from opposition party lawmakers.
参院平和安全法制特別委員会は安全保障関連法案の採決を強行した。野党が抵抗する中、採決が行われたかどうかすらわからない、不正常な可決だった。
The executive branch of the government failed to convince the public that the bills are either constitutional or necessary, even after over 200 hours of deliberations in both houses of the Diet. Nevertheless, the ruling coalition went ahead with the vote while being aware that it had failed to narrow a perception gap with the public over the issue. Therefore, the vote cannot be considered a conclusion arrived at through the democratic process, as Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has emphasized.
衆参両院で２００時間を超す審議を経ても、政府は法案の合憲性や「なぜ必要か」について納得できる説明ができなかった。にもかかわらず、与党は民意との乖離（かいり）を自覚しながら採決に踏み切った。これでは安倍晋三首相らが強調していた「民主主義のルール」を尊重した結論とは言えまい。
◇正常な手続きではない
The bills were put to a vote while committee Chairman Yoshitada Konoike could not even be seen behind the pushing, shoving jumble of lawmakers scrumming around his desk in the committee room. As soon as a no-confidence motion against Konoike was voted down and he took a seat, ruling and opposition party legislators rushed to the chairman's seat and surrounded him. What Konoike said when he put the bills to a vote could not be heard. One cannot help but wonder what such a violent vote looked like in the eyes of the public.
委員長の姿が見えない、異様な採決だった。鴻池祥肇委員長の不信任動議が否決され鴻池氏が着席すると、いきなり与党も含めた議員が取り囲んだ。委員長が採決する声も聞き取れなかった。国民の目にどう映っただろう。
The situation in the upper house shifted drastically after a local hearing on the bills was held in Yokohama on Sept. 16. The ruling coalition attempted to conclude a question-and-answer session in the special committee on the bills and put the proposed legislations to a vote, while opposition parties tried to block the move.
参院審議の状況は１６日の地方公聴会の終了を境に一変した。与党は質疑の終結と採決を図り、野党はこれを阻止しようと対立した。
Protesters staged demonstrations against the bills in many areas, including in front of the Diet building, on a daily basis, and opinion polls conducted by various media outlets show a large majority opposing passage of the legislation during the current Diet session. As the ongoing Diet session ends on Sept. 27, the ruling coalition is rushing to enact the legislation apparently for fear that demonstrations and other forms of protests against the bills could grow during the five-day holiday period beginning on Sept. 19. If the governing coalition feared public sentiment against the bills, it should have abandoned enacting the bills during the current session.
国会周辺のデモなどの抗議活動は連日続き、各種世論調査では今国会成立に反対する意見が賛成派を大差で上回っている。２７日の会期末を控え、与党が１８日までの成立を急ごうとしているのは、週末や連休にかけて反対デモなどの運動が一層拡大することを警戒したためだとされる。世論をおそれたのであれば、ここで踏みとどまるべきだった。
The Abe Cabinet's biggest mistake in drawing up the security bills, and thereby open by any and all means at the administration's disposal the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense, was its failure to hold calm and measured debate on the realities of Japan's changing security environment, including China's rise.
今回の法整備のそもそもの誤りは、中国の台頭など安全保障環境の変化に対応した冷静な議論もないまま、集団的自衛権の行使容認という結論を押し付け、実現しようとした安倍内閣の姿勢にある。
Under parliamentary democracy, legislative processes are left to the discretion of members of the Diet, who are representatives of the public. However, legislators must hold thorough debate on policy issues and try all possible roads to consensus.
議会制民主主義の下では、国民の代表である国会議員の手に立法機能が確かに委ねられている。だが、それはあくまで熟議を重ね、合意形成の努力が尽くされるのが大前提だ。
Moreover, the security bills affect the basis of the Constitution, which stipulates that Japan must be a peaceful country. The Abe Cabinet twisted the government's 1972 official view that Japan could not exercise the right to collective self-defense to make it possible. Such being the case, many constitutional scholars have concluded that the bills are unconstitutional.
しかも今回の法案の中身は平和国家を規定する憲法の根幹に関わる。政府は集団的自衛権行使を否定していた１９７２年の政府見解をねじまげて、行使に道を開いた。このため、憲法学者の多くは法案を違憲だと断じている。
The executive branch also failed to provide a clear explanation of why the development of security legislation is necessary. The government had initially placed special emphasis on minesweeping in the Strait of Hormuz in the Middle East as an example of operations that Japan can conduct by exercising the right to collective self-defense, but later stated that it does not specifically assume such a mission will take place. The government's explanation became increasingly unclear as deliberations on the bills progressed.
法整備の必要性も、政府は最後まではっきりと説明できなかった。最初は強調していたホルムズ海峡での機雷掃海は「具体的に想定していない」と後退した。審議が進めば進むほど説明はほころんだ。
The governing coalition could have pursued common ground with key opposition parties over the bills through negotiations on modification of the bills. The executive branch submitted 11 security-related bills in a package to the Diet. However, some bills, including one on Japan's participation in U.N. peacekeeping operations, should have been separated from the package.
国会での議論を通じ、主要な野党と修正協議で接点を探る選択肢も与党にはあったはずだ。安保関連法案は１１本もの法案をたばねたものだ。国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）に関する部分などは切り離すべきだった。
Prime Minister Abe appears to have lacked any willingness to face the public and try to win their understanding.
そもそも、首相は国民と正面から向き合い、理解を得ようとする発想に乏しかったのではないか。
When he dissolved the House of Representatives late last year for a snap general election, Prime Minister Abe called it the "Abenomics dissolution," and declared that he would ask voters if he should go ahead with the Abenomics economic policy mix. However, security legislation was characterized as just one of numerous election pledges. Neither did the prime minister place emphasis on the bills during his policy speech at the outset of the current Diet session.
昨年末の衆院解散・総選挙を首相は「アベノミクス解散」と命名し、「アベノミクスを前に進めるか、止めてしまうのかを問う」と訴えた。安保法制は多くの公約のひとつとされ、首相は今国会の施政方針演説でも安保関連法案を強調しなかった。
◇国民の分断を避けよ
The government had failed to provide a sufficient explanation even before the bills were submitted to the legislative branch, or to show its eagerness to deepen public understanding of the proposed legislation through Diet deliberations.
法案提出前から説明が不足していたうえ、国会で理解を深めようとする姿勢もあまり感じられなかった。
In 2013, the Abe Cabinet also forcibly enacted the Act on the Protection of Specially Designated Secrets, which the ruling Liberal Democratic Party had not even listed in its election pledges. If the administration had decided that the security measures needed by Japan exceeded the limitations set by the Constitution, the government should have sought constitutional amendments through a national referendum, should have asked the sovereign citizens of this country for their backing.
安倍内閣は２０１３年、自民党公約になかった特定秘密保護法も強引に成立させた。あるべき安全保障の姿が現行憲法の枠を超えると仮に判断したのであれば、主権者である国民の投票による憲法改正というゴールを追求すべきだった。
Scholars, legal experts, local assemblies and people across the generations have launched campaigns against the security legislation. If the government attempts to change basic national policy without making the issue a point of contention during an election campaign, peaceful demonstrations are one of voters' limited means of protest. Aki Okuda, a member of the Students Emergency Action for Liberal Democracy-s (SEALDs) organization, told a national hearing at the upper house special panel, "It's you members of the ruling bloc that created the current situation." He was right on-point.
法整備に対し、学界、法曹界、地方議会に加え、幅広い世代を巻き込んだ広範な反対運動が起きている。選挙の争点ともならないまま政府が国の骨格を変えようとすれば、有権者が平和的なデモで意思表示することは限られた抗議の手段となる。学生団体「ＳＥＡＬＤｓ（シールズ）」の奥田愛基（あき）さんが特別委の中央公聴会で「現在の状況を作ったのは与党のみなさんだ」と指摘したのは的外れではない。
Most of the opposition parties are strongly opposed to the bills. It is true that opposition parties played a certain role in grilling the government over the contents of the bills and the administration's attitude toward the issue through Diet debate.
民主党など大半の野党は採決に強く反発している。論戦を通じ、野党が法案の中身や政権の姿勢の追及に一定の役割を果たしたのは事実だ。
However, opposition parties' failure to block the ruling coalition from putting the bills to a vote is not attributable solely to a lack of numbers in the Diet. The DPJ failed to produce any counter-proposal to the government-sponsored legislation. Despite its criticism of the bills, the DPJ has failed to gain support from voters. It is also true that the government thought that railroading the bills would not deal a fatal blow to the administration, as the opposition parties lack strong public backing.
ただ、採決を阻止できなかった原因は議員の数不足だけではない。民主党は集団的自衛権の行使について結局、対案を示さなかった。法案への批判にもかかわらず、有権者の野党への期待はふくらんでいない。不正常な強行採決も与党が「政権を失うほどの打撃にならない」と野党の足元をみたことは否定できまい。
For Prime Minister Abe, ramming the bills through the upper house panel may recall his grandfather Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi's administration's railroading of a resolution to ratify an amended Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.
首相にとって、批判の中での強行劇は祖父、岸信介首相がかつて実現した日米安保条約改定の再現なのかもしれない。
However, politics that makes light of consensus would split the public. Any political method that places priority on the administration's goals at the cost of public understanding would fundamentally damage the public's trust in politics.
だが、合意をないがしろにした政治は、国民を分断してしまう。政権の目的を優先させ、国民の理解を二の次にするような手法は政治への信頼を根底から損なう。
Serious questions remain as to whether laws deeply relevant to basic national policy should be created through such reckless procedures. We once again express stiff opposition to enacting the security legislation.
国のありかたに関わる法律をこれほど乱暴な手続きで作っていいのか。成立に改めて強く反対する。
毎日新聞 2015年09月18日 東京朝刊
Editorial: Abe gov't turns its back on public opinion
社説：安保転換を問う 参院委採決強行 民意に背を向けた政権
Controversial legislation opening the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense was rammed through a House of Councillors special committee on security policy on Sept. 17. It was an abnormal way of approving the bills, as it cannot be confirmed whether the panel actually put the bills to a vote amid loud protests from opposition party lawmakers.
参院平和安全法制特別委員会は安全保障関連法案の採決を強行した。野党が抵抗する中、採決が行われたかどうかすらわからない、不正常な可決だった。
The executive branch of the government failed to convince the public that the bills are either constitutional or necessary, even after over 200 hours of deliberations in both houses of the Diet. Nevertheless, the ruling coalition went ahead with the vote while being aware that it had failed to narrow a perception gap with the public over the issue. Therefore, the vote cannot be considered a conclusion arrived at through the democratic process, as Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has emphasized.
衆参両院で２００時間を超す審議を経ても、政府は法案の合憲性や「なぜ必要か」について納得できる説明ができなかった。にもかかわらず、与党は民意との乖離（かいり）を自覚しながら採決に踏み切った。これでは安倍晋三首相らが強調していた「民主主義のルール」を尊重した結論とは言えまい。
◇正常な手続きではない
The bills were put to a vote while committee Chairman Yoshitada Konoike could not even be seen behind the pushing, shoving jumble of lawmakers scrumming around his desk in the committee room. As soon as a no-confidence motion against Konoike was voted down and he took a seat, ruling and opposition party legislators rushed to the chairman's seat and surrounded him. What Konoike said when he put the bills to a vote could not be heard. One cannot help but wonder what such a violent vote looked like in the eyes of the public.
委員長の姿が見えない、異様な採決だった。鴻池祥肇委員長の不信任動議が否決され鴻池氏が着席すると、いきなり与党も含めた議員が取り囲んだ。委員長が採決する声も聞き取れなかった。国民の目にどう映っただろう。
The situation in the upper house shifted drastically after a local hearing on the bills was held in Yokohama on Sept. 16. The ruling coalition attempted to conclude a question-and-answer session in the special committee on the bills and put the proposed legislations to a vote, while opposition parties tried to block the move.
参院審議の状況は１６日の地方公聴会の終了を境に一変した。与党は質疑の終結と採決を図り、野党はこれを阻止しようと対立した。
Protesters staged demonstrations against the bills in many areas, including in front of the Diet building, on a daily basis, and opinion polls conducted by various media outlets show a large majority opposing passage of the legislation during the current Diet session. As the ongoing Diet session ends on Sept. 27, the ruling coalition is rushing to enact the legislation apparently for fear that demonstrations and other forms of protests against the bills could grow during the five-day holiday period beginning on Sept. 19. If the governing coalition feared public sentiment against the bills, it should have abandoned enacting the bills during the current session.
国会周辺のデモなどの抗議活動は連日続き、各種世論調査では今国会成立に反対する意見が賛成派を大差で上回っている。２７日の会期末を控え、与党が１８日までの成立を急ごうとしているのは、週末や連休にかけて反対デモなどの運動が一層拡大することを警戒したためだとされる。世論をおそれたのであれば、ここで踏みとどまるべきだった。
The Abe Cabinet's biggest mistake in drawing up the security bills, and thereby open by any and all means at the administration's disposal the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense, was its failure to hold calm and measured debate on the realities of Japan's changing security environment, including China's rise.
今回の法整備のそもそもの誤りは、中国の台頭など安全保障環境の変化に対応した冷静な議論もないまま、集団的自衛権の行使容認という結論を押し付け、実現しようとした安倍内閣の姿勢にある。
Under parliamentary democracy, legislative processes are left to the discretion of members of the Diet, who are representatives of the public. However, legislators must hold thorough debate on policy issues and try all possible roads to consensus.
議会制民主主義の下では、国民の代表である国会議員の手に立法機能が確かに委ねられている。だが、それはあくまで熟議を重ね、合意形成の努力が尽くされるのが大前提だ。
Moreover, the security bills affect the basis of the Constitution, which stipulates that Japan must be a peaceful country. The Abe Cabinet twisted the government's 1972 official view that Japan could not exercise the right to collective self-defense to make it possible. Such being the case, many constitutional scholars have concluded that the bills are unconstitutional.
しかも今回の法案の中身は平和国家を規定する憲法の根幹に関わる。政府は集団的自衛権行使を否定していた１９７２年の政府見解をねじまげて、行使に道を開いた。このため、憲法学者の多くは法案を違憲だと断じている。
The executive branch also failed to provide a clear explanation of why the development of security legislation is necessary. The government had initially placed special emphasis on minesweeping in the Strait of Hormuz in the Middle East as an example of operations that Japan can conduct by exercising the right to collective self-defense, but later stated that it does not specifically assume such a mission will take place. The government's explanation became increasingly unclear as deliberations on the bills progressed.
法整備の必要性も、政府は最後まではっきりと説明できなかった。最初は強調していたホルムズ海峡での機雷掃海は「具体的に想定していない」と後退した。審議が進めば進むほど説明はほころんだ。
The governing coalition could have pursued common ground with key opposition parties over the bills through negotiations on modification of the bills. The executive branch submitted 11 security-related bills in a package to the Diet. However, some bills, including one on Japan's participation in U.N. peacekeeping operations, should have been separated from the package.
国会での議論を通じ、主要な野党と修正協議で接点を探る選択肢も与党にはあったはずだ。安保関連法案は１１本もの法案をたばねたものだ。国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）に関する部分などは切り離すべきだった。
Prime Minister Abe appears to have lacked any willingness to face the public and try to win their understanding.
そもそも、首相は国民と正面から向き合い、理解を得ようとする発想に乏しかったのではないか。
When he dissolved the House of Representatives late last year for a snap general election, Prime Minister Abe called it the "Abenomics dissolution," and declared that he would ask voters if he should go ahead with the Abenomics economic policy mix. However, security legislation was characterized as just one of numerous election pledges. Neither did the prime minister place emphasis on the bills during his policy speech at the outset of the current Diet session.
昨年末の衆院解散・総選挙を首相は「アベノミクス解散」と命名し、「アベノミクスを前に進めるか、止めてしまうのかを問う」と訴えた。安保法制は多くの公約のひとつとされ、首相は今国会の施政方針演説でも安保関連法案を強調しなかった。
◇国民の分断を避けよ
The government had failed to provide a sufficient explanation even before the bills were submitted to the legislative branch, or to show its eagerness to deepen public understanding of the proposed legislation through Diet deliberations.
法案提出前から説明が不足していたうえ、国会で理解を深めようとする姿勢もあまり感じられなかった。
In 2013, the Abe Cabinet also forcibly enacted the Act on the Protection of Specially Designated Secrets, which the ruling Liberal Democratic Party had not even listed in its election pledges. If the administration had decided that the security measures needed by Japan exceeded the limitations set by the Constitution, the government should have sought constitutional amendments through a national referendum, should have asked the sovereign citizens of this country for their backing.
安倍内閣は２０１３年、自民党公約になかった特定秘密保護法も強引に成立させた。あるべき安全保障の姿が現行憲法の枠を超えると仮に判断したのであれば、主権者である国民の投票による憲法改正というゴールを追求すべきだった。
Scholars, legal experts, local assemblies and people across the generations have launched campaigns against the security legislation. If the government attempts to change basic national policy without making the issue a point of contention during an election campaign, peaceful demonstrations are one of voters' limited means of protest. Aki Okuda, a member of the Students Emergency Action for Liberal Democracy-s (SEALDs) organization, told a national hearing at the upper house special panel, "It's you members of the ruling bloc that created the current situation." He was right on-point.
法整備に対し、学界、法曹界、地方議会に加え、幅広い世代を巻き込んだ広範な反対運動が起きている。選挙の争点ともならないまま政府が国の骨格を変えようとすれば、有権者が平和的なデモで意思表示することは限られた抗議の手段となる。学生団体「ＳＥＡＬＤｓ（シールズ）」の奥田愛基（あき）さんが特別委の中央公聴会で「現在の状況を作ったのは与党のみなさんだ」と指摘したのは的外れではない。
Most of the opposition parties are strongly opposed to the bills. It is true that opposition parties played a certain role in grilling the government over the contents of the bills and the administration's attitude toward the issue through Diet debate.
民主党など大半の野党は採決に強く反発している。論戦を通じ、野党が法案の中身や政権の姿勢の追及に一定の役割を果たしたのは事実だ。
However, opposition parties' failure to block the ruling coalition from putting the bills to a vote is not attributable solely to a lack of numbers in the Diet. The DPJ failed to produce any counter-proposal to the government-sponsored legislation. Despite its criticism of the bills, the DPJ has failed to gain support from voters. It is also true that the government thought that railroading the bills would not deal a fatal blow to the administration, as the opposition parties lack strong public backing.
