新規記事の投稿を行うことで、非表示にすることが可能です。
2011年02月25日
Suu Kyi's determination to peacefully defy dictatorship remains unchanged
I'm moved to tear several times while editing this column in the morning.
This is also one of the finest columns I've ever read in my life, being edited by an editor with Mainichi Shimbun.
I'm deeply moved.
(srachai)
編集していて何度も涙をこぼしました。
毎日新聞が記者の足を駆使して作成した力作です。
感動しました。
（スラチャイ記）
(Mainichi Japan) February 24, 2011
Suu Kyi's determination to peacefully defy dictatorship remains unchanged
記者の目：スーチーさんの「手紙」１３年ぶり再会＝朴鐘珠
The Mainichi Shimbun resumed Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's column, "Letter from Burma," this year after a 13-year break. I flew to Myanmar where press restrains were in force late last year and visited Suu Kyi's residence prior to the publication of the first part of the column on New Year's Day.
ミャンマーの民主化運動指導者、アウンサンスーチーさん（６５）による本紙連載「ビルマからの手紙」を１３年ぶりに再開した。元日からの掲載に先立ち私は昨年末、取材規制のかけられたミャンマーに入国し、スーチーさんの自宅を訪ねた。
Suu Kyi had been under house arrest there on and off over a 15-year period from 1989 to November last year. I stood by one of the windows of her residence, and thought about how firm her determination must be to spend her life resisting Myanmar's military dictatorship.
そこは彼女が８９年から昨年１１月まで断続的に１５年軟禁されていた場所だ。私は窓辺に立ち、人生を賭したスーチーさんの覚悟の深さに思いを巡らせた。
◇昨秋に軟禁解除、弾圧構造は不変
The military dictatorship has been in power in Myanmar for nearly half a century since the 1962 coup. Suu Kyi founded the National League for Democracy (NLD) in 1988 in a bid to democratize the country, and the party secured 82 percent of the seats in Parliament in a 1990 general election. Nevertheless, the military regime refused to hand over power to the NLD and suppressed pro-democracy movements.
The military regime has continued a reign of terror, detaining and torturing NLD members and supporters. Last autumn, the regime called a general election and released Suu Kyi from house arrest. However, the shift to civilian rule was a mirage and the military is still ruling the country.
ミャンマーでは１９６２年のクーデターから半世紀近く、軍事独裁政権が続いている。民主主義国家の実現を目指すスーチーさんは８８年に国民民主連盟（ＮＬＤ）を結党、９０年の総選挙で全議席の８２％を獲得した。しかし軍政は政権移譲に応じず民主化運動を弾圧、ＮＬＤ党員や支持者を拘禁・拷問する恐怖政治を敷いてきた。昨秋以降の総選挙とスーチーさんの軟禁解除、形だけの民政移管後も、軍政の支配構造は変わらない。
Suu Kyi's residence is situated in Yangon, the largest city in Myanmar. Since its gate is higher than an adult's average height, it is impossible to look into her home from the street. There is no other house nearby, and since security forces are surrounding her home round the clock, ordinary citizens are reluctant to approach her house out of fear that security authorities might suspect they have ties to Suu Kyi.
スーチーさんの自宅は、国内最大都市のヤンゴンにある。門扉が大人の背丈よりも高いため、表通りから中をうかがうことはできない。近隣に民家がなく、何より治安当局が周囲を取り巻き２４時間監視しているので、一般市民は関係を疑われるのを恐れて近づきたがらない。
Her house is a western-style two-story building with white walls, and security authorities set up a fence with barbed wire behind her home facing a lake. When I saw a scene at the lakeside while waiting for her to return home, I could hardly believe my eyes. There, dozens of couples were dating while people with children were taking a walk. A promenade leads to an amusement park and a Ferris wheel towers over trees.
自宅は２階建ての白壁の洋館で、湖に面した裏手には当局によって有刺鉄線が張られていた。彼女の帰宅を待ちながら窓辺に立ち、格子の間から見えた景色に目を疑った。くるりと弧を描いた湖畔の芝生で、何十組ものカップルが肩を寄せ合い、その間を親子連れが散歩している。遊歩道の先には遊園地があり、緑の木々の上に観覧車のてっぺんが頭を出していた。
A place isolated from the outside world and a place where citizens lead their daily lives coexist there -- a ruthless reality.
同じ湖のほとりに、外界から孤立した空間と、市民の日常とが隣り合わせる非情な現実があった。
Suu Kyi, who was separated from her family because of her house arrest, has never lost courage even though she regularly sees citizens nearby who appear happy, and instead tolerates her solitary life. She has reasons for having to do so.
軟禁によって家族と引き裂かれたスーチーさんはしかし、手の届きそうなところにあふれる平凡な幸せにも心を折られることなく、孤独な時間を耐え抜いた。彼女には、そうしなければならない理由があった。
Suu Kyi lost her husband, who had been battling cancer in Britain, in 1999 while she was under house arrest. Feeling that he was close to the end of his life, he applied for a visa to visit Myanmar to meet his wife, only to be rejected. The military regime hoped that Suu Kyi would leave for Britain to meet with her ailing husband. However, she chose to stay home because there was no guarantee that she would be allowed to come back to Myanmar once she left the country. She chose to prioritize her pro-democracy movement rather than stay with her dying husband. Her determination is undoubtedly attributable to the existence of fellow freedom fighters imprisoned as political prisoners.
スーチーさんは軟禁解除中の９９年、英国で闘病していた夫をがんで亡くしている。死期が迫り、夫はミャンマーへの入国ビザを申請したが却下された。軍政側はこれを機にスーチーさんが英国へ出国してくれることを期待したが、一度祖国を離れれば再入国できる保証はない。彼女は国内にとどまった。最愛の人の死に立ち会うより民主化運動を優先した決意。彼女にそこまで腹をくくらせたものは、政治犯として獄中につながれた仲間の存在に違いない。
In December 1995, shortly after she started the column in the Mainichi Shimbun, Suu Kyi told the world political prisoners were barred from meeting their children for over two years and that their family members were being interrogated and harassed.
最初にスーチーさんの「手紙」の連載を初めて間もない９５年１２月、彼女は「籠の外の若い鳥」と題し、政治犯の子が親との面会を２年以上も許可されず、また家族が当局から尋問や嫌がらせを受けている窮状を訴えた。
Her message that she was not the only Myanmar woman detained for her political thoughts appears to reflect a kind of guilty feeling she harbors toward other people who were being suppressed by the military regime.
「私は、政治のために拘置されたビルマ唯一の女性ではない」という一文に、弾圧される人々への、ある種の後ろめたさがにじむ。
There is a special reason why Suu Kyi evaded being tortured or imprisoned even though she is the leader of Myanmar's pro-democracy movement. Her father played a leading role in winning Myanmar's independence and she is well-known to the world as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate. The military regime cannot simply take her away from society.
民主化運動の“首謀者”である彼女が拷問や投獄を免れたのには、特別な事情がある。父がビルマ独立運動に献身した将軍という血筋と、ノーベル平和賞を受賞した国際的知名度。軍政とて彼女を他の名もなき政治犯のように、いきなり表社会から消し去るようなまねはできない。
◇無名の政治犯に思いを寄せ続け
In other words, Suu Kyi is a pro-democracy activist whose safety is guaranteed. Therefore, she is obviously determined to share the pain imposed on her fellow pro-democracy activists. In the second letter of the current series that ran on Feb. 6, she confessed that she made a habit of having breakfast quite late during her house arrest "so that in my hunger I would not forget our comrades who were incarcerated not in their own homes but in prisons, often in places far distant from where their families live."
誤解を恐れずに言えば、彼女はミャンマーで最も身の安全を保障された民主化運動家である。だからこそ、仲間が強いられた痛みを率先して共有することを自らに課しているのだろう。連載再開２通目の手紙（２月６日朝刊）で彼女は、軟禁中に朝食の時間を遅らせていたことを明かした。「自らを空腹にすることで、刑務所に投獄され、家族から引き離されている同志を忘れないため」と記している。
I have met various people as a journalist, but I clearly remember I felt tense when I first met Suu Kyi. The feeling derived from my sense of reverence -- similar to a feeling I harbored toward citizens who repeatedly staged a sit-in protest in the Henoko district of Nago, Okinawa Prefecture, to express opposition to the relocation of a U.S. base to the area and those who were involved in a signature-collecting campaign against a so-called plutonium-thermal power generation project. They are determined to confront political power without resorting to violence.