ただ、採決を阻止できなかった原因は議員の数不足だけではない。民主党は集団的自衛権の行使について結局、対案を示さなかった。法案への批判にもかかわらず、有権者の野党への期待はふくらんでいない。不正常な強行採決も与党が「政権を失うほどの打撃にならない」と野党の足元をみたことは否定できまい。
For Prime Minister Abe, ramming the bills through the upper house panel may recall his grandfather Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi's administration's railroading of a resolution to ratify an amended Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.
首相にとって、批判の中での強行劇は祖父、岸信介首相がかつて実現した日米安保条約改定の再現なのかもしれない。
However, politics that makes light of consensus would split the public. Any political method that places priority on the administration's goals at the cost of public understanding would fundamentally damage the public's trust in politics.
だが、合意をないがしろにした政治は、国民を分断してしまう。政権の目的を優先させ、国民の理解を二の次にするような手法は政治への信頼を根底から損なう。
Serious questions remain as to whether laws deeply relevant to basic national policy should be created through such reckless procedures. We once again express stiff opposition to enacting the security legislation.
国のありかたに関わる法律をこれほど乱暴な手続きで作っていいのか。成立に改めて強く反対する。
毎日新聞 2015年09月18日 東京朝刊
2015年09月18日
社説：安保転換を問う 参院委採決へ 国民の納得には程遠い
September 17, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: Public understanding of security bills far from sufficient
社説：安保転換を問う 参院委採決へ 国民の納得には程遠い
Deliberations in the House of Councillors over a set of government backed security-related bills remain tense. The ruling coalition parties are prepared to complete a questioning session in the Special Committee on Legislation for the Peace and Security of Japan and the International Community, where the bills are being discussed, and put the bills to a vote.
安全保障関連法案の参院審議をめぐる状況が緊迫している。与党は平和安全法制特別委員会での質疑を終結させ、採決に踏み切る構えだ。
Ahead of a planned vote, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its coalition partner Komeito reached an agreement with three opposition parties -- the Assembly to Energize Japan, the Party for Future Generations and the New Renaissance Party -- on the details of a supplementary resolution. A meeting of leaders of the five parties was also held with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in attendance.
採決を前に自民、公明両党は日本を元気にする会、次世代の党、新党改革の３野党と付帯決議の内容などで合意した。安倍晋三首相をまじえた５党の党首会談も行われた。
The ruling parties are saying that the environment for voting on the legislation has been prepared. But the nature of the bills remains unchanged, and we are far from able to say that the public is convinced.
与党は合意を受けて法案採決の環境が整ったとアピールしているが、法案の本質は変わらない。国民が納得したとはとても言えない状態だ。
After the special committee held a regional public hearing in Yokohama on Sept. 16, ruling and opposition parties wrangled into the night over whether a final questioning session would be held. If the ruling coalition forces a vote on the legislation, the opposition parties are prepared to resist with countermeasures, including submitting a no-confidence resolution against the Abe Cabinet.
１６日の特別委員会は横浜市での地方公聴会を終えた後、最後の質疑を行うかどうかで夜まで与野党が駆け引きを続けた。与党が採決を強行すれば、野党側は内閣不信任決議案などを提出して抵抗する構えだ。
Under the agreement reached between the five political parties, when the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) are dispatched overseas, a supplementary resolution and Cabinet decision would be incorporated to bolster Diet involvement in the process.
５党合意は自衛隊の海外派遣にあたり、国会の関与を強めるため付帯決議や閣議決定などを加えるものだ。
When dispatching SDF members to the Persian Gulf, for example, and exercising the right to collective self-defense in situations not linked directly to an armed attack on Japan, advance approval would be sought from the Diet without exception, and the activities of dispatched SDF members would be reported to the Diet every 180 days.
ペルシャ湾への派遣など、日本への武力攻撃に直接結びつかない集団的自衛権の行使にあたっては「例外なく国会の事前承認を求める」とし、派遣した自衛隊の活動を１８０日ごとに国会に報告する。
The three opposition parties that reached the agreement with the ruling coalition are small parties with just 14 upper house seats. But the fact that they informally decided to support the security bills under this agreement, means the ruling parties can avoid passing the bills by their own weight alone -- a welcome development for the coalition.
３野党は参院会派で１４議席を有する小党だが、この合意を受けて法案への賛成方針を固めたため、与党は単独での可決が回避できたと歓迎している。
The question over how the Diet can control the SDF is an important point of discussion. But supplementary resolutions, with no written amendments to the law, are not binding. And the "appropriate response" forming the backdrop to Cabinet decisions is vague. In cases not involving a direct armed attack on Japan, it is only natural for the Diet to give advance approval. It is difficult to say that checks will be thoroughly implemented through the agreement between the ruling coalition and three opposition parties.
自衛隊を国会がどう統制するかは重要な論点のひとつだ。だが、法案修正によらない付帯決議には拘束力がなく、政府の閣議決定による裏付けも「適切な対処」とあいまいだ。日本への武力攻撃に直接結びつかないようなケースで国会が事前承認するのは当然で、合意によってチェックが徹底されるとは言い難い。
Furthermore, the agreement does nothing to fundamentally amend the legislation, which has been criticized by many constitutional scholars as being unconstitutional. Surely what's really happening is that the ruling coalition is putting up a camouflage to avoid being criticized for voting on the bills on its own steam. The stance of the three opposition parties in settling on a loose agreement is questionable.
そもそも合意は、憲法学者の多くから「違憲法案」と指摘される法案の根幹を修正するものではない。与党による単独採決と言われないためのカムフラージュというのが実態ではないのか。不十分な合意に応じた３野党の姿勢は疑問である。
Aside from the agreement between the five parties, discussions between the ruling coalition and the Japan Innovation Party on amending the legislation fell apart. Just like with deliberations in the House of Representatives, which ended unsatisfactorily, we cannot conclude that the ruling parties are showing any great desire to search seriously for common ground. The ruling parties should really have seriously considered such options as leaving out the questionable parts of the bills.
５党合意をよそに、与党と維新の党による修正協議は決裂した。不調に終わった衆院段階での協議と同様に、本気で接点を探る意欲が与党にあったとは思えない。本来であれば、法案の一部を分離することも含め、さまざまな選択肢を真剣に検討すべきだったはずだ。
Day after day, people opposed to the security bills have staged rallies around the National Diet Building, and protests have spread across Japan.
法案に反対する人たちが国会周辺で連日デモを行うなど、全国で抗議活動が広がっている。
The reason that the ruling parties are fixated upon passing the legislation into law on Sept. 18 is surely because they are worried about protests expanding over the weekend or during the subsequent "Silver Week" national holidays. If they really fear public opinion then forcing a vote on the bills is something they should avoid.
与党が１８日中の成立にこだわるのは、週末や連休に入ると反対デモが一層拡大することを警戒しているためなのだという。世論を本当におそれるのであれば、採決の強行こそ見送るべきであろう。
毎日新聞 2015年09月17日 東京朝刊
Editorial: Public understanding of security bills far from sufficient
社説：安保転換を問う 参院委採決へ 国民の納得には程遠い
Deliberations in the House of Councillors over a set of government backed security-related bills remain tense. The ruling coalition parties are prepared to complete a questioning session in the Special Committee on Legislation for the Peace and Security of Japan and the International Community, where the bills are being discussed, and put the bills to a vote.
安全保障関連法案の参院審議をめぐる状況が緊迫している。与党は平和安全法制特別委員会での質疑を終結させ、採決に踏み切る構えだ。
Ahead of a planned vote, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its coalition partner Komeito reached an agreement with three opposition parties -- the Assembly to Energize Japan, the Party for Future Generations and the New Renaissance Party -- on the details of a supplementary resolution. A meeting of leaders of the five parties was also held with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in attendance.
採決を前に自民、公明両党は日本を元気にする会、次世代の党、新党改革の３野党と付帯決議の内容などで合意した。安倍晋三首相をまじえた５党の党首会談も行われた。
The ruling parties are saying that the environment for voting on the legislation has been prepared. But the nature of the bills remains unchanged, and we are far from able to say that the public is convinced.
与党は合意を受けて法案採決の環境が整ったとアピールしているが、法案の本質は変わらない。国民が納得したとはとても言えない状態だ。
After the special committee held a regional public hearing in Yokohama on Sept. 16, ruling and opposition parties wrangled into the night over whether a final questioning session would be held. If the ruling coalition forces a vote on the legislation, the opposition parties are prepared to resist with countermeasures, including submitting a no-confidence resolution against the Abe Cabinet.
１６日の特別委員会は横浜市での地方公聴会を終えた後、最後の質疑を行うかどうかで夜まで与野党が駆け引きを続けた。与党が採決を強行すれば、野党側は内閣不信任決議案などを提出して抵抗する構えだ。
Under the agreement reached between the five political parties, when the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) are dispatched overseas, a supplementary resolution and Cabinet decision would be incorporated to bolster Diet involvement in the process.
５党合意は自衛隊の海外派遣にあたり、国会の関与を強めるため付帯決議や閣議決定などを加えるものだ。
When dispatching SDF members to the Persian Gulf, for example, and exercising the right to collective self-defense in situations not linked directly to an armed attack on Japan, advance approval would be sought from the Diet without exception, and the activities of dispatched SDF members would be reported to the Diet every 180 days.
ペルシャ湾への派遣など、日本への武力攻撃に直接結びつかない集団的自衛権の行使にあたっては「例外なく国会の事前承認を求める」とし、派遣した自衛隊の活動を１８０日ごとに国会に報告する。
The three opposition parties that reached the agreement with the ruling coalition are small parties with just 14 upper house seats. But the fact that they informally decided to support the security bills under this agreement, means the ruling parties can avoid passing the bills by their own weight alone -- a welcome development for the coalition.
３野党は参院会派で１４議席を有する小党だが、この合意を受けて法案への賛成方針を固めたため、与党は単独での可決が回避できたと歓迎している。
The question over how the Diet can control the SDF is an important point of discussion. But supplementary resolutions, with no written amendments to the law, are not binding. And the "appropriate response" forming the backdrop to Cabinet decisions is vague. In cases not involving a direct armed attack on Japan, it is only natural for the Diet to give advance approval. It is difficult to say that checks will be thoroughly implemented through the agreement between the ruling coalition and three opposition parties.
自衛隊を国会がどう統制するかは重要な論点のひとつだ。だが、法案修正によらない付帯決議には拘束力がなく、政府の閣議決定による裏付けも「適切な対処」とあいまいだ。日本への武力攻撃に直接結びつかないようなケースで国会が事前承認するのは当然で、合意によってチェックが徹底されるとは言い難い。
Furthermore, the agreement does nothing to fundamentally amend the legislation, which has been criticized by many constitutional scholars as being unconstitutional. Surely what's really happening is that the ruling coalition is putting up a camouflage to avoid being criticized for voting on the bills on its own steam. The stance of the three opposition parties in settling on a loose agreement is questionable.
そもそも合意は、憲法学者の多くから「違憲法案」と指摘される法案の根幹を修正するものではない。与党による単独採決と言われないためのカムフラージュというのが実態ではないのか。不十分な合意に応じた３野党の姿勢は疑問である。
Aside from the agreement between the five parties, discussions between the ruling coalition and the Japan Innovation Party on amending the legislation fell apart. Just like with deliberations in the House of Representatives, which ended unsatisfactorily, we cannot conclude that the ruling parties are showing any great desire to search seriously for common ground. The ruling parties should really have seriously considered such options as leaving out the questionable parts of the bills.
５党合意をよそに、与党と維新の党による修正協議は決裂した。不調に終わった衆院段階での協議と同様に、本気で接点を探る意欲が与党にあったとは思えない。本来であれば、法案の一部を分離することも含め、さまざまな選択肢を真剣に検討すべきだったはずだ。
Day after day, people opposed to the security bills have staged rallies around the National Diet Building, and protests have spread across Japan.
法案に反対する人たちが国会周辺で連日デモを行うなど、全国で抗議活動が広がっている。
The reason that the ruling parties are fixated upon passing the legislation into law on Sept. 18 is surely because they are worried about protests expanding over the weekend or during the subsequent "Silver Week" national holidays. If they really fear public opinion then forcing a vote on the bills is something they should avoid.
与党が１８日中の成立にこだわるのは、週末や連休に入ると反対デモが一層拡大することを警戒しているためなのだという。世論を本当におそれるのであれば、採決の強行こそ見送るべきであろう。
毎日新聞 2015年09月17日 東京朝刊
2015年09月17日
社説：安保関連法案 成立に強く反対する
September 16, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: We strongly oppose passage of government-backed security bills
社説：安保関連法案 成立に強く反対する
Does Prime Minister Shinzo Abe think he's a prophet?
安倍晋三首相は予言者になったつもりだろうか。
"The public's understanding and support toward the security bills will undoubtedly spread after the bills are enacted and time passes," he told the House of Councillors special committee on special legislation on Sept. 14.
安全保障関連法案について「成立し、時が経てゆく中において間違いなく理解は広がっていく」と１４日の参院特別委員会で述べた。
Saying that "people will understand in time" while having provided no convincing counterarguments to the many objections that have been voiced against the bills demonstrates the great extent to which Abe, full of conceit, belittles the public.
提起された数々の異論に適切な反証ができていないのに、「いずれは分かる」と根拠なく言うのは国民を見くびる慢心の表れだ。
The objections toward the bills are not temporary, nor are they purely emotional. They are based on the real fear of the possibility that common sense will be distorted and Japan's accomplishments over the years as a peaceful nation will be sabotaged.
法案への反発は、一時の感情ではない。平和国家としての積み重ねが崩れ、常識がゆがめられることへの危機感に基づいている。
Japan's national security policy is the result of a delicate balancing act between war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution and the Japan-U.S. security treaty. It has comprised the solid backbone of post-World War II Japan, born from a coexistence of deep remorse for a reckless war and the realistic need to protect the country.
日本の安全保障政策は、憲法９条と日米安保条約との強い緊張関係の下で成り立ってきた。無謀な戦争への反省と、現実の国防とを両立させるために生み出された、戦後日本の太い背骨だ。
However, the security bills now before the Diet, if passed, would greatly reduce the binding force of Article 9, allowing the center of gravity of Japan's security policy to shift dramatically to the Japan-U.S. security alliance.
しかし、安保法案が成立すれば９条の持っていた拘束力は極端に緩められ、政策の重心は日米安保の側に大きく傾く。
Seventy years have passed since the end of World War II. There would be room for debate if this significant change in policy were being taken through the appropriate legal channels. But that has not been the case.
戦後７０年。まっとうなプロセスを経た政策転換ならば議論の余地はある。ただし、今回は違う。
In the nearly four months that these bills have been under deliberation in the Diet, close Abe aide Yosuke Isozaki's comment that legal stability is irrelevant has left the strongest impression. Those words, uttered by the Abe government's core national security strategist, have made the philosophy behind the bills' design glaringly obvious.
４カ月近い安保国会で最も印象に残るのは「法的安定性は関係ない」という礒崎（いそざき）陽輔首相補佐官の発言だ。安保政策の実務者である礒崎氏の言葉こそ、法案の設計思想を如実に示している。
The administration is placing utmost priority on military demands based on Cold War-era thinking. In one swift move, it made a complete about-face on an interpretation of the Constitution that had been maintained for over 40 years, citing "changes in the environment." And when a former Supreme Court chief justice pointed out the many holes in the bills' logic, the prime minister brushed the criticism aside, saying the former justice was now merely "a private citizen."
冷戦型の思考で軍事上の必要性を最優先させる。４０年以上維持されてきた集団的自衛権の憲法解釈を「環境が変わった」のひと言で正反対にする。最高裁長官の経験者から論理の粗雑さを批判されても「今や一私人」と無視する。
Abe has called on China to observe the rule of law in light of its growing naval presence, but has shown blatant disregard for legal order in his own country. He has exceeded the authority given to him.
中国の強引な海洋進出に対して「法の支配」を訴えてきた安倍首相だが、国内の法秩序を軽視しているのは明らかだ。行政権ののりを超えた越権行為である。
The security bills are flawed not only in their quality, but also in their volume. Under the banner of guaranteeing "seamless" responses to security situations, the bills aim to maximize the range of activities the Japan Self-Defense Forces are permitted to carry out.
法案は質のみならず量の面でも欠陥がある。「切れ目のない対応」を旗印に自衛隊の活動を極大化していることだ。
Among the activities that the bills would allow the SDF to conduct are logistics support on a global scale, the provision of ammunition to foreign militaries, and the protection of the U.S. military's weapons without prior approval by the Diet. Any one of these stipulations would be a significant deviation from current policy, but they were submitted to the Diet lumped together as two bills. Because of this, some aspects of the bills have barely been addressed by the Diet.
安保法案には、地球規模での後方支援や外国軍への弾薬の提供、国会の承認なしに米軍を守る武器等防護などが盛り込まれている。その一つひとつが戦後安保政策の重大な変更であるのに、一括して提出されたために、国会の審議では手つかず同然のものもある。
Since risk management is one of the core responsibilities of the state, it must prepare for possible dangers. However, the process of deciding how to protect the country must meet certain standards in a range of areas, including legal stability, national strength and the public's understanding and support.
国家の要諦が危機管理である以上、起こり得るリスクへの備えは必要だ。ただし、内容の決定にあたっては法秩序の安定や国力、国民の理解度などの要素に見合った水準でなければならない。
The security bills backed by the Abe Cabinet meet none of these criteria. And yet, the ruling coalition is trying to rush these half-baked bills to a vote.
安倍内閣の安保法案は、いずれの条件もクリアできていない。にもかかわらず、生煮えのままで採決を迎えようとしている。
Politics is the process of selecting the course a country takes. Political leaders are simultaneously responsible for undertaking that process and for bringing the public together. We cannot abide the prime minister's pipe dream that time will solve everything, when he has not demonstrated any prospects for repairing the deep rifts that run through Japanese society.
政治は国の針路を選び取る営みだが、政治指導者は同時に国民を統合していく責任を負う。国内に生じている亀裂を修復する展望を持ち合わせずに、時間が解決するのを夢想するのは許されない。
Japan is at a crossroads, perhaps its biggest since the end of World War II. We face a watershed moment as significant as or more significant than the 1954 establishment of the Self-Defense Forces or the 1960 revision of the Japan-U.S. security treaty. We are greatly alarmed that taking the wrong fork in the road will inflict great injury on our country.