私はこれまで記者としてさまざまな人と接してきたが、スーチーさんと向き合った時に感じた緊張には覚えがある。沖縄で米軍基地の移設を許さず辺野古の浜で座り込みを続ける人々や、佐賀で原発のプルサーマル発電に異を唱え署名を集めていた人々にも抱いた、非暴力不服従で権力に対峙（たいじ）する覚悟への、畏敬（いけい）の念だ。
I asked Suu Kyi, a Japanophile who studied at Kyoto University in the 1980s, what she expects Japan to do for the democratization of Myanmar. Instead of answering my question, she asked me whether I, as a Japanese national, have urged the Japanese government to pressure Myanmar's military regime to release all political prisoners. I couldn't nod with confidence to Suu Kyi, who shot a questioning glance at me. (By Pak Chong-chu, Foreign News Department)
８０年代に京都大へ留学した親日家でもあるスーチーさんに、ミャンマー民主化のため日本に期待することを尋ねたところ、「日本人なら当然、軍政に政治犯を釈放させるよう、自国の政府に働きかけているでしょう？」と逆に質問された。日本の覚悟を推し量ろうとするような彼女の瞳に自信を持ってうなずくことができなかった。（外信部）
毎日新聞 2011年2月24日 0時12分
This is also one of the finest columns I've ever read in my life, being edited by an editor with Mainichi Shimbun.
I'm deeply moved.
(srachai)
編集していて何度も涙をこぼしました。
毎日新聞が記者の足を駆使して作成した力作です。
感動しました。
（スラチャイ記）
(Mainichi Japan) February 24, 2011
Suu Kyi's determination to peacefully defy dictatorship remains unchanged
記者の目：スーチーさんの「手紙」１３年ぶり再会＝朴鐘珠
The Mainichi Shimbun resumed Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's column, "Letter from Burma," this year after a 13-year break. I flew to Myanmar where press restrains were in force late last year and visited Suu Kyi's residence prior to the publication of the first part of the column on New Year's Day.
ミャンマーの民主化運動指導者、アウンサンスーチーさん（６５）による本紙連載「ビルマからの手紙」を１３年ぶりに再開した。元日からの掲載に先立ち私は昨年末、取材規制のかけられたミャンマーに入国し、スーチーさんの自宅を訪ねた。
Suu Kyi had been under house arrest there on and off over a 15-year period from 1989 to November last year. I stood by one of the windows of her residence, and thought about how firm her determination must be to spend her life resisting Myanmar's military dictatorship.
そこは彼女が８９年から昨年１１月まで断続的に１５年軟禁されていた場所だ。私は窓辺に立ち、人生を賭したスーチーさんの覚悟の深さに思いを巡らせた。
◇昨秋に軟禁解除、弾圧構造は不変
The military dictatorship has been in power in Myanmar for nearly half a century since the 1962 coup. Suu Kyi founded the National League for Democracy (NLD) in 1988 in a bid to democratize the country, and the party secured 82 percent of the seats in Parliament in a 1990 general election. Nevertheless, the military regime refused to hand over power to the NLD and suppressed pro-democracy movements.
The military regime has continued a reign of terror, detaining and torturing NLD members and supporters. Last autumn, the regime called a general election and released Suu Kyi from house arrest. However, the shift to civilian rule was a mirage and the military is still ruling the country.
ミャンマーでは１９６２年のクーデターから半世紀近く、軍事独裁政権が続いている。民主主義国家の実現を目指すスーチーさんは８８年に国民民主連盟（ＮＬＤ）を結党、９０年の総選挙で全議席の８２％を獲得した。しかし軍政は政権移譲に応じず民主化運動を弾圧、ＮＬＤ党員や支持者を拘禁・拷問する恐怖政治を敷いてきた。昨秋以降の総選挙とスーチーさんの軟禁解除、形だけの民政移管後も、軍政の支配構造は変わらない。
Suu Kyi's residence is situated in Yangon, the largest city in Myanmar. Since its gate is higher than an adult's average height, it is impossible to look into her home from the street. There is no other house nearby, and since security forces are surrounding her home round the clock, ordinary citizens are reluctant to approach her house out of fear that security authorities might suspect they have ties to Suu Kyi.
スーチーさんの自宅は、国内最大都市のヤンゴンにある。門扉が大人の背丈よりも高いため、表通りから中をうかがうことはできない。近隣に民家がなく、何より治安当局が周囲を取り巻き２４時間監視しているので、一般市民は関係を疑われるのを恐れて近づきたがらない。
Her house is a western-style two-story building with white walls, and security authorities set up a fence with barbed wire behind her home facing a lake. When I saw a scene at the lakeside while waiting for her to return home, I could hardly believe my eyes. There, dozens of couples were dating while people with children were taking a walk. A promenade leads to an amusement park and a Ferris wheel towers over trees.
自宅は２階建ての白壁の洋館で、湖に面した裏手には当局によって有刺鉄線が張られていた。彼女の帰宅を待ちながら窓辺に立ち、格子の間から見えた景色に目を疑った。くるりと弧を描いた湖畔の芝生で、何十組ものカップルが肩を寄せ合い、その間を親子連れが散歩している。遊歩道の先には遊園地があり、緑の木々の上に観覧車のてっぺんが頭を出していた。
A place isolated from the outside world and a place where citizens lead their daily lives coexist there -- a ruthless reality.
同じ湖のほとりに、外界から孤立した空間と、市民の日常とが隣り合わせる非情な現実があった。
Suu Kyi, who was separated from her family because of her house arrest, has never lost courage even though she regularly sees citizens nearby who appear happy, and instead tolerates her solitary life. She has reasons for having to do so.
軟禁によって家族と引き裂かれたスーチーさんはしかし、手の届きそうなところにあふれる平凡な幸せにも心を折られることなく、孤独な時間を耐え抜いた。彼女には、そうしなければならない理由があった。
Suu Kyi lost her husband, who had been battling cancer in Britain, in 1999 while she was under house arrest. Feeling that he was close to the end of his life, he applied for a visa to visit Myanmar to meet his wife, only to be rejected. The military regime hoped that Suu Kyi would leave for Britain to meet with her ailing husband. However, she chose to stay home because there was no guarantee that she would be allowed to come back to Myanmar once she left the country. She chose to prioritize her pro-democracy movement rather than stay with her dying husband. Her determination is undoubtedly attributable to the existence of fellow freedom fighters imprisoned as political prisoners.
スーチーさんは軟禁解除中の９９年、英国で闘病していた夫をがんで亡くしている。死期が迫り、夫はミャンマーへの入国ビザを申請したが却下された。軍政側はこれを機にスーチーさんが英国へ出国してくれることを期待したが、一度祖国を離れれば再入国できる保証はない。彼女は国内にとどまった。最愛の人の死に立ち会うより民主化運動を優先した決意。彼女にそこまで腹をくくらせたものは、政治犯として獄中につながれた仲間の存在に違いない。
In December 1995, shortly after she started the column in the Mainichi Shimbun, Suu Kyi told the world political prisoners were barred from meeting their children for over two years and that their family members were being interrogated and harassed.
最初にスーチーさんの「手紙」の連載を初めて間もない９５年１２月、彼女は「籠の外の若い鳥」と題し、政治犯の子が親との面会を２年以上も許可されず、また家族が当局から尋問や嫌がらせを受けている窮状を訴えた。
Her message that she was not the only Myanmar woman detained for her political thoughts appears to reflect a kind of guilty feeling she harbors toward other people who were being suppressed by the military regime.
「私は、政治のために拘置されたビルマ唯一の女性ではない」という一文に、弾圧される人々への、ある種の後ろめたさがにじむ。
There is a special reason why Suu Kyi evaded being tortured or imprisoned even though she is the leader of Myanmar's pro-democracy movement. Her father played a leading role in winning Myanmar's independence and she is well-known to the world as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate. The military regime cannot simply take her away from society.