日本は今、戦後史の大きな分岐点にさしかかっている。自衛隊の創設や安保条約の改定時に匹敵するかそれ以上だ。日本を傷つける分岐になることを強く憂う。
毎日新聞 2015年09月16日 02時30分
Editorial: We strongly oppose passage of government-backed security bills
社説：安保関連法案 成立に強く反対する
Does Prime Minister Shinzo Abe think he's a prophet?
安倍晋三首相は予言者になったつもりだろうか。
"The public's understanding and support toward the security bills will undoubtedly spread after the bills are enacted and time passes," he told the House of Councillors special committee on special legislation on Sept. 14.
安全保障関連法案について「成立し、時が経てゆく中において間違いなく理解は広がっていく」と１４日の参院特別委員会で述べた。
Saying that "people will understand in time" while having provided no convincing counterarguments to the many objections that have been voiced against the bills demonstrates the great extent to which Abe, full of conceit, belittles the public.
提起された数々の異論に適切な反証ができていないのに、「いずれは分かる」と根拠なく言うのは国民を見くびる慢心の表れだ。
The objections toward the bills are not temporary, nor are they purely emotional. They are based on the real fear of the possibility that common sense will be distorted and Japan's accomplishments over the years as a peaceful nation will be sabotaged.
法案への反発は、一時の感情ではない。平和国家としての積み重ねが崩れ、常識がゆがめられることへの危機感に基づいている。
Japan's national security policy is the result of a delicate balancing act between war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution and the Japan-U.S. security treaty. It has comprised the solid backbone of post-World War II Japan, born from a coexistence of deep remorse for a reckless war and the realistic need to protect the country.
日本の安全保障政策は、憲法９条と日米安保条約との強い緊張関係の下で成り立ってきた。無謀な戦争への反省と、現実の国防とを両立させるために生み出された、戦後日本の太い背骨だ。
However, the security bills now before the Diet, if passed, would greatly reduce the binding force of Article 9, allowing the center of gravity of Japan's security policy to shift dramatically to the Japan-U.S. security alliance.
しかし、安保法案が成立すれば９条の持っていた拘束力は極端に緩められ、政策の重心は日米安保の側に大きく傾く。
Seventy years have passed since the end of World War II. There would be room for debate if this significant change in policy were being taken through the appropriate legal channels. But that has not been the case.
戦後７０年。まっとうなプロセスを経た政策転換ならば議論の余地はある。ただし、今回は違う。
In the nearly four months that these bills have been under deliberation in the Diet, close Abe aide Yosuke Isozaki's comment that legal stability is irrelevant has left the strongest impression. Those words, uttered by the Abe government's core national security strategist, have made the philosophy behind the bills' design glaringly obvious.
４カ月近い安保国会で最も印象に残るのは「法的安定性は関係ない」という礒崎（いそざき）陽輔首相補佐官の発言だ。安保政策の実務者である礒崎氏の言葉こそ、法案の設計思想を如実に示している。
The administration is placing utmost priority on military demands based on Cold War-era thinking. In one swift move, it made a complete about-face on an interpretation of the Constitution that had been maintained for over 40 years, citing "changes in the environment." And when a former Supreme Court chief justice pointed out the many holes in the bills' logic, the prime minister brushed the criticism aside, saying the former justice was now merely "a private citizen."
冷戦型の思考で軍事上の必要性を最優先させる。４０年以上維持されてきた集団的自衛権の憲法解釈を「環境が変わった」のひと言で正反対にする。最高裁長官の経験者から論理の粗雑さを批判されても「今や一私人」と無視する。
Abe has called on China to observe the rule of law in light of its growing naval presence, but has shown blatant disregard for legal order in his own country. He has exceeded the authority given to him.
中国の強引な海洋進出に対して「法の支配」を訴えてきた安倍首相だが、国内の法秩序を軽視しているのは明らかだ。行政権ののりを超えた越権行為である。
The security bills are flawed not only in their quality, but also in their volume. Under the banner of guaranteeing "seamless" responses to security situations, the bills aim to maximize the range of activities the Japan Self-Defense Forces are permitted to carry out.
法案は質のみならず量の面でも欠陥がある。「切れ目のない対応」を旗印に自衛隊の活動を極大化していることだ。
Among the activities that the bills would allow the SDF to conduct are logistics support on a global scale, the provision of ammunition to foreign militaries, and the protection of the U.S. military's weapons without prior approval by the Diet. Any one of these stipulations would be a significant deviation from current policy, but they were submitted to the Diet lumped together as two bills. Because of this, some aspects of the bills have barely been addressed by the Diet.
安保法案には、地球規模での後方支援や外国軍への弾薬の提供、国会の承認なしに米軍を守る武器等防護などが盛り込まれている。その一つひとつが戦後安保政策の重大な変更であるのに、一括して提出されたために、国会の審議では手つかず同然のものもある。
Since risk management is one of the core responsibilities of the state, it must prepare for possible dangers. However, the process of deciding how to protect the country must meet certain standards in a range of areas, including legal stability, national strength and the public's understanding and support.
国家の要諦が危機管理である以上、起こり得るリスクへの備えは必要だ。ただし、内容の決定にあたっては法秩序の安定や国力、国民の理解度などの要素に見合った水準でなければならない。
The security bills backed by the Abe Cabinet meet none of these criteria. And yet, the ruling coalition is trying to rush these half-baked bills to a vote.
安倍内閣の安保法案は、いずれの条件もクリアできていない。にもかかわらず、生煮えのままで採決を迎えようとしている。
Politics is the process of selecting the course a country takes. Political leaders are simultaneously responsible for undertaking that process and for bringing the public together. We cannot abide the prime minister's pipe dream that time will solve everything, when he has not demonstrated any prospects for repairing the deep rifts that run through Japanese society.
政治は国の針路を選び取る営みだが、政治指導者は同時に国民を統合していく責任を負う。国内に生じている亀裂を修復する展望を持ち合わせずに、時間が解決するのを夢想するのは許されない。
Japan is at a crossroads, perhaps its biggest since the end of World War II. We face a watershed moment as significant as or more significant than the 1954 establishment of the Self-Defense Forces or the 1960 revision of the Japan-U.S. security treaty. We are greatly alarmed that taking the wrong fork in the road will inflict great injury on our country.
日本は今、戦後史の大きな分岐点にさしかかっている。自衛隊の創設や安保条約の改定時に匹敵するかそれ以上だ。日本を傷つける分岐になることを強く憂う。
毎日新聞 2015年09月16日 02時30分
2015年09月16日
社説：安保転換を問う 週内採決方針 議会政治壊すつもりか
September 15, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: Ruling coalition wrong to put security bills to quick vote
社説：安保転換を問う 週内採決方針 議会政治壊すつもりか
"We shouldn't resort to the force of numbers to suppress opposition. We should humbly reflect on what we do, and work hard to persuade opponents to accept our proposals in an effort to form a consensus."
こんな言葉を記したい。
「ご支持いただけないからといって、安易に数の力で抑えこもうというようなことは、とるべき道ではない。常に自ら謙虚に反省し、額に汗しながら説得につとめ、合意を求めてまいりたい」
This is what the late former Prime Minister Masayoshi Ohira, who was a member of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), once said.
自民党の大平正芳元首相が生前、語った言葉である。
Ohira, who called for "politics of consensus" and "politics conducted in unison with the public," also said, "Those who do not support us (the LDP) are also members of the public."
「和の政治」「国民と一体の政治」を唱え続けた大平氏は「（自民党を）支持していただけない方々も国民のみなさんであることに変わりはない」とも言っている。
This is what political leaders should respect in all eras, and is the basic principle of parliamentary democracy.
時代を超えて政治のリーダーが守るべき姿勢であり、これが議会制民主主義の基本でもあろう。
◇首相のやじと異論排除
As 60 days have passed since the security-related bills were referred to the House of Councillors following their passage through the House of Representatives, the lower chamber can now pass the bills into law in a second vote by a two-thirds majority.
安全保障関連法案は参院に送付されて６０日が経過し、衆院での再可決も可能な段階に入った。
Under Article 59 of the Constitution, "failure by the House of Councillors to take final action within 60 days after receipt of a bill passed by the House of Representatives, with time in recess excepted, may be determined to constitute a rejection of the bill" by the upper chamber. The same clause stipulates that a bill voted down by the upper chamber can be passed into law by the lower house in a second vote by two-thirds of members present.
与党はこの「６０日ルール」の適用もちらつかせながら、週内に成立させる方針でいる。
One cannot help but wonder how Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who is desperate to ensure that the bills will be passed into law during the current Diet session, takes Ohira's words. It's like Abe is thinking, it would be unavoidable to enact the legislation even if it cannot win public understanding.
もはや国民に理解されなくても仕方がないとばかりに成立を急ぐ安倍晋三首相は今、大平氏の言葉をどう受け止めるだろう。
As the prime minister says, in the end, any decision is made by a majority vote in parliamentary politics. However, deliberations have clarified that the security-related bills in question should not become law. First of all, the executive branch of the government failed to provide a convincing explanation to the public in response to experts' arguments that the bills would constitute a violation of the war-renouncing Constitution. Nor did the government clearly explain why Japan needs to exercise the right to collective self-defense, which means coming to the aid of allies under armed attack even if Japan itself is not attacked. The purpose of the bills has become increasingly unclear as deliberations progressed.
首相が言うように確かに最後は多数決で決するのが議会政治だ。だがこの法案は、むしろ審議の結果、成立させるべきでないことが明白になったというべきだ。第一に憲法違反との指摘に対し、政府は結局、納得のいく説明ができなかった。そしてなぜ集団的自衛権を行使する必要があるのか、法案の目的も審議するほど不明確になったからだ。
There are flaws in the methods of deliberating the bills as well.
ここに至る手法にも問題がある。
In late May, shortly before the lower chamber launched deliberations on the security bills, the Mainichi Shimbun in an editorial commented that the prime minister should change his attitude in refusing to listen to opposition and calls for prudence in enacting security legislation.
法案の衆院審議が始まる直前の５月下旬、私たちは異論や慎重論に耳を傾けない首相の姿勢をまず改めよと書いた。
However, it is regrettable that the prime minister only held black-or-white, friend-or-foe sorts of discussions during Diet deliberations on the bills.
残念ながら白か黒か、敵か味方かしかないような首相の「決めつけ議論」は変わらなかった。
Moreover, Prime Minister Abe showed his arrogance by saying things like, "Ask your questions quickly" and "Never mind such a thing," to interrupt questions by opposition legislators.
国会の審議では首相が野党に対し「早く質問しろよ」「まあいいじゃん。そういうことは」と乱暴なやじを飛ばして議論をさえぎった。
Yosuke Isozaki, an adviser to the prime minister, also stated during a meeting in his home constituency, "Legal stability is irrelevant," suggesting that consistency between the security bills and the war-renouncing Constitution is unimportant. Numerous members of the general public interpreted his remark as revealing the government's true intentions.
側近の礒崎陽輔首相補佐官は地元での会合で「法的安定性は関係ない」と語った。憲法との整合性など二の次だということだ。多くの国民はこれが政権の本音と受け取ったろう。
In a study session organized by junior LDP legislators, one member remarked that advertising revenue should be cut off to media outlets that are opposed to the bills. There is a growing tendency to suppress opposing opinions.
自民党の若手の勉強会では「法案に反対するマスコミを懲らしめるには広告料収入をなくせばいい」との暴言も出た。異論を封殺しようとする傾向は一段と強まっている。
The bills were drafted based on the Abe Cabinet's decision in July 2014 to reverse the government's longstanding interpretation of the Constitution in a limited way to open the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense. However, Prime Minister Abe declared during the campaign for the December 2014 lower house race that his decision to postpone the planned consumption tax hike was the key point of contention. With regard to the security bills, the LDP only stated in the last half of its some 300 campaign pledge topics that security legislation would be swiftly developed to ensure seamless responses to contingencies.
この法案は昨夏、歴代内閣が長年保ってきた憲法解釈を覆し、限定的とはいえ集団的自衛権の行使を認める閣議決定をしたことに始まる。しかし、昨年末の衆院選で首相は「消費増税先送りの是非」を最大の争点に掲げ、安保法案は自民党の公約に羅列した約３００項目の政策の後半に「切れ目のない対応を可能とする安全保障法制を速やかに整備」などと記されたに過ぎない。
In his policy speech at the outset of the current Diet session in February this year, the prime minister only briefly said the government would aim to be able to ensure a seamless response to any situation. On the other hand, Abe pledged in his speech before U.S. Congress in late April that Japan would enact security legislation by summer. At the time, the government had not even submitted the bills to the Diet.
今国会が始まった今年２月の施政方針演説でも首相は「あらゆる事態に切れ目のない対応を可能とする」などと述べただけだ。一方で首相はまだ法案が国会に提出されていない４月末、米議会での演説で「夏までに必ず実現する」と宣言したのだ。
What Abe has done shows that he makes light of the Diet, elections and the general public. He would be extremely self-righteous if he were to believe that the public has given him carte blanche by giving the LDP a majority in the lower chamber.
国会軽視、選挙軽視、国民軽視の極みである。衆院選で勝てば、すべてが白紙委任されたと首相が考えているとしたらあまりにも独善的だ。
◇独走抑えるのが国会だ
Prime Minister Abe cited the amendment made to the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty in 1960 when his grandfather Nobusuke Kishi was prime minister to justify the security legislation. "At the time, the revisions were criticized as Japan could be dragged into war, but history has proved that the amendment wasn't wrong," Abe said. He has repeated similar remarks.
首相は祖父の岸信介氏が首相だった１９６０年の日米安保条約改定を例に挙げ、「あの時も戦争に巻き込まれると批判されたが、改定が間違っていなかったのは歴史が証明している」と繰り返す。
LDP Vice President Masahiko Komura said, "Japan couldn't have set up the Self-Defense Forces (SDF), revised the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty or enacted the Act on Cooperation with United Nations Peacekeeping Operations and Other Operations if Japan had relied on public opinion of the moment."
自民党の高村正彦副総裁も「刹那（せつな）的な世論だけに頼っていたら自衛隊も日米安保改定も国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）協力法もできなかった」と言う。
Demonstrations protesting against the bills, mainly those around the Diet building, have been expanding regardless of participants' affiliation with political parties and other organizations. Many participants are apparently wary of not only the contents of the bills but also the Abe government's high-handed political method, and are dissatisfied with the Diet's failure to stop the prime minister's reckless move. Opinion polls conducted by various news organizations show that a majority of members of the general public are opposed to the bills. Komura's remark suggesting that he regards such public opinion as momentary apparently demonstrates that the LDP has lost its humility.
今回の法案に対し、党派や組織を超えて国会周辺を中心に反対デモが広がっている。法案の中身だけではない。多くの参加者は安倍政権の強引な手法に不安や危うさを感じるとともに、首相らの独走を抑えられない国会にも不満を感じているから行動を起こしているのではないだろうか。世論調査でも依然、反対意見が優勢だ。それを刹那的だと語ること自体が、おごりの表れだろう。
The security policy as well as the social security policy is something that should not drastically change whenever the government changes. Therefore, it is necessary to form a broad consensus on these policies.
安保政策や社会保障政策は本来、政権が交代するたびに激変していいものではない。だから与野党の幅広い合意が必要なのである。
The government submitted the first bill aimed at deploying SDF personnel overseas to the Diet in 1990, but the LDP decided to scrap it after officials failed to explain how it could conform with the Constitution. At the same time, the LDP agreed with its now ruling coalition partner Komeito and the now defunct Democratic Socialist Party to consider opening the way for Japan to dispatch SDF troops exclusively for the purpose of participating in U.N. peacekeeping operations. The move paved the way for the enactment of the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations law.
日本が初めて自衛隊の海外派遣を検討した９０年の国連平和協力法案は憲法との整合性などを説明できず、自民党自ら廃案を決断した。同時に自民党はＰＫＯに限定して自衛隊が参加する検討を始めることを公明党と旧民社党との間で合意し、後に３回にわたる国会審議を経てＰＫＯ法を成立させるきっかけを作った。
There are some points in the security bills over which the ruling coalition could have compromised with the largest opposition Democratic Party of Japan and other opposition parties, except for clauses on the right to collective self-defense. Nevertheless, Prime Minister Abe only urged opposition parties to choose between voting for and against all the bills, and failed to try to form a broad consensus.
今回も集団的自衛権の関連などを除けば、民主党も含め歩み寄りが可能な点はあったはずだ。だが、首相らはすべてに賛成するのか、しないのかの選択を迫るのみで幅広い合意を形成しようという姿勢はついぞ見られなかった。
If the current situation is to continue, it would shake the foundations of Japan's parliamentary politics. The government should abandon passing the bills into law during the ongoing session and start over from scratch.
このままでは議会政治の根幹が崩れてしまう。成立を断念して出直すよう重ねて強く求める。
毎日新聞 2015年09月15日 東京朝刊
Editorial: Ruling coalition wrong to put security bills to quick vote
社説：安保転換を問う 週内採決方針 議会政治壊すつもりか
"We shouldn't resort to the force of numbers to suppress opposition. We should humbly reflect on what we do, and work hard to persuade opponents to accept our proposals in an effort to form a consensus."
こんな言葉を記したい。
「ご支持いただけないからといって、安易に数の力で抑えこもうというようなことは、とるべき道ではない。常に自ら謙虚に反省し、額に汗しながら説得につとめ、合意を求めてまいりたい」
This is what the late former Prime Minister Masayoshi Ohira, who was a member of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), once said.
自民党の大平正芳元首相が生前、語った言葉である。
Ohira, who called for "politics of consensus" and "politics conducted in unison with the public," also said, "Those who do not support us (the LDP) are also members of the public."
「和の政治」「国民と一体の政治」を唱え続けた大平氏は「（自民党を）支持していただけない方々も国民のみなさんであることに変わりはない」とも言っている。
This is what political leaders should respect in all eras, and is the basic principle of parliamentary democracy.
時代を超えて政治のリーダーが守るべき姿勢であり、これが議会制民主主義の基本でもあろう。
◇首相のやじと異論排除
As 60 days have passed since the security-related bills were referred to the House of Councillors following their passage through the House of Representatives, the lower chamber can now pass the bills into law in a second vote by a two-thirds majority.
安全保障関連法案は参院に送付されて６０日が経過し、衆院での再可決も可能な段階に入った。
Under Article 59 of the Constitution, "failure by the House of Councillors to take final action within 60 days after receipt of a bill passed by the House of Representatives, with time in recess excepted, may be determined to constitute a rejection of the bill" by the upper chamber. The same clause stipulates that a bill voted down by the upper chamber can be passed into law by the lower house in a second vote by two-thirds of members present.
与党はこの「６０日ルール」の適用もちらつかせながら、週内に成立させる方針でいる。
One cannot help but wonder how Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who is desperate to ensure that the bills will be passed into law during the current Diet session, takes Ohira's words. It's like Abe is thinking, it would be unavoidable to enact the legislation even if it cannot win public understanding.
もはや国民に理解されなくても仕方がないとばかりに成立を急ぐ安倍晋三首相は今、大平氏の言葉をどう受け止めるだろう。
As the prime minister says, in the end, any decision is made by a majority vote in parliamentary politics. However, deliberations have clarified that the security-related bills in question should not become law. First of all, the executive branch of the government failed to provide a convincing explanation to the public in response to experts' arguments that the bills would constitute a violation of the war-renouncing Constitution. Nor did the government clearly explain why Japan needs to exercise the right to collective self-defense, which means coming to the aid of allies under armed attack even if Japan itself is not attacked. The purpose of the bills has become increasingly unclear as deliberations progressed.
首相が言うように確かに最後は多数決で決するのが議会政治だ。だがこの法案は、むしろ審議の結果、成立させるべきでないことが明白になったというべきだ。第一に憲法違反との指摘に対し、政府は結局、納得のいく説明ができなかった。そしてなぜ集団的自衛権を行使する必要があるのか、法案の目的も審議するほど不明確になったからだ。
There are flaws in the methods of deliberating the bills as well.
ここに至る手法にも問題がある。
In late May, shortly before the lower chamber launched deliberations on the security bills, the Mainichi Shimbun in an editorial commented that the prime minister should change his attitude in refusing to listen to opposition and calls for prudence in enacting security legislation.
法案の衆院審議が始まる直前の５月下旬、私たちは異論や慎重論に耳を傾けない首相の姿勢をまず改めよと書いた。
However, it is regrettable that the prime minister only held black-or-white, friend-or-foe sorts of discussions during Diet deliberations on the bills.
残念ながら白か黒か、敵か味方かしかないような首相の「決めつけ議論」は変わらなかった。
Moreover, Prime Minister Abe showed his arrogance by saying things like, "Ask your questions quickly" and "Never mind such a thing," to interrupt questions by opposition legislators.
国会の審議では首相が野党に対し「早く質問しろよ」「まあいいじゃん。そういうことは」と乱暴なやじを飛ばして議論をさえぎった。
Yosuke Isozaki, an adviser to the prime minister, also stated during a meeting in his home constituency, "Legal stability is irrelevant," suggesting that consistency between the security bills and the war-renouncing Constitution is unimportant. Numerous members of the general public interpreted his remark as revealing the government's true intentions.
側近の礒崎陽輔首相補佐官は地元での会合で「法的安定性は関係ない」と語った。憲法との整合性など二の次だということだ。多くの国民はこれが政権の本音と受け取ったろう。
In a study session organized by junior LDP legislators, one member remarked that advertising revenue should be cut off to media outlets that are opposed to the bills. There is a growing tendency to suppress opposing opinions.
自民党の若手の勉強会では「法案に反対するマスコミを懲らしめるには広告料収入をなくせばいい」との暴言も出た。異論を封殺しようとする傾向は一段と強まっている。
The bills were drafted based on the Abe Cabinet's decision in July 2014 to reverse the government's longstanding interpretation of the Constitution in a limited way to open the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense. However, Prime Minister Abe declared during the campaign for the December 2014 lower house race that his decision to postpone the planned consumption tax hike was the key point of contention. With regard to the security bills, the LDP only stated in the last half of its some 300 campaign pledge topics that security legislation would be swiftly developed to ensure seamless responses to contingencies.
この法案は昨夏、歴代内閣が長年保ってきた憲法解釈を覆し、限定的とはいえ集団的自衛権の行使を認める閣議決定をしたことに始まる。しかし、昨年末の衆院選で首相は「消費増税先送りの是非」を最大の争点に掲げ、安保法案は自民党の公約に羅列した約３００項目の政策の後半に「切れ目のない対応を可能とする安全保障法制を速やかに整備」などと記されたに過ぎない。
In his policy speech at the outset of the current Diet session in February this year, the prime minister only briefly said the government would aim to be able to ensure a seamless response to any situation. On the other hand, Abe pledged in his speech before U.S. Congress in late April that Japan would enact security legislation by summer. At the time, the government had not even submitted the bills to the Diet.
今国会が始まった今年２月の施政方針演説でも首相は「あらゆる事態に切れ目のない対応を可能とする」などと述べただけだ。一方で首相はまだ法案が国会に提出されていない４月末、米議会での演説で「夏までに必ず実現する」と宣言したのだ。
What Abe has done shows that he makes light of the Diet, elections and the general public. He would be extremely self-righteous if he were to believe that the public has given him carte blanche by giving the LDP a majority in the lower chamber.
国会軽視、選挙軽視、国民軽視の極みである。衆院選で勝てば、すべてが白紙委任されたと首相が考えているとしたらあまりにも独善的だ。
◇独走抑えるのが国会だ
Prime Minister Abe cited the amendment made to the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty in 1960 when his grandfather Nobusuke Kishi was prime minister to justify the security legislation. "At the time, the revisions were criticized as Japan could be dragged into war, but history has proved that the amendment wasn't wrong," Abe said. He has repeated similar remarks.
首相は祖父の岸信介氏が首相だった１９６０年の日米安保条約改定を例に挙げ、「あの時も戦争に巻き込まれると批判されたが、改定が間違っていなかったのは歴史が証明している」と繰り返す。
LDP Vice President Masahiko Komura said, "Japan couldn't have set up the Self-Defense Forces (SDF), revised the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty or enacted the Act on Cooperation with United Nations Peacekeeping Operations and Other Operations if Japan had relied on public opinion of the moment."
自民党の高村正彦副総裁も「刹那（せつな）的な世論だけに頼っていたら自衛隊も日米安保改定も国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）協力法もできなかった」と言う。
Demonstrations protesting against the bills, mainly those around the Diet building, have been expanding regardless of participants' affiliation with political parties and other organizations. Many participants are apparently wary of not only the contents of the bills but also the Abe government's high-handed political method, and are dissatisfied with the Diet's failure to stop the prime minister's reckless move. Opinion polls conducted by various news organizations show that a majority of members of the general public are opposed to the bills. Komura's remark suggesting that he regards such public opinion as momentary apparently demonstrates that the LDP has lost its humility.
今回の法案に対し、党派や組織を超えて国会周辺を中心に反対デモが広がっている。法案の中身だけではない。多くの参加者は安倍政権の強引な手法に不安や危うさを感じるとともに、首相らの独走を抑えられない国会にも不満を感じているから行動を起こしているのではないだろうか。世論調査でも依然、反対意見が優勢だ。それを刹那的だと語ること自体が、おごりの表れだろう。
The security policy as well as the social security policy is something that should not drastically change whenever the government changes. Therefore, it is necessary to form a broad consensus on these policies.
安保政策や社会保障政策は本来、政権が交代するたびに激変していいものではない。だから与野党の幅広い合意が必要なのである。
The government submitted the first bill aimed at deploying SDF personnel overseas to the Diet in 1990, but the LDP decided to scrap it after officials failed to explain how it could conform with the Constitution. At the same time, the LDP agreed with its now ruling coalition partner Komeito and the now defunct Democratic Socialist Party to consider opening the way for Japan to dispatch SDF troops exclusively for the purpose of participating in U.N. peacekeeping operations. The move paved the way for the enactment of the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations law.
日本が初めて自衛隊の海外派遣を検討した９０年の国連平和協力法案は憲法との整合性などを説明できず、自民党自ら廃案を決断した。同時に自民党はＰＫＯに限定して自衛隊が参加する検討を始めることを公明党と旧民社党との間で合意し、後に３回にわたる国会審議を経てＰＫＯ法を成立させるきっかけを作った。
There are some points in the security bills over which the ruling coalition could have compromised with the largest opposition Democratic Party of Japan and other opposition parties, except for clauses on the right to collective self-defense. Nevertheless, Prime Minister Abe only urged opposition parties to choose between voting for and against all the bills, and failed to try to form a broad consensus.
今回も集団的自衛権の関連などを除けば、民主党も含め歩み寄りが可能な点はあったはずだ。だが、首相らはすべてに賛成するのか、しないのかの選択を迫るのみで幅広い合意を形成しようという姿勢はついぞ見られなかった。
If the current situation is to continue, it would shake the foundations of Japan's parliamentary politics. The government should abandon passing the bills into law during the ongoing session and start over from scratch.
このままでは議会政治の根幹が崩れてしまう。成立を断念して出直すよう重ねて強く求める。
毎日新聞 2015年09月15日 東京朝刊
2015年09月15日
社説：安保転換を問う 集団的自衛権
September 14, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: Numerous holes in gov't explanation of right to collective self-defense
社説：安保転換を問う 集団的自衛権
◇政府の説明は破綻した
The government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is aiming to make sure that security-related bills which would open the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense become law by the end of this week.
安倍政権が、安全保障関連法案を今週中に成立させようとしている。
Many experts have pointed out that the bills constitute a violation of the war-renouncing Constitution, while the majority of the public is opposed to enacting them. One cannot help but wonder why the government is making haste to enact the proposed legislation.
多くの専門家が憲法違反と指摘し、国民の過半数が反対しているのに、なぜ成立を急ごうとするのか。
Prime Minister Abe has emphasized that the legislation is necessary to protect the lives and livelihoods of the people. However, no government officials have provided any explanation during some 200 hours of Diet deliberations that have convinced the public of why Japan cannot defend itself unless the country exercises the right to collective self-defense.
安倍晋三首相は「国民の命と暮らしを守るため」というが、これまで衆参両院で約２００時間、審議しても、集団的自衛権を行使しなければ国を守れないという説得力ある説明は、政府から聞かれなかった。
Since the House of Councillors began deliberations on the bills following their passage through the House of Representatives, the government has emphasized its concerns about China's military buildup in addition to the threat posed by North Korea. The government apparently aims to gain public understanding of the need for the security legislation by appealing to the public, which harbors a vague anxiety about the security environment surrounding Japan.
審議が参院に移ってから、政府は北朝鮮の脅威に加え、中国の軍事的台頭への懸念を強調するようになった。国民の間に広がる漠然とした不安に訴えかけ、法案の必要性に理解を得ようという狙いだろう。
◇ホルムズも邦人輸送も
It is true that China and North Korea's recent moves are worrisome. As such, it is only natural that some people sympathize with the government's questions as to whether it is all right for Japan to sit by and do nothing.
確かに中国や北朝鮮の動向は心配だ。日本はこのまま手をこまねいていていいのか、という問いかけに共感する人もいるだろう。
However, both legislators, government officials and the public should calmly consider what Japan can do and cannot do to respond to the security situation and what kind of legislation should be developed to make up for shortcomings.
だが、こういうときだからこそ日本はいま何ができて、何ができないか。足りない点を補うために、どんな法制を整備すべきか、冷静に検討する必要がある。
Let's consider how to defend Okinawa Prefecture's Senkaku Islands, which are also claimed by China and Taiwan. The Senkakus are part of Japan's territory. Therefore, Japan would exercise the right to individual self-defense to defend the islands in case of an armed attack. The United States would supposedly defend the islands jointly with Japan under Article 5 of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.
差し迫った課題である沖縄県・尖閣諸島を考えてみる。尖閣は日本の領土だ。この防衛は、日本を守るための個別的自衛権で対処する。米国も日米安保条約５条にもとづき共同で防衛にあたると期待されている。
Therefore, Japan would respond to contingencies on the islands with its own right to individual self-defense and under the Japan-U.S. security arrangement. Such being the case, Japan would not exercise the right to collective self-defense to respond to such contingencies. A country is supposed to exercise the right to collective self-defense to use force to defend another country that has come under armed attack.
つまり個別的自衛権と日米安保で対処するわけで、他国が攻められたときに日本がそれを守るために反撃する集団的自衛権とは関係がない。
The government has cited minesweeping in the Strait of Hormuz in the Middle East and guarding U.S. military vessels transporting Japanese nationals as specific examples of operations that Japan would conduct by exercising the right to collective self-defense.
政府が、集団的自衛権行使の代表例としたのは「中東・ホルムズ海峡での機雷掃海」と「邦人輸送中の米艦防護」だ。
Government officials have less actively mentioned minesweeping in the Strait of Hormuz recently in the face of growing criticism over Japan's exercise of the right to collective self-defense for economic reasons.
ホルムズ海峡の機雷掃海は、経済的な理由で集団的自衛権を行使することに批判が高まり、政府は最近では積極的に言及しなくなった。
The government assumes that Japan would defend U.S. military ships carrying Japanese evacuees mainly in case of an armed conflict on the Korean Peninsula although no geographic restrictions are placed on such operations. Prime Minister Abe places particular importance to such missions as examples of cases in which Japan needs to exercise the right to collective self-defense, which he explained by showing charts and illustrations.
邦人輸送中の米艦防護は、地域は限定していないが、主に朝鮮半島有事（戦争）を想定している。首相がパネルを使って集団的自衛権行使の必要性を訴えたこだわりの事例だ。
However, Defense Minister Gen Nakatani has stated that whether Japanese nationals are aboard U.S. vessels is not an absolute condition for Japan exercising the right to collective self-defense.
だが、中谷元防衛相は「邦人が乗っているかいないかは、（条件の）絶対的なものではない」と語った。
In regard to guarding U.S. military vessels in case of an armed conflict on the Korean Peninsula, discussions were also held on defending U.S. Aegis-equipped vessels engaging in missile defense activities. However, it is unrealistic to assume cases where the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) would need to guard U.S. vessels because such vessels seldom operate individually without forming a fleet with other ships in case of emergency. Government officials' statement wavered over this point.
朝鮮半島有事の米艦防護では、このほか、ミサイル防衛にあたる米イージス艦を守るケースも議論された。有事に米艦が艦隊を編成せずに単独で行動し、自衛隊に守ってもらう事態は現実には考えにくい。この点でも政府の答弁は揺れ動いた。
Serious questions remain as to whether the government needs to open the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense by arbitrarily changing the interpretation of the war-renouncing Constitution -- the interpretation that the government had upheld for more than four decades. The government failed to show clear examples of missions that Japan can conduct by only exercising this right in a manner that can convince the public. Therefore, the government's explanation of the matter has collapsed.
４０年以上維持されてきた憲法９条の解釈を強引に変更してまで、なぜ集団的自衛権を行使する必要があるのか。政府は、それに当てはまる事例をついに示せなかった。説明は破綻したと断じざるを得ない。
The government's primary purpose of enacting security legislation is to enable the SDF to support U.S. combat operations on a global scale and make the bilateral alliance more reciprocal by allowing Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense. By doing so, Japan is trying to encourage the United States to side with countries in the Asia-Pacific region and use the reinforced Japan-U.S. alliance to counter China's military buildup.
政府が法案に込めた狙いは、米軍の戦いを自衛隊が世界規模で支援し、集団的自衛権の行使が可能な国になることで、日米同盟をより双務的にすることだろう。それによって米国をアジア太平洋に引きつけ、強化された日米同盟で中国の軍拡に対応することを目指している。
From the beginning, the government placed priority on opening the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense rather than repeating discussions on bills necessary to respond to changes in the security environment surrounding Japan.
安全保障環境の変化に対応するため、必要な法案の議論を一つずつ積み上げたというよりも、集団的自衛権の行使容認ありきだった。
◇あまりに大きいリスク
Therefore, the contents of the bills do not necessarily match specific changes in the actual security environment, making it appear that government officials' explanations have changed frequently.
だから、必ずしも現実の安保環境の変化と法案の内容が結びつかず、ちぐはぐになり、政府の説明がころころ変わったように見える。
It is necessary to review Japan's legislation regarding security to respond to changes in the security environment. For example, it would be a good idea for the ruling and opposition parties to discuss expanding logistical support that the SDF can extend to U.S. forces in case of an armed conflict on the Korean Peninsula under the "emergency-at-periphery" law, while retaining geographical restrictions on such activities and a ban on the provision of ammunition to U.S. forces.
私たちは、安保環境の変化に対応するため、法制の見直しは必要だと考えている。例えば、現行の周辺事態法は、朝鮮半島有事を想定して米軍への後方支援を定めた法律だが、地理的な制約を維持し、弾薬の提供をしないなどの縛りをかけたまま、与野党で話し合って支援内容の拡充を検討することがあっていい。
However, specific operations that the government claims that the SDF cannot conduct unless the country exercises the right to collective self-defense apparently can be performed by using the right to individual self-defense in principle.
だが、集団的自衛権の行使が必要と政府が言うものは、基本的に個別的自衛権で対応できると考える。
The three new conditions for using force by exercising the right to collective self-defense, such as a threat to Japan's survival, provided for by the proposed security legislation, are ambiguous, and the executive branch of the government would be allowed to judge whether contingencies meet these conditions in a comprehensive manner.
集団的自衛権の行使を認めた今回の法案は、「存立危機事態」など行使の新３要件があいまいで、政府が総合的に判断するという仕組みだ。
Specific standards for going ahead with the use of force are the most important matter in SDF operations. Under the bills, however, the executive branch could stretch the interpretation of the standards at its own discretion, and there are fears that Japan's use of force overseas could expand without limits.
どういう基準で武力行使に踏み切るのかという、自衛隊の運用で最も重要な問題が、国民の目に見えない。政府の裁量次第で拡大解釈が可能であり、海外での武力行使が際限なく広がる恐れがある。
If the government-sponsored bills are to be enforced, it could rather cause security risks, and eventually lead to political risks.