民主化運動の“首謀者”である彼女が拷問や投獄を免れたのには、特別な事情がある。父がビルマ独立運動に献身した将軍という血筋と、ノーベル平和賞を受賞した国際的知名度。軍政とて彼女を他の名もなき政治犯のように、いきなり表社会から消し去るようなまねはできない。
◇無名の政治犯に思いを寄せ続け
In other words, Suu Kyi is a pro-democracy activist whose safety is guaranteed. Therefore, she is obviously determined to share the pain imposed on her fellow pro-democracy activists. In the second letter of the current series that ran on Feb. 6, she confessed that she made a habit of having breakfast quite late during her house arrest "so that in my hunger I would not forget our comrades who were incarcerated not in their own homes but in prisons, often in places far distant from where their families live."
誤解を恐れずに言えば、彼女はミャンマーで最も身の安全を保障された民主化運動家である。だからこそ、仲間が強いられた痛みを率先して共有することを自らに課しているのだろう。連載再開２通目の手紙（２月６日朝刊）で彼女は、軟禁中に朝食の時間を遅らせていたことを明かした。「自らを空腹にすることで、刑務所に投獄され、家族から引き離されている同志を忘れないため」と記している。
I have met various people as a journalist, but I clearly remember I felt tense when I first met Suu Kyi. The feeling derived from my sense of reverence -- similar to a feeling I harbored toward citizens who repeatedly staged a sit-in protest in the Henoko district of Nago, Okinawa Prefecture, to express opposition to the relocation of a U.S. base to the area and those who were involved in a signature-collecting campaign against a so-called plutonium-thermal power generation project. They are determined to confront political power without resorting to violence.
私はこれまで記者としてさまざまな人と接してきたが、スーチーさんと向き合った時に感じた緊張には覚えがある。沖縄で米軍基地の移設を許さず辺野古の浜で座り込みを続ける人々や、佐賀で原発のプルサーマル発電に異を唱え署名を集めていた人々にも抱いた、非暴力不服従で権力に対峙（たいじ）する覚悟への、畏敬（いけい）の念だ。
I asked Suu Kyi, a Japanophile who studied at Kyoto University in the 1980s, what she expects Japan to do for the democratization of Myanmar. Instead of answering my question, she asked me whether I, as a Japanese national, have urged the Japanese government to pressure Myanmar's military regime to release all political prisoners. I couldn't nod with confidence to Suu Kyi, who shot a questioning glance at me. (By Pak Chong-chu, Foreign News Department)
８０年代に京都大へ留学した親日家でもあるスーチーさんに、ミャンマー民主化のため日本に期待することを尋ねたところ、「日本人なら当然、軍政に政治犯を釈放させるよう、自国の政府に働きかけているでしょう？」と逆に質問された。日本の覚悟を推し量ろうとするような彼女の瞳に自信を持ってうなずくことができなかった。（外信部）
毎日新聞 2011年2月24日 0時12分
2011年02月22日
余録：思いがけないこと
景気をよくするため、印刷機を回して大量の紙幣を印刷する国（欧米、日本など）と、しない国（タイなど）とでお金の価値が変っているのは、例えば砂糖水に例えられる。砂糖が取引される実態（商品やサービスなど）、水は紙幣。
アメリカや日本などは実体経済を超えるほどの紙幣を印刷するので、その結果商品やサービスなどは割高となり、タイでは大量の紙幣を印刷しないのでそれらは低価格に押さえられている。アメリカと日本の物価は同程度、タイの物価は日本の三分の一ほど、フィリピンの物価は日本の五分の一ほど。
（スラチャイ初歩の経済学＾＾）
タイでは食用油の価格がここ数カ月で2倍に跳ね上がり庶民を苦しめています。
先日スーパーで食用油の棚を見てびっくり仰天しました。
こんな急激な物価の上昇は困りますね。
アメリカはこの件に関して最も大きな責任を有するものです。
英文は和文の翻訳版ですが翻訳者の技量で大量の情報が付加されていています。
これぞ翻訳者冥利につきる＾＾。
この種の翻訳は逐語訳が基本ですが毎日は異彩を放っております。
（スラチャイ記）
Is 'butterfly flapping wings' in Federal Reserve linked to revolution in Cairo?
余録：思いがけないこと
The unexpected has struck, and for unexpected reasons.
世の中は思いがけないことが原因で思いがけないことが起きる。
In Japan, the roots of the revolutions now taking hold in many nations in the Middle East could be described with the expression, "If the wind blows, the bucket-makers prosper," meaning that events can bring about effects in unforeseen ways.