政府案が実行に移されれば、むしろ安全保障上のリスクとなる。さらには、政治上のリスクも招く可能性がある。
The Cabinet's decision in July 2014 to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense is inconsistent with the government's past interpretation of the Constitution as banning Japan from exercising the right to collective self-defense even though the country is granted this right under international law. Although experts have pointed out that the bills are unconstitutional, the government has been unable to provide any convincing explanation of the bills' constitutionality.
集団的自衛権の行使を認めた憲法解釈変更は、過去の解釈と論理的な整合性がとれていない。法案は憲法違反だと指摘されても、政府は最後まで納得いく答えを示せなかった。
If the bills are to be passed into law, the stability of the country's legal system, which is headed by the Constitution, would be destroyed. Enactment of the bills would raise concerns that both the government and the Constitution would lose public trust. It could even destabilize Japan's politics.
法案を成立させれば、憲法を頂点とする法体系の安定性は失われるだろう。憲法も政府も国民から信頼されなくなる懸念がある。政治そのものが不安定になりかねない。
The government claims that the enactment of the proposed security legislation would strengthen the Japan-U.S. alliance and increase deterrence provided by the alliance. The bills may have such advantages, but there are more risks involving the legislation. Such bills should not be enacted.
政府は、法整備により日米同盟が強化され抑止力が高まると言う。そういうメリットがあるとしても、リスクのほうがはるかに大きい。そんな法案を成立させてはならない。
毎日新聞 2015年09月13日 02時30分
Editorial: Numerous holes in gov't explanation of right to collective self-defense
社説：安保転換を問う 集団的自衛権
◇政府の説明は破綻した
The government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is aiming to make sure that security-related bills which would open the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense become law by the end of this week.
安倍政権が、安全保障関連法案を今週中に成立させようとしている。
Many experts have pointed out that the bills constitute a violation of the war-renouncing Constitution, while the majority of the public is opposed to enacting them. One cannot help but wonder why the government is making haste to enact the proposed legislation.
多くの専門家が憲法違反と指摘し、国民の過半数が反対しているのに、なぜ成立を急ごうとするのか。
Prime Minister Abe has emphasized that the legislation is necessary to protect the lives and livelihoods of the people. However, no government officials have provided any explanation during some 200 hours of Diet deliberations that have convinced the public of why Japan cannot defend itself unless the country exercises the right to collective self-defense.
安倍晋三首相は「国民の命と暮らしを守るため」というが、これまで衆参両院で約２００時間、審議しても、集団的自衛権を行使しなければ国を守れないという説得力ある説明は、政府から聞かれなかった。
Since the House of Councillors began deliberations on the bills following their passage through the House of Representatives, the government has emphasized its concerns about China's military buildup in addition to the threat posed by North Korea. The government apparently aims to gain public understanding of the need for the security legislation by appealing to the public, which harbors a vague anxiety about the security environment surrounding Japan.
審議が参院に移ってから、政府は北朝鮮の脅威に加え、中国の軍事的台頭への懸念を強調するようになった。国民の間に広がる漠然とした不安に訴えかけ、法案の必要性に理解を得ようという狙いだろう。
◇ホルムズも邦人輸送も
It is true that China and North Korea's recent moves are worrisome. As such, it is only natural that some people sympathize with the government's questions as to whether it is all right for Japan to sit by and do nothing.
確かに中国や北朝鮮の動向は心配だ。日本はこのまま手をこまねいていていいのか、という問いかけに共感する人もいるだろう。
However, both legislators, government officials and the public should calmly consider what Japan can do and cannot do to respond to the security situation and what kind of legislation should be developed to make up for shortcomings.
だが、こういうときだからこそ日本はいま何ができて、何ができないか。足りない点を補うために、どんな法制を整備すべきか、冷静に検討する必要がある。
Let's consider how to defend Okinawa Prefecture's Senkaku Islands, which are also claimed by China and Taiwan. The Senkakus are part of Japan's territory. Therefore, Japan would exercise the right to individual self-defense to defend the islands in case of an armed attack. The United States would supposedly defend the islands jointly with Japan under Article 5 of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.
差し迫った課題である沖縄県・尖閣諸島を考えてみる。尖閣は日本の領土だ。この防衛は、日本を守るための個別的自衛権で対処する。米国も日米安保条約５条にもとづき共同で防衛にあたると期待されている。
Therefore, Japan would respond to contingencies on the islands with its own right to individual self-defense and under the Japan-U.S. security arrangement. Such being the case, Japan would not exercise the right to collective self-defense to respond to such contingencies. A country is supposed to exercise the right to collective self-defense to use force to defend another country that has come under armed attack.
つまり個別的自衛権と日米安保で対処するわけで、他国が攻められたときに日本がそれを守るために反撃する集団的自衛権とは関係がない。
The government has cited minesweeping in the Strait of Hormuz in the Middle East and guarding U.S. military vessels transporting Japanese nationals as specific examples of operations that Japan would conduct by exercising the right to collective self-defense.
政府が、集団的自衛権行使の代表例としたのは「中東・ホルムズ海峡での機雷掃海」と「邦人輸送中の米艦防護」だ。
Government officials have less actively mentioned minesweeping in the Strait of Hormuz recently in the face of growing criticism over Japan's exercise of the right to collective self-defense for economic reasons.
ホルムズ海峡の機雷掃海は、経済的な理由で集団的自衛権を行使することに批判が高まり、政府は最近では積極的に言及しなくなった。
The government assumes that Japan would defend U.S. military ships carrying Japanese evacuees mainly in case of an armed conflict on the Korean Peninsula although no geographic restrictions are placed on such operations. Prime Minister Abe places particular importance to such missions as examples of cases in which Japan needs to exercise the right to collective self-defense, which he explained by showing charts and illustrations.
邦人輸送中の米艦防護は、地域は限定していないが、主に朝鮮半島有事（戦争）を想定している。首相がパネルを使って集団的自衛権行使の必要性を訴えたこだわりの事例だ。
However, Defense Minister Gen Nakatani has stated that whether Japanese nationals are aboard U.S. vessels is not an absolute condition for Japan exercising the right to collective self-defense.
だが、中谷元防衛相は「邦人が乗っているかいないかは、（条件の）絶対的なものではない」と語った。
In regard to guarding U.S. military vessels in case of an armed conflict on the Korean Peninsula, discussions were also held on defending U.S. Aegis-equipped vessels engaging in missile defense activities. However, it is unrealistic to assume cases where the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) would need to guard U.S. vessels because such vessels seldom operate individually without forming a fleet with other ships in case of emergency. Government officials' statement wavered over this point.
朝鮮半島有事の米艦防護では、このほか、ミサイル防衛にあたる米イージス艦を守るケースも議論された。有事に米艦が艦隊を編成せずに単独で行動し、自衛隊に守ってもらう事態は現実には考えにくい。この点でも政府の答弁は揺れ動いた。
Serious questions remain as to whether the government needs to open the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense by arbitrarily changing the interpretation of the war-renouncing Constitution -- the interpretation that the government had upheld for more than four decades. The government failed to show clear examples of missions that Japan can conduct by only exercising this right in a manner that can convince the public. Therefore, the government's explanation of the matter has collapsed.
４０年以上維持されてきた憲法９条の解釈を強引に変更してまで、なぜ集団的自衛権を行使する必要があるのか。政府は、それに当てはまる事例をついに示せなかった。説明は破綻したと断じざるを得ない。
The government's primary purpose of enacting security legislation is to enable the SDF to support U.S. combat operations on a global scale and make the bilateral alliance more reciprocal by allowing Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense. By doing so, Japan is trying to encourage the United States to side with countries in the Asia-Pacific region and use the reinforced Japan-U.S. alliance to counter China's military buildup.
政府が法案に込めた狙いは、米軍の戦いを自衛隊が世界規模で支援し、集団的自衛権の行使が可能な国になることで、日米同盟をより双務的にすることだろう。それによって米国をアジア太平洋に引きつけ、強化された日米同盟で中国の軍拡に対応することを目指している。
From the beginning, the government placed priority on opening the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense rather than repeating discussions on bills necessary to respond to changes in the security environment surrounding Japan.
安全保障環境の変化に対応するため、必要な法案の議論を一つずつ積み上げたというよりも、集団的自衛権の行使容認ありきだった。
◇あまりに大きいリスク
Therefore, the contents of the bills do not necessarily match specific changes in the actual security environment, making it appear that government officials' explanations have changed frequently.
だから、必ずしも現実の安保環境の変化と法案の内容が結びつかず、ちぐはぐになり、政府の説明がころころ変わったように見える。
It is necessary to review Japan's legislation regarding security to respond to changes in the security environment. For example, it would be a good idea for the ruling and opposition parties to discuss expanding logistical support that the SDF can extend to U.S. forces in case of an armed conflict on the Korean Peninsula under the "emergency-at-periphery" law, while retaining geographical restrictions on such activities and a ban on the provision of ammunition to U.S. forces.
私たちは、安保環境の変化に対応するため、法制の見直しは必要だと考えている。例えば、現行の周辺事態法は、朝鮮半島有事を想定して米軍への後方支援を定めた法律だが、地理的な制約を維持し、弾薬の提供をしないなどの縛りをかけたまま、与野党で話し合って支援内容の拡充を検討することがあっていい。
However, specific operations that the government claims that the SDF cannot conduct unless the country exercises the right to collective self-defense apparently can be performed by using the right to individual self-defense in principle.
だが、集団的自衛権の行使が必要と政府が言うものは、基本的に個別的自衛権で対応できると考える。
The three new conditions for using force by exercising the right to collective self-defense, such as a threat to Japan's survival, provided for by the proposed security legislation, are ambiguous, and the executive branch of the government would be allowed to judge whether contingencies meet these conditions in a comprehensive manner.
集団的自衛権の行使を認めた今回の法案は、「存立危機事態」など行使の新３要件があいまいで、政府が総合的に判断するという仕組みだ。
Specific standards for going ahead with the use of force are the most important matter in SDF operations. Under the bills, however, the executive branch could stretch the interpretation of the standards at its own discretion, and there are fears that Japan's use of force overseas could expand without limits.
どういう基準で武力行使に踏み切るのかという、自衛隊の運用で最も重要な問題が、国民の目に見えない。政府の裁量次第で拡大解釈が可能であり、海外での武力行使が際限なく広がる恐れがある。
If the government-sponsored bills are to be enforced, it could rather cause security risks, and eventually lead to political risks.
政府案が実行に移されれば、むしろ安全保障上のリスクとなる。さらには、政治上のリスクも招く可能性がある。
The Cabinet's decision in July 2014 to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense is inconsistent with the government's past interpretation of the Constitution as banning Japan from exercising the right to collective self-defense even though the country is granted this right under international law. Although experts have pointed out that the bills are unconstitutional, the government has been unable to provide any convincing explanation of the bills' constitutionality.
集団的自衛権の行使を認めた憲法解釈変更は、過去の解釈と論理的な整合性がとれていない。法案は憲法違反だと指摘されても、政府は最後まで納得いく答えを示せなかった。
If the bills are to be passed into law, the stability of the country's legal system, which is headed by the Constitution, would be destroyed. Enactment of the bills would raise concerns that both the government and the Constitution would lose public trust. It could even destabilize Japan's politics.
法案を成立させれば、憲法を頂点とする法体系の安定性は失われるだろう。憲法も政府も国民から信頼されなくなる懸念がある。政治そのものが不安定になりかねない。
The government claims that the enactment of the proposed security legislation would strengthen the Japan-U.S. alliance and increase deterrence provided by the alliance. The bills may have such advantages, but there are more risks involving the legislation. Such bills should not be enacted.
政府は、法整備により日米同盟が強化され抑止力が高まると言う。そういうメリットがあるとしても、リスクのほうがはるかに大きい。そんな法案を成立させてはならない。
毎日新聞 2015年09月13日 02時30分
2015年09月14日
尖閣国有化３年 領土守り抜く体制を構築せよ
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Warning and surveillance system must be firmly secured to protect territory
尖閣国有化３年 領土守り抜く体制を構築せよ
China’s infringements of Japanese sovereignty have been continuing. The government must build a thorough warning and surveillance system, taking into consideration that it will be a long-term struggle.
日本の主権に対する中国の侵害が続いている。政府は長期戦も視野に、万全の警戒・監視体制を構築せねばならない。
Friday marked the third anniversary of the nationalization of the Senkaku Islands in Ishigaki, Okinawa Prefecture.
沖縄県石垣市の尖閣諸島を国有化してから、１１日で３年を迎えた。
China, which claims sovereignty over the Senkakus, has six to nine of its government vessels intrude into Japanese territorial waters around the islands every month. The number of intruding ships has declined, but their intrusions have become routine. China, building a 10,000-ton-class large patrol boat, clearly intends to continue its saber-rattling activities.
尖閣諸島の領有権を主張する中国は、今も毎月６〜９隻の公船を周辺の領海に侵入させている。当初より隻数は減ったが、常態化した。１万トン級の大型巡視船も建造し、示威活動を続ける構えだ。
Japan Coast Guard boats have been conducting patrols around the Senkakus and ordering Chinese vessels to exit from Japanese waters whenever they intrude.
侵入の度に海上保安庁の巡視船が監視し、退去を求めている。
It is also necessary to keep an eye on the moves of the Chinese military. China declared in November 2013 the establishment of an air defense identification zone in airspace including that over the Senkakus. Chinese air and maritime forces have bolstered and modernized their military equipment and aim to establish naval and air supremacy in the East and South China seas.
中国軍の動向も注視が必要だ。２０１３年１１月、尖閣諸島上空を含む空域に防空識別圏の設定を表明した。海空軍の装備を増強、近代化し、東・南シナ海の制海・制空権の確保を狙っている。
It is right for Ishigaki Mayor Yoshitaka Nakayama to say, “Realistic threats have been mounting.”
中山義隆石垣市長の「現実的な脅威が高まっている」との指摘はもっともだ。
The central government and local governments concerned need to share a sense of urgency and work together strategically toward securing territorial integrity.
政府と関係自治体が危機感を共有し、領土保全に戦略的に取り組む必要がある。
The JCG has so far managed to deal with Chinese government vessels by mobilizing patrol boats from around the country, but within the current fiscal year it will also establish a system under which it will be able to operate 12 large patrol boats on a full-time basis. It is necessary to establish as soon as possible a constant aerial monitoring system with the use of three jet planes.
海保は従来、全国からの巡視船の応援派遣をやり繰りし、中国公船に対応してきたが、今年度中に大型巡視船１２隻の専従体制を整える。ジェット機３機による空からの常時監視体制も、できるだけ早期に整備したい。
It is essential for the JCG and the Self-Defense Forces to cooperate closely in preparing a system capable of ensuring defense seamlessly in anticipation of various scenarios.
様々なシナリオを想定し、海保と自衛隊が緊密に連携して、切れ目のない対処を可能にしておくことが欠かせない。
Japan-U.S. alliance vital
U.S. President Barack Obama confirmed in spring last year that the Senkakus fall within the scope of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. A firm Japan-U.S. alliance can serve as the greatest deterrence against China.
オバマ米大統領は昨春、尖閣諸島が日米安全保障条約の適用対象だと確認した。強固な日米同盟が中国への最大の抑止力となる。
If security-related bills pass through the Diet, it would expand greatly the cooperation of the SDF and the U.S. military. They must augment joint drills and surveillance activity.
安全保障関連法案が成立すれば自衛隊と米軍の協力は大幅に拡大する。共同の訓練や警戒活動を一段と充実させることが大切だ。
The maritime liaison mechanism must be put into operation as early as possible to prevent accidental clashes between the SDF and Chinese forces.
自衛隊と中国軍の偶発的な衝突を防ぐため、「海上連絡メカニズム」の運用開始も急ぐべきだ。
It is important for the fact that the Senkakus are inherent territories of Japan historically and by international law to be made more widely known and understood overseas.
尖閣諸島が歴史的にも国際法的にも日本固有の領土であることを国際社会に積極的に発信し、理解を広げることが重要である。
China conducted an anti-Japan propaganda campaign on the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II this year by linking the event to issues of historical perception. Such moves have caused a drop in Japanese firms’ investment in China and the number of Japanese tourists visiting the country.
戦後７０年の今年、中国は、歴史認識に絡めた反日宣伝活動を展開している。こうした動きは、日本企業の対中投資や日本人観光客の減少などを招いた。
Japan and China have become increasingly interdependent in economic terms. Even if there are conflicts on territorial claims and over issues of historical perception, we want the two countries to encourage practical cooperation and personnel exchange.
日中両国は、経済面で相互依存関係を強めている。領土や歴史認識を巡る対立があっても、実務的な協力や人的交流は進めたい。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is exploring the possibility of holding talks with Chinese President Xi Jinping by taking advantage of such occasions as when he attends a U.N. General Assembly later this month and a Japan-China-South Korea summit likely to be scheduled for late October.
安倍首相は、今月下旬の国連総会や１０月末にも開かれる日中韓首脳会談などの機会を利用し、中国首脳との会談を模索している。
Abe and Xi must exchange opinions candidly from a comprehensive viewpoint of a mutually beneficial relationship based on common strategic interests.
戦略的互恵関係の大局に立ち、率直な意見交換を行うべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 12, 2015)
Warning and surveillance system must be firmly secured to protect territory
尖閣国有化３年 領土守り抜く体制を構築せよ
China’s infringements of Japanese sovereignty have been continuing. The government must build a thorough warning and surveillance system, taking into consideration that it will be a long-term struggle.
日本の主権に対する中国の侵害が続いている。政府は長期戦も視野に、万全の警戒・監視体制を構築せねばならない。
Friday marked the third anniversary of the nationalization of the Senkaku Islands in Ishigaki, Okinawa Prefecture.
沖縄県石垣市の尖閣諸島を国有化してから、１１日で３年を迎えた。
China, which claims sovereignty over the Senkakus, has six to nine of its government vessels intrude into Japanese territorial waters around the islands every month. The number of intruding ships has declined, but their intrusions have become routine. China, building a 10,000-ton-class large patrol boat, clearly intends to continue its saber-rattling activities.
尖閣諸島の領有権を主張する中国は、今も毎月６〜９隻の公船を周辺の領海に侵入させている。当初より隻数は減ったが、常態化した。１万トン級の大型巡視船も建造し、示威活動を続ける構えだ。
Japan Coast Guard boats have been conducting patrols around the Senkakus and ordering Chinese vessels to exit from Japanese waters whenever they intrude.
侵入の度に海上保安庁の巡視船が監視し、退去を求めている。
It is also necessary to keep an eye on the moves of the Chinese military. China declared in November 2013 the establishment of an air defense identification zone in airspace including that over the Senkakus. Chinese air and maritime forces have bolstered and modernized their military equipment and aim to establish naval and air supremacy in the East and South China seas.
中国軍の動向も注視が必要だ。２０１３年１１月、尖閣諸島上空を含む空域に防空識別圏の設定を表明した。海空軍の装備を増強、近代化し、東・南シナ海の制海・制空権の確保を狙っている。
It is right for Ishigaki Mayor Yoshitaka Nakayama to say, “Realistic threats have been mounting.”
中山義隆石垣市長の「現実的な脅威が高まっている」との指摘はもっともだ。
The central government and local governments concerned need to share a sense of urgency and work together strategically toward securing territorial integrity.
政府と関係自治体が危機感を共有し、領土保全に戦略的に取り組む必要がある。
The JCG has so far managed to deal with Chinese government vessels by mobilizing patrol boats from around the country, but within the current fiscal year it will also establish a system under which it will be able to operate 12 large patrol boats on a full-time basis. It is necessary to establish as soon as possible a constant aerial monitoring system with the use of three jet planes.
海保は従来、全国からの巡視船の応援派遣をやり繰りし、中国公船に対応してきたが、今年度中に大型巡視船１２隻の専従体制を整える。ジェット機３機による空からの常時監視体制も、できるだけ早期に整備したい。
It is essential for the JCG and the Self-Defense Forces to cooperate closely in preparing a system capable of ensuring defense seamlessly in anticipation of various scenarios.
様々なシナリオを想定し、海保と自衛隊が緊密に連携して、切れ目のない対処を可能にしておくことが欠かせない。
Japan-U.S. alliance vital
U.S. President Barack Obama confirmed in spring last year that the Senkakus fall within the scope of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. A firm Japan-U.S. alliance can serve as the greatest deterrence against China.
オバマ米大統領は昨春、尖閣諸島が日米安全保障条約の適用対象だと確認した。強固な日米同盟が中国への最大の抑止力となる。
If security-related bills pass through the Diet, it would expand greatly the cooperation of the SDF and the U.S. military. They must augment joint drills and surveillance activity.
安全保障関連法案が成立すれば自衛隊と米軍の協力は大幅に拡大する。共同の訓練や警戒活動を一段と充実させることが大切だ。
The maritime liaison mechanism must be put into operation as early as possible to prevent accidental clashes between the SDF and Chinese forces.
自衛隊と中国軍の偶発的な衝突を防ぐため、「海上連絡メカニズム」の運用開始も急ぐべきだ。
It is important for the fact that the Senkakus are inherent territories of Japan historically and by international law to be made more widely known and understood overseas.
尖閣諸島が歴史的にも国際法的にも日本固有の領土であることを国際社会に積極的に発信し、理解を広げることが重要である。
China conducted an anti-Japan propaganda campaign on the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II this year by linking the event to issues of historical perception. Such moves have caused a drop in Japanese firms’ investment in China and the number of Japanese tourists visiting the country.
戦後７０年の今年、中国は、歴史認識に絡めた反日宣伝活動を展開している。こうした動きは、日本企業の対中投資や日本人観光客の減少などを招いた。
Japan and China have become increasingly interdependent in economic terms. Even if there are conflicts on territorial claims and over issues of historical perception, we want the two countries to encourage practical cooperation and personnel exchange.
日中両国は、経済面で相互依存関係を強めている。領土や歴史認識を巡る対立があっても、実務的な協力や人的交流は進めたい。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is exploring the possibility of holding talks with Chinese President Xi Jinping by taking advantage of such occasions as when he attends a U.N. General Assembly later this month and a Japan-China-South Korea summit likely to be scheduled for late October.
安倍首相は、今月下旬の国連総会や１０月末にも開かれる日中韓首脳会談などの機会を利用し、中国首脳との会談を模索している。
Abe and Xi must exchange opinions candidly from a comprehensive viewpoint of a mutually beneficial relationship based on common strategic interests.
戦略的互恵関係の大局に立ち、率直な意見交換を行うべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 12, 2015)
2015年09月13日
改正派遣法成立 雇用安定の実効性は高まるか
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Will revised worker dispatch law lead to stable employment, better jobs?
改正派遣法成立 雇用安定の実効性は高まるか
The revised worker dispatch law, one of the main issues at the current Diet session, was enacted Friday by a majority vote supported by the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, its junior coalition partner Komeito and others. The revised law comes into force on Sept. 30.
今国会の焦点の一つだった改正労働者派遣法が自民、公明両党などの賛成多数で成立した。３０日に施行される。
It is important to use the amendment to steadily achieve stable employment and better working conditions for dispatched workers.
派遣労働者の雇用安定と処遇改善に着実につなげることが大切だ。
A main feature of the revised law is the removal of the effective time limit on companies’ use of temporary labor.
改正法は、企業が派遣労働者を受け入れられる期間の制限を事実上なくすことが柱である。
The existing law limits the use of dispatched workers to a maximum of three years, to protect regular employees’ jobs. It excludes 26 job categories, including secretaries, from this rule, but the revised law abolishes these exceptions and allows companies to extend the use of temporary workers in all categories following talks with labor unions and other parties.
従来は、正社員の仕事を守るため、受け入れ期間を最長３年に制限してきた。秘書など２６の専門業務は例外だったが、改正法では、この区分を廃止し、全業務で労働組合などの意見を聞けば、企業は期間を延ばせるようにした。
However, the revised law also sets a three-year limit on individual dispatched employees working in the same post, in principle, from the viewpoint of having them experience various jobs and improve their skills.
一方、個々の派遣労働者については、様々な仕事を経験して技能向上を図る観点から、同じ職場で働く期間を原則３年までとする新たな制限を設ける。
The revised law further obliges temporary staffing companies to help temporary workers improve their careers through such measures as training programs, and work to stabilize their employment through such steps as asking companies to hire them directly.
派遣会社に対しては、計画的な教育訓練など派遣労働者のキャリアアップ支援や、派遣先への直接雇用の依頼といった雇用安定措置を義務づけた。
We think the content of the revised law is appropriate, as it aims to enhance the so-far insufficient protection of dispatched workers, based on the reality that people today work in a variety of ways. It will also make it easier for companies to use dispatched workers.
働き方の多様化を踏まえ、手薄だった派遣労働者の保護を強化する改正案は、妥当な内容である。企業が派遣労働者を活用しやすくなる利点もある。
However, people doing specialist jobs, who can work longer under the existing law, will have to change their posts every three years under the revised one. Many are afraid that their contracts will be terminated. The government should monitor the activities of companies using dispatched workers and temporary staff agencies, and urge them to try to stabilize employment of temporary workers.
これまで長く働けた専門業務の人も、３年で職場を変わることになる。「雇い止め」の不安を抱く人は多い。政府は、派遣先や派遣会社の動向を注視し、雇用安定への努力を促すべきだ。
Protection for temp workers
During Diet deliberations, the ruling coalition parties claimed that the amendment would open a way for temporary workers to become regular employees and better their working conditions, but the opposition strongly protested that it would increase the number of people who permanently remain dispatched workers.
国会審議では、政府・与党が「正社員への道を開き、処遇改善を図るもの」と強調したのに対し、民主など野党は「一生派遣」が増える、と強く反発した。
The House of Councillors passed 39 supplementary resolutions regarding the revised law, reflecting the demands of the opposition parties. This convinced the opposition parties to stop their battle − they had resorted to force, preventing the chair of the Health, Labor and Welfare Committee from entering the conference hall before voting at the House of Representatives.
改正法には、野党の主張を取り入れた３９項目に上る付帯決議が参院で採択された。その結果、衆院厚生労働委員会で、採決前に委員長の入室を妨害するなど「実力行使」に出た野党も矛を収めた。
The additional resolutions urge the government to restrict the amount temporary staffing companies earn for acting as an intermediary, and give instructions to companies that are unwilling to directly hire dispatched workers. These issues should be studied.
付帯決議は、派遣会社が得る「マージン」に関する規制や、派遣労働者の直接雇用に消極的な派遣先への指導などを求めている。検討すべき課題だ。
The revised law requires every temporary staffing company to obtain government authorization. Some companies are currently allowed to operate just by registering with authorities concerned.
改正法では、一部で認めていた派遣会社の届け出制を廃止し、全てを許可制とした。
The Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry will deal strictly with temporary staffing companies that fail to provide their workers with occupational and other training, including rescinding their authorization. Whether the ministry is capable of doing that is key to the viability of the revised law.
教育訓練などを怠った業者に対し、許可取り消しも含めて厳しく指導監督する。厚生労働省にその能力があるかどうかが、改正法の実効性を確保するカギを握る。
If the authorization system functions effectively, temporary staffing companies that only offer low costs will be eliminated. We hope the fostering of quality temporary staffing companies will cause dispatched work to become established in our society as an opportunity to improve people’s careers.
許可制が有効に機能すれば、低コストのみが売り物の業者は淘汰とうたされよう。良質な業者を育てることで、派遣労働をキャリアアップの機会として定着させたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 12, 2015)
Will revised worker dispatch law lead to stable employment, better jobs?
改正派遣法成立 雇用安定の実効性は高まるか
The revised worker dispatch law, one of the main issues at the current Diet session, was enacted Friday by a majority vote supported by the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, its junior coalition partner Komeito and others. The revised law comes into force on Sept. 30.
今国会の焦点の一つだった改正労働者派遣法が自民、公明両党などの賛成多数で成立した。３０日に施行される。
It is important to use the amendment to steadily achieve stable employment and better working conditions for dispatched workers.
派遣労働者の雇用安定と処遇改善に着実につなげることが大切だ。
A main feature of the revised law is the removal of the effective time limit on companies’ use of temporary labor.
改正法は、企業が派遣労働者を受け入れられる期間の制限を事実上なくすことが柱である。
The existing law limits the use of dispatched workers to a maximum of three years, to protect regular employees’ jobs. It excludes 26 job categories, including secretaries, from this rule, but the revised law abolishes these exceptions and allows companies to extend the use of temporary workers in all categories following talks with labor unions and other parties.
従来は、正社員の仕事を守るため、受け入れ期間を最長３年に制限してきた。秘書など２６の専門業務は例外だったが、改正法では、この区分を廃止し、全業務で労働組合などの意見を聞けば、企業は期間を延ばせるようにした。
However, the revised law also sets a three-year limit on individual dispatched employees working in the same post, in principle, from the viewpoint of having them experience various jobs and improve their skills.
一方、個々の派遣労働者については、様々な仕事を経験して技能向上を図る観点から、同じ職場で働く期間を原則３年までとする新たな制限を設ける。
The revised law further obliges temporary staffing companies to help temporary workers improve their careers through such measures as training programs, and work to stabilize their employment through such steps as asking companies to hire them directly.
派遣会社に対しては、計画的な教育訓練など派遣労働者のキャリアアップ支援や、派遣先への直接雇用の依頼といった雇用安定措置を義務づけた。
We think the content of the revised law is appropriate, as it aims to enhance the so-far insufficient protection of dispatched workers, based on the reality that people today work in a variety of ways. It will also make it easier for companies to use dispatched workers.
働き方の多様化を踏まえ、手薄だった派遣労働者の保護を強化する改正案は、妥当な内容である。企業が派遣労働者を活用しやすくなる利点もある。
However, people doing specialist jobs, who can work longer under the existing law, will have to change their posts every three years under the revised one. Many are afraid that their contracts will be terminated. The government should monitor the activities of companies using dispatched workers and temporary staff agencies, and urge them to try to stabilize employment of temporary workers.
これまで長く働けた専門業務の人も、３年で職場を変わることになる。「雇い止め」の不安を抱く人は多い。政府は、派遣先や派遣会社の動向を注視し、雇用安定への努力を促すべきだ。
Protection for temp workers
During Diet deliberations, the ruling coalition parties claimed that the amendment would open a way for temporary workers to become regular employees and better their working conditions, but the opposition strongly protested that it would increase the number of people who permanently remain dispatched workers.
国会審議では、政府・与党が「正社員への道を開き、処遇改善を図るもの」と強調したのに対し、民主など野党は「一生派遣」が増える、と強く反発した。
The House of Councillors passed 39 supplementary resolutions regarding the revised law, reflecting the demands of the opposition parties. This convinced the opposition parties to stop their battle − they had resorted to force, preventing the chair of the Health, Labor and Welfare Committee from entering the conference hall before voting at the House of Representatives.
改正法には、野党の主張を取り入れた３９項目に上る付帯決議が参院で採択された。その結果、衆院厚生労働委員会で、採決前に委員長の入室を妨害するなど「実力行使」に出た野党も矛を収めた。
The additional resolutions urge the government to restrict the amount temporary staffing companies earn for acting as an intermediary, and give instructions to companies that are unwilling to directly hire dispatched workers. These issues should be studied.
付帯決議は、派遣会社が得る「マージン」に関する規制や、派遣労働者の直接雇用に消極的な派遣先への指導などを求めている。検討すべき課題だ。
The revised law requires every temporary staffing company to obtain government authorization. Some companies are currently allowed to operate just by registering with authorities concerned.
改正法では、一部で認めていた派遣会社の届け出制を廃止し、全てを許可制とした。
The Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry will deal strictly with temporary staffing companies that fail to provide their workers with occupational and other training, including rescinding their authorization. Whether the ministry is capable of doing that is key to the viability of the revised law.
教育訓練などを怠った業者に対し、許可取り消しも含めて厳しく指導監督する。厚生労働省にその能力があるかどうかが、改正法の実効性を確保するカギを握る。
If the authorization system functions effectively, temporary staffing companies that only offer low costs will be eliminated. We hope the fostering of quality temporary staffing companies will cause dispatched work to become established in our society as an opportunity to improve people’s careers.
許可制が有効に機能すれば、低コストのみが売り物の業者は淘汰とうたされよう。良質な業者を育てることで、派遣労働をキャリアアップの機会として定着させたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 12, 2015)
2015年09月12日
消費税１０％対策 国民への配慮を欠く財務省案
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Shun benefit payment that slights the public / LDP, Komeito should aim for lower tax rate
消費税１０％対策 国民への配慮を欠く財務省案
◆自公両党は軽減税率の導入貫け
On top of having little effect to alleviate the public’s sense of pain in paying taxes after an increase in the consumption tax rate, the current proposal would most likely force people to bear needless burdens. A system replete with flaws should never be adopted.
消費増税に伴う痛税感を和らげる効果に乏しい上に、国民に無用の負担を強いる。欠陥だらけの制度を、採用するわけにはいかない。
The Finance Ministry has presented to the ruling coalition parties’ tax system reform consultative council a draft the ministry touts as a plan aimed at easing the public’s burdens when the consumption tax rate is raised to 10 percent. The scheme is designed to impose a 10 percent tax on all purchases by consumers and pay back benefits to them at a later date an amount worth 2 percentage points of the tax payments levied on food and beverage items, except alcoholic beverages.
財務省が、消費税率を１０％に引き上げる際の負担緩和策の原案を、与党税制協議会に示した。全品目に１０％の税率を課したうえで、酒類を除く飲食料品については、税率２％相当額を後日、国民に給付する仕組みである。
Under this plan, there could be no lowering of payments at the time of purchases, meaning it would play no role in preventing spending on consumption from falling. The ruling parties should turn down the ministry’s draft, and introduce instead a reduced tax rate system in the true sense of the term to ensure tax rates on daily necessities such as food are kept down.
これでは、購入時の支払額は減らず、消費の落ち込みを防ぐ役割は果たせまい。与党は財務省案を退け、食料品など生活必需品の税率を低く抑える本来の軽減税率を導入するべきだ。
Shabby dole-out policy
◆みっともないバラマキ
The Finance Ministry describes its tax burden alleviation measures as a “Japanese version of a reduced tax rate system.”
財務省は負担緩和策を「日本型軽減税率」と称している。
Skeptical views were voiced one after another at the coalition parties’ consultative panel meeting on Thursday, such as that the idea put forth by the ministry should be deemed at best a “pseudo-reduced rate method.” This is because applying the same tax rate on all goods and paying cash later to the public is nothing but a government benefit measure.
これに対し、協議会のメンバーから、「軽減税率もどきではないか」などと、疑問の声が相次いだ。全品目に同じ税率を適用し、後からお金を配るのでは、給付金制度にほかならないからだ。
Bunmei Ibuki, who is a former finance minister and an authority on taxation affairs, at a meeting the same day of the Liberal Democratic Party’s Nikai faction − led by party General Council Chairman Toshihiro Nikai − harshly criticized the ministry’s plan, saying it is “an idea disgraceful for the Finance Ministry, as it could amount to a dole-out measure like a welfare benefit.”
財務相経験者で、税制に詳しい伊吹文明・元衆院議長も自民党二階派の会合で、「財務省にしては、みっともない案だ。福祉給付金のようなバラマキになる」と、厳しく批判した。
In their common electoral pledge for the House of Representatives election in December 2014, the LDP and its ruling coalition partner Komeito did commit to introducing a reduced tax rate system at the time of the consumption tax being hiked to 10 percent. Should the ruling parties adopt the ministry’s draft and insist obstinately that it should be considered a form of reduced tax rate formula, that would be tantamount to duping the public.
自民、公明両党は２０１４年１２月の衆院選共通公約で、消費税１０％時に軽減税率を導入することを明記した。財務省案を採用し、軽減税率だと強弁すれば、国民を欺くことになる。
The ministry’s draft calls for setting no limits on incomes for eligibility for receiving the benefits, with a view to having the benefits paid to people in all income brackets, including high-income persons. At the same time, the ministry is poised to set a cap on the benefits at around \5,000 a year per person.
財務省案では、所得制限は設けず、高所得者も含めて広く薄く給付金を支給する。一方で、給付額には１人当たり年５０００円程度の上限を設ける方向だ。
When the government raised the consumption tax rate to 8 percent in April 2014, it used what the government referred to as a “plain benefit measure” of lump-sum payouts ranging from \10,000 to \15,000 per person among low-income people, but that measure failed to produce any tangible effect in shoring up the economy. The ministry-proposed benefit measure would have an even lesser impact.
政府は１４年４月に消費税率を８％に上げた際、低所得者に１万〜１万５０００円を支給する「簡素な給付措置」を実施したが、景気下支え効果はなかった。今回はさらにインパクトが弱い。
Likewise, little effect could be hoped for from the ministry-envisaged plan in mitigating the sense of burden on low-income earners.
所得が低い人の負担感を緩和する効果も期待薄である。
No help for less well-off
◆低所得者への恩恵薄く
Many members of the ruling parties’ tax system panel also expressed skepticism about whether it was realistic to use My Number ID cards to calculate the amount of consumption tax on purchases of food and beverages.
協議会では、飲食料品の消費税額を把握するためにマイナンバー（共通番号）カードを活用することについても、実現性を危ぶむ声が多数上がった。
When making a purchase at a shop, a consumer will hold their card up to an ID card-reading terminal unit. This purchase information will then be collected at a newly established “center for accumulating data on reimbursement.” The consumer will then either go down to the tax office or elsewhere or apply online for the benefit payment.
買い物の時、店頭の読み取り機にカードをかざすと、新設の「還付ポイント蓄積センター」にデータが集約される。消費者は、税務署などに出向くか、インターネットなどで給付金を請求する。
The consumption tax rate is scheduled to be increased to 10 percent in April 2017. Will it be possible to ensure terminal units are installed at every single one of the estimated 800,000 retailers and food outlets across Japan by then? Even the distribution of My Number cards might not be completed at that stage.
消費税１０％が予定される１７年４月までに、全国に約８０万もあると見られる小売りや外食の事業者すべてに、読み取り機を設置できるだろうか。マイナンバーカード自体の配布も間に合うまい。
Each terminal is expected to cost tens of thousands of yen to purchase and install. Making sure that the payment system stretches across the entire nation also will entail other costs. Maintaining and managing the new data center, bank transfer fees to be paid when remitting benefit payment, and the labor costs of employees in charge of this work are just some of the factors that will create a new financial burden.
１台数万円とされる設置費や、全国にシステムを張り巡らせるコストもかかる。センターの維持・管理費や給付金の振込手数料、担当職員の人件費なども新たな財政負担となる。
At the panel meeting, a member of the Liberal Democratic Party who had misgivings about the benefit payment system likened it to the building method that caused the construction costs of the New National Stadium to balloon. “We must not allow this to become a second case of ‘keel arches,’” the member said, referring to the gigantic arches envisaged to support a retractable roof at the stadium.
協議会では、新国立競技場の建設費増大の原因となった工法になぞらえて、「第２のキールアーチになってはいけない」と危惧する意見も自民党から出た。
Another panel member pointed to the complications involved in getting consumers to use the system, and wondered whether it is realistic to expect every resident to carry their My Number card every time they go shopping.
このほか、「全国民が買い物のたびにマイナンバーカードを持ち歩くことは、現実味があるのか」と、消費者が制度を利用するために強いられる煩雑さの指摘もあった。
Many people are also concerned that their personal information could be leaked or unlawfully used if the cards are lost or stolen.
カードの紛失や盗難で、個人情報の流出や悪用による被害が出ることを懸念する向きは多い。
At a press conference, Finance Minister Taro Aso said: “If people don’t want to carry their cards, they don’t have to carry them. They will just miss out on the reduced tax by that much.” It appears Aso does not understand at all the true sentiment of people who are having a tough time managing the household budget.
麻生財務相は記者会見で、「カードを持っていきたくなければ、持っていかないでいい。その代わり、その分だけの減税はない」と述べた。家計のやりくりに苦心する国民の実情を、全く理解していないのではないか。
Some elderly people and others who would want to get the benefit payment have not mastered the use of personal computers and smartphones. We think a reduced consumption tax rate that does not impose any unnecessary trouble on people would be a fairer, simpler system for everybody.
給付を受けたくても、パソコンやスマートフォンを使いこなせない高齢者などもいる。余計な手間のかからない軽減税率の方が、全ての国民にとって公平かつ優しい制度である。
Learn from Europe
◆欧州の先例を見習おう
The Finance Ministry’s reasoning for avoiding the introduction of a lower tax rate on some items is that it would be difficult to draw a line between items subject to the lower rate and those that are not, and that having several rates would generate a heavy administrative burden when compiling invoices where tax amounts are entered for every transaction.
財務省は、軽減税率の導入を避ける理由として、対象品目の線引きの難しさや、複数税率化によって、取引ごとに税額を記入するインボイス（税額票）作成にかかる事務負担の重さを挙げる。
Selecting items to be subject to a lower tax rate would indeed require considerable time and effort. But adjusting the advantages and disadvantages of the tax system and making it realistic is precisely the primary duty of politics.
確かに対象品目の選定は手間がかかるが、税制を巡る利害を調整し、実現を図ることこそが、政治本来の責務である。
Major countries in Europe have implemented lower tax rates on some items for more than half a century.
欧州各国では、半世紀も前から軽減税率を導入している。
These lower rates are imposed on food and also newspapers and books, which are essential for preserving the culture of the printed word. Concerns over invoices have not hindered commercial transactions in any way in these nations.
食料品をはじめ、活字文化の保護に欠かせない新聞や書籍が対象だ。インボイスも、商取引の障害とはなっていない。
There is no reason why today’s Japan could not implement such a system.
今の日本で、実施できないわけがあるまい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 11, 2015)Speech
Shun benefit payment that slights the public / LDP, Komeito should aim for lower tax rate
消費税１０％対策 国民への配慮を欠く財務省案
◆自公両党は軽減税率の導入貫け
On top of having little effect to alleviate the public’s sense of pain in paying taxes after an increase in the consumption tax rate, the current proposal would most likely force people to bear needless burdens. A system replete with flaws should never be adopted.
消費増税に伴う痛税感を和らげる効果に乏しい上に、国民に無用の負担を強いる。欠陥だらけの制度を、採用するわけにはいかない。
The Finance Ministry has presented to the ruling coalition parties’ tax system reform consultative council a draft the ministry touts as a plan aimed at easing the public’s burdens when the consumption tax rate is raised to 10 percent. The scheme is designed to impose a 10 percent tax on all purchases by consumers and pay back benefits to them at a later date an amount worth 2 percentage points of the tax payments levied on food and beverage items, except alcoholic beverages.
財務省が、消費税率を１０％に引き上げる際の負担緩和策の原案を、与党税制協議会に示した。全品目に１０％の税率を課したうえで、酒類を除く飲食料品については、税率２％相当額を後日、国民に給付する仕組みである。
Under this plan, there could be no lowering of payments at the time of purchases, meaning it would play no role in preventing spending on consumption from falling. The ruling parties should turn down the ministry’s draft, and introduce instead a reduced tax rate system in the true sense of the term to ensure tax rates on daily necessities such as food are kept down.
これでは、購入時の支払額は減らず、消費の落ち込みを防ぐ役割は果たせまい。与党は財務省案を退け、食料品など生活必需品の税率を低く抑える本来の軽減税率を導入するべきだ。
Shabby dole-out policy
◆みっともないバラマキ
The Finance Ministry describes its tax burden alleviation measures as a “Japanese version of a reduced tax rate system.”
財務省は負担緩和策を「日本型軽減税率」と称している。
Skeptical views were voiced one after another at the coalition parties’ consultative panel meeting on Thursday, such as that the idea put forth by the ministry should be deemed at best a “pseudo-reduced rate method.” This is because applying the same tax rate on all goods and paying cash later to the public is nothing but a government benefit measure.
これに対し、協議会のメンバーから、「軽減税率もどきではないか」などと、疑問の声が相次いだ。全品目に同じ税率を適用し、後からお金を配るのでは、給付金制度にほかならないからだ。
Bunmei Ibuki, who is a former finance minister and an authority on taxation affairs, at a meeting the same day of the Liberal Democratic Party’s Nikai faction − led by party General Council Chairman Toshihiro Nikai − harshly criticized the ministry’s plan, saying it is “an idea disgraceful for the Finance Ministry, as it could amount to a dole-out measure like a welfare benefit.”
財務相経験者で、税制に詳しい伊吹文明・元衆院議長も自民党二階派の会合で、「財務省にしては、みっともない案だ。福祉給付金のようなバラマキになる」と、厳しく批判した。
In their common electoral pledge for the House of Representatives election in December 2014, the LDP and its ruling coalition partner Komeito did commit to introducing a reduced tax rate system at the time of the consumption tax being hiked to 10 percent. Should the ruling parties adopt the ministry’s draft and insist obstinately that it should be considered a form of reduced tax rate formula, that would be tantamount to duping the public.
自民、公明両党は２０１４年１２月の衆院選共通公約で、消費税１０％時に軽減税率を導入することを明記した。財務省案を採用し、軽減税率だと強弁すれば、国民を欺くことになる。
The ministry’s draft calls for setting no limits on incomes for eligibility for receiving the benefits, with a view to having the benefits paid to people in all income brackets, including high-income persons. At the same time, the ministry is poised to set a cap on the benefits at around \5,000 a year per person.
財務省案では、所得制限は設けず、高所得者も含めて広く薄く給付金を支給する。一方で、給付額には１人当たり年５０００円程度の上限を設ける方向だ。
When the government raised the consumption tax rate to 8 percent in April 2014, it used what the government referred to as a “plain benefit measure” of lump-sum payouts ranging from \10,000 to \15,000 per person among low-income people, but that measure failed to produce any tangible effect in shoring up the economy. The ministry-proposed benefit measure would have an even lesser impact.
政府は１４年４月に消費税率を８％に上げた際、低所得者に１万〜１万５０００円を支給する「簡素な給付措置」を実施したが、景気下支え効果はなかった。今回はさらにインパクトが弱い。
Likewise, little effect could be hoped for from the ministry-envisaged plan in mitigating the sense of burden on low-income earners.
所得が低い人の負担感を緩和する効果も期待薄である。
No help for less well-off
◆低所得者への恩恵薄く
Many members of the ruling parties’ tax system panel also expressed skepticism about whether it was realistic to use My Number ID cards to calculate the amount of consumption tax on purchases of food and beverages.
協議会では、飲食料品の消費税額を把握するためにマイナンバー（共通番号）カードを活用することについても、実現性を危ぶむ声が多数上がった。
When making a purchase at a shop, a consumer will hold their card up to an ID card-reading terminal unit. This purchase information will then be collected at a newly established “center for accumulating data on reimbursement.” The consumer will then either go down to the tax office or elsewhere or apply online for the benefit payment.
買い物の時、店頭の読み取り機にカードをかざすと、新設の「還付ポイント蓄積センター」にデータが集約される。消費者は、税務署などに出向くか、インターネットなどで給付金を請求する。
The consumption tax rate is scheduled to be increased to 10 percent in April 2017. Will it be possible to ensure terminal units are installed at every single one of the estimated 800,000 retailers and food outlets across Japan by then? Even the distribution of My Number cards might not be completed at that stage.
消費税１０％が予定される１７年４月までに、全国に約８０万もあると見られる小売りや外食の事業者すべてに、読み取り機を設置できるだろうか。マイナンバーカード自体の配布も間に合うまい。
Each terminal is expected to cost tens of thousands of yen to purchase and install. Making sure that the payment system stretches across the entire nation also will entail other costs. Maintaining and managing the new data center, bank transfer fees to be paid when remitting benefit payment, and the labor costs of employees in charge of this work are just some of the factors that will create a new financial burden.
１台数万円とされる設置費や、全国にシステムを張り巡らせるコストもかかる。センターの維持・管理費や給付金の振込手数料、担当職員の人件費なども新たな財政負担となる。
At the panel meeting, a member of the Liberal Democratic Party who had misgivings about the benefit payment system likened it to the building method that caused the construction costs of the New National Stadium to balloon. “We must not allow this to become a second case of ‘keel arches,’” the member said, referring to the gigantic arches envisaged to support a retractable roof at the stadium.
協議会では、新国立競技場の建設費増大の原因となった工法になぞらえて、「第２のキールアーチになってはいけない」と危惧する意見も自民党から出た。
Another panel member pointed to the complications involved in getting consumers to use the system, and wondered whether it is realistic to expect every resident to carry their My Number card every time they go shopping.
このほか、「全国民が買い物のたびにマイナンバーカードを持ち歩くことは、現実味があるのか」と、消費者が制度を利用するために強いられる煩雑さの指摘もあった。
Many people are also concerned that their personal information could be leaked or unlawfully used if the cards are lost or stolen.
カードの紛失や盗難で、個人情報の流出や悪用による被害が出ることを懸念する向きは多い。
At a press conference, Finance Minister Taro Aso said: “If people don’t want to carry their cards, they don’t have to carry them. They will just miss out on the reduced tax by that much.” It appears Aso does not understand at all the true sentiment of people who are having a tough time managing the household budget.
麻生財務相は記者会見で、「カードを持っていきたくなければ、持っていかないでいい。その代わり、その分だけの減税はない」と述べた。家計のやりくりに苦心する国民の実情を、全く理解していないのではないか。
Some elderly people and others who would want to get the benefit payment have not mastered the use of personal computers and smartphones. We think a reduced consumption tax rate that does not impose any unnecessary trouble on people would be a fairer, simpler system for everybody.
給付を受けたくても、パソコンやスマートフォンを使いこなせない高齢者などもいる。余計な手間のかからない軽減税率の方が、全ての国民にとって公平かつ優しい制度である。
Learn from Europe
◆欧州の先例を見習おう
The Finance Ministry’s reasoning for avoiding the introduction of a lower tax rate on some items is that it would be difficult to draw a line between items subject to the lower rate and those that are not, and that having several rates would generate a heavy administrative burden when compiling invoices where tax amounts are entered for every transaction.
財務省は、軽減税率の導入を避ける理由として、対象品目の線引きの難しさや、複数税率化によって、取引ごとに税額を記入するインボイス（税額票）作成にかかる事務負担の重さを挙げる。
Selecting items to be subject to a lower tax rate would indeed require considerable time and effort. But adjusting the advantages and disadvantages of the tax system and making it realistic is precisely the primary duty of politics.
確かに対象品目の選定は手間がかかるが、税制を巡る利害を調整し、実現を図ることこそが、政治本来の責務である。
Major countries in Europe have implemented lower tax rates on some items for more than half a century.
欧州各国では、半世紀も前から軽減税率を導入している。
These lower rates are imposed on food and also newspapers and books, which are essential for preserving the culture of the printed word. Concerns over invoices have not hindered commercial transactions in any way in these nations.
食料品をはじめ、活字文化の保護に欠かせない新聞や書籍が対象だ。インボイスも、商取引の障害とはなっていない。
There is no reason why today’s Japan could not implement such a system.
今の日本で、実施できないわけがあるまい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 11, 2015)Speech
2015年09月11日
（社説）参院審議、大詰めへ 「違憲」法案に反対する
--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 10
EDITORIAL: 'Unconstitutional' security legislation must be killed
（社説）参院審議、大詰めへ 「違憲」法案に反対する
Upper House deliberations on contentious government-drafted national security legislation are entering the final stage.
新たな安全保障関連法案の参院審議が大詰めを迎える。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who was re-elected Sept. 8 as president of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, intends to seek a vote on the package of bills for passage next week.
自民党総裁選で再選された安倍首相は来週、法案の採決に持ち込み、成立させる構えだ。
But public opinion remains highly critical of the legislation that would drastically change the overseas role of the Self-Defense Forces.
だが、法案に対する世論の目は相変わらず厳しい。
In an Asahi Shimbun poll in late August, 30 percent of the respondents expressed support for the legislation and 51 percent were opposed. Asked whether they thought the legislation needed to be enacted during the current Diet session, only 20 percent of those polled said yes, while 65 percent answered no.
朝日新聞の８月下旬の世論調査では法案に賛成が３０％、反対は５１％。今国会で成立させる必要があると思う人は２０％、必要はないと思う人は６５％だった。
Many experts assert the legislation is unconstitutional. People across Japan have joined demonstrations to protest the bills. It is hard to claim a national consensus has been formed on the need for the legislation.
多くの専門家が法案を「憲法違反」と指摘し、抗議デモが各地に広がる。国民の合意が形成されたとはとても言えない。
If the LDP-led ruling coalition rams the bills through the Upper House by using its majority in the chamber, the schism between the people and politics will only deepen.
それなのに政府・与党が数の力で押し切れば、国民と政治の分断はいっそう深まるばかりだ。
OPPOSITION ACROSS A BROAD SPECTRUM
■多様に広がる反対論
We again urge the Abe administration to stop forging ahead with this initiative.
改めて安倍政権に求める。
Forcing “unconstitutional” legislation through the Diet is unacceptable. The bills should be quashed, and the government should start from scratch.
「違憲」法案の成立を強行することは許されない。法案は廃案にし、出直すべきだ。
Given China’s rise as a major and assertive military power and other factors, the Abe administration argues that it is necessary to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense in limited situations because the security environment surrounding the nation has changed. Many Japanese agree with this view.
安倍政権は中国の台頭などを念頭に、日本を取り巻く安全保障環境が変化したのだから「集団的自衛権の限定的な行使容認が必要だ」と主張する。これに賛同する国民も多い。
What is impressive about public opinion with regard to the legislation, on the other hand, is the wide spectrum of arguments against it. Opposition to the legislation has been voiced by people of all ideological stripes, including both those who are for and against constitutional amendments.
一方で印象深いのは、護憲論から改憲論にまで広がる、反対論の多様性である。
Some people have said Japan must not abandon the pacifist credo which it adopted after serious soul-searching about its actions during World War II and has been maintaining throughout the postwar period.
「先の大戦を反省し、戦後日本が守ってきた平和主義を捨ててはならない」という指摘。
Members of nongovernment organizations have warned that expanding the scope of SDF activities in regions like the Middle East could stir up antagonism against Japan.
「中東などで自衛隊の活動を拡大すれば、かえって敵対感情を招きかねない」と懸念するＮＧＯ（非政府組織）関係者。
There are others who think the Constitution should be amended and criticize the way the government has made it possible for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense simply through a change in the traditional interpretation of the Constitution. This approach, they say, runs against the principle of constitutionalism, which in essence means that the government’s power is defined and limited by the Constitution.
「憲法を改正すべきだ。解釈改憲で集団的自衛権を認めるのは、憲法が権力を縛る立憲主義に反する」との意見もある。
The administration has turned a deaf ear to all these dissenting voices.
これらの反対論に、政権は耳を傾けようとはしない。
When former Supreme Court Chief Justice Shigeru Yamaguchi said that the legislation is unconstitutional, Defense Minister Gen Nakatani downplayed the importance of Yamaguchi’s opinion by stating the remarks were uttered by “one private individual who has retired from office.” Nakatani’s comment symbolized the administration’s complete lack of respect for expert opinion.
法案を「違憲」と断じた最高裁の山口繁・元長官の指摘に対し、中谷防衛相が「現役を引退された一私人の発言」と語ったのは象徴的だ。「専門知」への敬意が決定的に欠けている。
LEGAL STABILITY UNDERMINED
■欠落する法的安定性
The Abe administration contends there is a policy imperative to make it possible for Japan to use the right to collective self-defense. If so, the logical step the administration should follow is to make its case for this policy change to the public and seek support for the necessary amendment to the Constitution.
政策上、集団的自衛権の行使を認める必要がある。それが政権の主張だ。だとすれば国民に正面からその必要性を説き、憲法改正を問うのが筋である。
In fact, for a while Abe called for a revision of Article 96 of the Constitution to lower the bar for constitutional amendments, pledging to “get the Constitution back into the hands of the people.” His true aim in making that move was apparently an amendment to the war-renouncing Article 9.
事実、首相が「憲法を国民の手に取り戻す」と訴え、憲法改正の発議要件を下げる９６条改正を訴えた時期があった。視線の先には９条改憲があった。
After his bid to revise Article 96 was criticized as a violation of the principle of constitutionalism, Abe switched to achieving his security policy goal through a change in the government’s interpretation of the Constitution.
これが立憲主義に反すると批判を浴びるや、首相は解釈改憲にかじを切る。
The radical reinterpretation of the Constitution was formalized with a Cabinet decision involving only a small number of ministers. The administration is now trying to ram the legislation based on that policy shift through the Diet by taking advantage of the overwhelming parliamentary majority commanded by the ruling alliance for an effective amendment to the Constitution.
少人数の閣僚だけで閣議決定し、圧倒的な与党の数で法案を通し、実質的な改憲をはかる。
The administration has omitted the process of building consensus among the public and made do with an agreement reached within the government and the ruling camp without participation by the public.
国民の合意形成という手順を省き、政府・与党の閉ざされた合意だけで事を済ます。
Now, the Constitution is being taken away from the hands of the people.
いま、憲法は国民の手から奪われようとしている。
As a result, legal stability is being undermined in more ways than one.
その結果、二重三重の意味で法的安定性が揺らいでいる。
No matter what answers the government gives to related questions at the Diet, many Japanese cannot help but suspect that the government could change its position in the future. That’s why people are finding it hard not to be concerned that conscription may someday be adopted, no matter how strongly Abe rules out the possibility.
政府が国会でどんな答弁をしても、覆される疑念がぬぐえない。首相がいくら否定しようと、いつか徴兵制が導入されるのではという国民の不安が消えないのは、そのためだ。
After the package of security bills is passed into law, there will likely be a wave of lawsuits challenging the constitutionality of the legislation.
法案成立後は違憲訴訟が相次ぐ公算が大きい。
It is also possible that the government’s interpretation of the Constitution may be altered again after a regime change.
政権交代があれば、憲法解釈が再び変わる可能性もある。
The Abe administration is poised to push the legislation through the Diet without even clarifying the vague concept of “the crisis of the nation’s survival,” which it says would justify Japan engaging in collective self-defense.
政権は、集団的自衛権の行使ができる「存立危機」の概念すらあいまいなまま押し通す構えだ。
The lack of an effective system to prevent arbitrary enforcement of the law inevitably gives the government even greater discretion in making security policy decisions.
恣意（しい）的な運用に対する歯止めが欠落し、政府の裁量を広げている。
The SDF must not be deployed to dangerous overseas operations under such unstable circumstances.
こうした不安定な状況で、自衛隊を危険な海外任務に送り出すことがあってはならない。
IMPORTANCE OF ARTICLE 9
■問われる９条の重み
Another thing the security legislation is threatening to undermine is the importance of Article 9.
もう一つ、法案が揺さぶっているのは憲法９条の重みだ。
The Abe administration appears to be trying to expand the scope of the tasks and areas for the SDF's overseas operations, enhance the SDF’s cooperation with the forces of the United States and other countries and thereby enhance deterrence against China. It also seems to regard Article 9 as an impediment to Japan’s national security and want to reduce its implications for security policy so that Japan can play a greater military role in the international community.
自衛隊の海外展開の任務と範囲を拡大し、米軍など他国軍との連携を強め、中国への抑止力を高める。憲法９条を安全保障上の阻害要因とみてその意味を小さくし、国際社会での軍事的な役割を拡大する――。
If the “proactive pacifism” the administration has been advocating means pushing the nation in this direction, it marks a radical departure from the postwar pacifism that has enabled Japan to maintain a distance from direct involvement in overseas conflicts, even if the two may look similar.
安倍政権の掲げる「積極的平和主義」がそうした方向性だとすれば、海外の紛争への直接的な関与から一定の距離をとってきた戦後日本の平和主義とは、似て非なるものだ。
Let us think afresh about the meaning of Article 9, which states the Japanese people “forever renounce war.”
もう一度、９条のもつ意味を考えてみたい。
It has helped Japan to maintain a distance from U.S. military actions, which on occasion are staged for a wrong war. It has also helped Japan to build relationships based on mutual trust with its neighbors, including China and South Korea, and avoid the folly of participating in a futile arms race. Japan, as a pacifist nation underpinned by Article 9, can play a useful role as mediator in the Middle East.
時に誤った戦争にも踏み込む米国の軍事行動と一線を引く。中国や韓国など近隣諸国と基本的な信頼をつなぎ、不毛な軍拡競争に陥る愚を避ける。平和国家として、中東で仲介役を果たすことにも役に立つ。
Article 9 has played no small part in Japan’s pacifist diplomacy in the postwar period, although it has also created challenges under the harsh reality facing the world.
現実との折り合いに苦しむことはあっても、９条が果たしてきた役割は小さくない。
To be sure, a certain degree of deterrence provided by the U.S. forces and the SDF is necessary for Japan’s security. It is vital to make efforts to bolster the reliability of deterrence.
確かに、米軍と自衛隊による一定の抑止力は必要であり、その信頼性を高める努力は欠かせない。
That, however, doesn’t mean that enacting the “unconstitutional” security legislation in such a rash manner is the only way to accomplish that.
そうだとしても、唯一の「解」が、「違憲」法案を性急に成立させることではない。
As for expanding Japan’s international contributions, widening the scope of overseas SDF deployments is not the only option.
国際貢献についても、自衛隊派遣の強化だけが選択肢ではない。
There are a plethora of international challenges Japan should tackle, such as aid to refugees, efforts to deal with infectious diseases and mediation to solve conflicts. There must be ways for Japan to expand and upgrade its diplomatic activities by combining efforts to tackle these challenges in line with its commitment to Article 9.
難民支援や感染症対策、紛争調停など多様な課題が山積みである。９条を生かしつつ、これらの組み合わせで外交力を高める道があるはずだ。
Using the power of numbers to turn the colorful landscape of Japanese people’s views and opinions into a monochrome picture would stifle people’s efforts to envision the future of the nation.
数の力で、多様な民意を一色に塗りつぶせば、国民が将来の日本の針路を構想する芽まで奪うことになる。
EDITORIAL: 'Unconstitutional' security legislation must be killed
（社説）参院審議、大詰めへ 「違憲」法案に反対する
Upper House deliberations on contentious government-drafted national security legislation are entering the final stage.
新たな安全保障関連法案の参院審議が大詰めを迎える。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who was re-elected Sept. 8 as president of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, intends to seek a vote on the package of bills for passage next week.
自民党総裁選で再選された安倍首相は来週、法案の採決に持ち込み、成立させる構えだ。
But public opinion remains highly critical of the legislation that would drastically change the overseas role of the Self-Defense Forces.
だが、法案に対する世論の目は相変わらず厳しい。
In an Asahi Shimbun poll in late August, 30 percent of the respondents expressed support for the legislation and 51 percent were opposed. Asked whether they thought the legislation needed to be enacted during the current Diet session, only 20 percent of those polled said yes, while 65 percent answered no.
朝日新聞の８月下旬の世論調査では法案に賛成が３０％、反対は５１％。今国会で成立させる必要があると思う人は２０％、必要はないと思う人は６５％だった。
Many experts assert the legislation is unconstitutional. People across Japan have joined demonstrations to protest the bills. It is hard to claim a national consensus has been formed on the need for the legislation.
多くの専門家が法案を「憲法違反」と指摘し、抗議デモが各地に広がる。国民の合意が形成されたとはとても言えない。
If the LDP-led ruling coalition rams the bills through the Upper House by using its majority in the chamber, the schism between the people and politics will only deepen.
それなのに政府・与党が数の力で押し切れば、国民と政治の分断はいっそう深まるばかりだ。
OPPOSITION ACROSS A BROAD SPECTRUM
■多様に広がる反対論
We again urge the Abe administration to stop forging ahead with this initiative.
改めて安倍政権に求める。
Forcing “unconstitutional” legislation through the Diet is unacceptable. The bills should be quashed, and the government should start from scratch.
「違憲」法案の成立を強行することは許されない。法案は廃案にし、出直すべきだ。
Given China’s rise as a major and assertive military power and other factors, the Abe administration argues that it is necessary to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense in limited situations because the security environment surrounding the nation has changed. Many Japanese agree with this view.
安倍政権は中国の台頭などを念頭に、日本を取り巻く安全保障環境が変化したのだから「集団的自衛権の限定的な行使容認が必要だ」と主張する。これに賛同する国民も多い。
What is impressive about public opinion with regard to the legislation, on the other hand, is the wide spectrum of arguments against it. Opposition to the legislation has been voiced by people of all ideological stripes, including both those who are for and against constitutional amendments.
一方で印象深いのは、護憲論から改憲論にまで広がる、反対論の多様性である。
Some people have said Japan must not abandon the pacifist credo which it adopted after serious soul-searching about its actions during World War II and has been maintaining throughout the postwar period.
「先の大戦を反省し、戦後日本が守ってきた平和主義を捨ててはならない」という指摘。
Members of nongovernment organizations have warned that expanding the scope of SDF activities in regions like the Middle East could stir up antagonism against Japan.
「中東などで自衛隊の活動を拡大すれば、かえって敵対感情を招きかねない」と懸念するＮＧＯ（非政府組織）関係者。
There are others who think the Constitution should be amended and criticize the way the government has made it possible for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense simply through a change in the traditional interpretation of the Constitution. This approach, they say, runs against the principle of constitutionalism, which in essence means that the government’s power is defined and limited by the Constitution.
「憲法を改正すべきだ。解釈改憲で集団的自衛権を認めるのは、憲法が権力を縛る立憲主義に反する」との意見もある。
The administration has turned a deaf ear to all these dissenting voices.
これらの反対論に、政権は耳を傾けようとはしない。
When former Supreme Court Chief Justice Shigeru Yamaguchi said that the legislation is unconstitutional, Defense Minister Gen Nakatani downplayed the importance of Yamaguchi’s opinion by stating the remarks were uttered by “one private individual who has retired from office.” Nakatani’s comment symbolized the administration’s complete lack of respect for expert opinion.
法案を「違憲」と断じた最高裁の山口繁・元長官の指摘に対し、中谷防衛相が「現役を引退された一私人の発言」と語ったのは象徴的だ。「専門知」への敬意が決定的に欠けている。
LEGAL STABILITY UNDERMINED
■欠落する法的安定性
The Abe administration contends there is a policy imperative to make it possible for Japan to use the right to collective self-defense. If so, the logical step the administration should follow is to make its case for this policy change to the public and seek support for the necessary amendment to the Constitution.
政策上、集団的自衛権の行使を認める必要がある。それが政権の主張だ。だとすれば国民に正面からその必要性を説き、憲法改正を問うのが筋である。
In fact, for a while Abe called for a revision of Article 96 of the Constitution to lower the bar for constitutional amendments, pledging to “get the Constitution back into the hands of the people.” His true aim in making that move was apparently an amendment to the war-renouncing Article 9.
事実、首相が「憲法を国民の手に取り戻す」と訴え、憲法改正の発議要件を下げる９６条改正を訴えた時期があった。視線の先には９条改憲があった。
After his bid to revise Article 96 was criticized as a violation of the principle of constitutionalism, Abe switched to achieving his security policy goal through a change in the government’s interpretation of the Constitution.
これが立憲主義に反すると批判を浴びるや、首相は解釈改憲にかじを切る。
The radical reinterpretation of the Constitution was formalized with a Cabinet decision involving only a small number of ministers. The administration is now trying to ram the legislation based on that policy shift through the Diet by taking advantage of the overwhelming parliamentary majority commanded by the ruling alliance for an effective amendment to the Constitution.
少人数の閣僚だけで閣議決定し、圧倒的な与党の数で法案を通し、実質的な改憲をはかる。
The administration has omitted the process of building consensus among the public and made do with an agreement reached within the government and the ruling camp without participation by the public.
国民の合意形成という手順を省き、政府・与党の閉ざされた合意だけで事を済ます。
Now, the Constitution is being taken away from the hands of the people.
いま、憲法は国民の手から奪われようとしている。
As a result, legal stability is being undermined in more ways than one.
その結果、二重三重の意味で法的安定性が揺らいでいる。
No matter what answers the government gives to related questions at the Diet, many Japanese cannot help but suspect that the government could change its position in the future. That’s why people are finding it hard not to be concerned that conscription may someday be adopted, no matter how strongly Abe rules out the possibility.
政府が国会でどんな答弁をしても、覆される疑念がぬぐえない。首相がいくら否定しようと、いつか徴兵制が導入されるのではという国民の不安が消えないのは、そのためだ。
After the package of security bills is passed into law, there will likely be a wave of lawsuits challenging the constitutionality of the legislation.
法案成立後は違憲訴訟が相次ぐ公算が大きい。
It is also possible that the government’s interpretation of the Constitution may be altered again after a regime change.
政権交代があれば、憲法解釈が再び変わる可能性もある。
The Abe administration is poised to push the legislation through the Diet without even clarifying the vague concept of “the crisis of the nation’s survival,” which it says would justify Japan engaging in collective self-defense.
政権は、集団的自衛権の行使ができる「存立危機」の概念すらあいまいなまま押し通す構えだ。
The lack of an effective system to prevent arbitrary enforcement of the law inevitably gives the government even greater discretion in making security policy decisions.
恣意（しい）的な運用に対する歯止めが欠落し、政府の裁量を広げている。
The SDF must not be deployed to dangerous overseas operations under such unstable circumstances.
こうした不安定な状況で、自衛隊を危険な海外任務に送り出すことがあってはならない。
IMPORTANCE OF ARTICLE 9
■問われる９条の重み
Another thing the security legislation is threatening to undermine is the importance of Article 9.
もう一つ、法案が揺さぶっているのは憲法９条の重みだ。
The Abe administration appears to be trying to expand the scope of the tasks and areas for the SDF's overseas operations, enhance the SDF’s cooperation with the forces of the United States and other countries and thereby enhance deterrence against China. It also seems to regard Article 9 as an impediment to Japan’s national security and want to reduce its implications for security policy so that Japan can play a greater military role in the international community.
自衛隊の海外展開の任務と範囲を拡大し、米軍など他国軍との連携を強め、中国への抑止力を高める。憲法９条を安全保障上の阻害要因とみてその意味を小さくし、国際社会での軍事的な役割を拡大する――。
If the “proactive pacifism” the administration has been advocating means pushing the nation in this direction, it marks a radical departure from the postwar pacifism that has enabled Japan to maintain a distance from direct involvement in overseas conflicts, even if the two may look similar.
安倍政権の掲げる「積極的平和主義」がそうした方向性だとすれば、海外の紛争への直接的な関与から一定の距離をとってきた戦後日本の平和主義とは、似て非なるものだ。
Let us think afresh about the meaning of Article 9, which states the Japanese people “forever renounce war.”
もう一度、９条のもつ意味を考えてみたい。
It has helped Japan to maintain a distance from U.S. military actions, which on occasion are staged for a wrong war. It has also helped Japan to build relationships based on mutual trust with its neighbors, including China and South Korea, and avoid the folly of participating in a futile arms race. Japan, as a pacifist nation underpinned by Article 9, can play a useful role as mediator in the Middle East.
時に誤った戦争にも踏み込む米国の軍事行動と一線を引く。中国や韓国など近隣諸国と基本的な信頼をつなぎ、不毛な軍拡競争に陥る愚を避ける。平和国家として、中東で仲介役を果たすことにも役に立つ。
Article 9 has played no small part in Japan’s pacifist diplomacy in the postwar period, although it has also created challenges under the harsh reality facing the world.
現実との折り合いに苦しむことはあっても、９条が果たしてきた役割は小さくない。
To be sure, a certain degree of deterrence provided by the U.S. forces and the SDF is necessary for Japan’s security. It is vital to make efforts to bolster the reliability of deterrence.
確かに、米軍と自衛隊による一定の抑止力は必要であり、その信頼性を高める努力は欠かせない。
That, however, doesn’t mean that enacting the “unconstitutional” security legislation in such a rash manner is the only way to accomplish that.
そうだとしても、唯一の「解」が、「違憲」法案を性急に成立させることではない。
As for expanding Japan’s international contributions, widening the scope of overseas SDF deployments is not the only option.
国際貢献についても、自衛隊派遣の強化だけが選択肢ではない。
There are a plethora of international challenges Japan should tackle, such as aid to refugees, efforts to deal with infectious diseases and mediation to solve conflicts. There must be ways for Japan to expand and upgrade its diplomatic activities by combining efforts to tackle these challenges in line with its commitment to Article 9.
難民支援や感染症対策、紛争調停など多様な課題が山積みである。９条を生かしつつ、これらの組み合わせで外交力を高める道があるはずだ。
Using the power of numbers to turn the colorful landscape of Japanese people’s views and opinions into a monochrome picture would stifle people’s efforts to envision the future of the nation.
数の力で、多様な民意を一色に塗りつぶせば、国民が将来の日本の針路を構想する芽まで奪うことになる。