「風が吹けばおけ屋がもうかる」ということわざのいう通り。
One might also turn to the "butterfly effect," a term from chaos theory used to describe how small changes in a complex environment can result in major consequences elsewhere.
The term "butterfly effect" is taken from perhaps the most famous illustration of chaos theory in action: the butterfly that flaps its wings in the Amazon, triggering a series of small but crucial atmospheric events that result in a tornado in Texas.
世界を「複雑系」ととらえる学問では「アマゾンでチョウが羽ばたくとテキサスで竜巻が起きる」という言い方をするそうだ
In the case of the Middle Eastern revolutionary movements, the "butterfly" could be the easing of monetary policy in the United States.
その伝に従えば「米国で金融緩和するとイスラム諸国で民主化が進む」ということになろう。
The revolutionary winds -- which have blown down dictatorial regimes in Tunisia and Egypt, and are now gusting in Libya, Bahrain and Iran -- have shown no sign of slowing down.
チュニジアに端を発した民主化を求める民衆の決起は、エジプトに飛び火してムバラク政権を倒し、さらにリビアやバーレーン、イランに広がっている。とどまるところを知らない
The U.S. aim of loosening domestic monetary policy was certainly not to inspire democratic uprisings in the Middle East.
米国はそんなことをもくろんで金融緩和をしたわけではない。
The only goal the Federal Reserve had was to juice up the U.S. economy by boosting the money supply.
景気をよくするため、印刷機を回して大量のドル札を刷っただけだ。
Central banks in Japan and Europe are also doing similar things.
実は日本や欧州の中央銀行も似たようなことをしている。
However, the currencies of the rich, industrialized countries flow all over the world, and have spurred price spikes in basic commodities like food and oil felt particularly keenly by the people of less wealthy nations.
先進国のおカネが世界中に流れ出て食料や石油価格を急騰させた
World Bank President Robert B. Zoellick recently stated that average global food prices have reached dangerously high levels, and one of the issues that have brought people onto Middle Eastern streets by their hundreds of thousands is undoubtedly the impact these high prices are having on the daily lives of ordinary citizens in the region.
世界銀行のゼーリック総裁は「世界の食料価格は危険な水準に到達した」と言っている。民衆の決起の要因のひとつが食料の値上がりなのは確かである。
The power of money on the global stage is increasing, and as it bounces from one corner of the world to another in the blink of an eye -- or, more accurately, trader's keystroke -- it leaves trouble in its wake.
マネーの力の強力なこと。世界中をおカネが駆けめぐって波乱を起こす
This is what "globalism" is, apparently.
グローバリズムとはこういうことだったらしい。
However, just how far-reaching its effects will be is impossible to see.
しかし因果の連鎖の行き着く先はさっぱり見えない。
The meeting of G20 finance ministers which recently wrapped up in Paris tried to put together ideas on exactly what monetary globalism is and how to manage it -- and failed, it would seem.
パリに主要２０カ国・地域（Ｇ２０）の財務責任者が集まって鳩首（きゅうしゅ）協議したが、何をしたらいいのかよい知恵も出なかったようだ
According to expert opinion, the anxiety felt by G20 finance ministers relates not only to what is happening in the Islamic world but also to inflation in China.
専門家に聞くと、イスラム諸国もさることながら中国のインフレが心配のタネらしい。
As the engine of world growth, if the Chinese economy goes off the rails, it will take the global economy with it -- and U.S. consumers are a major source of fuel for the Chinese engine.
中国経済がヘンなことになると世界経済は成長のエンジンを失ってしまう。
And so the eyes of the world turn to the thunder of the U.S. money presses; a butterfly flaps its wings in the Federal Reserve, and a revolutionary tornado strikes Tunis, Cairo, Tripoli and beyond. ("Yoroku," a front-page column in the Mainichi Shimbun)
「米国の紙幣輪転機が回ると世界が目を回す」昨今だ。
(Mainichi Japan) February 21, 2011
毎日新聞 2011年2月21日 0時21分
アメリカや日本などは実体経済を超えるほどの紙幣を印刷するので、その結果商品やサービスなどは割高となり、タイでは大量の紙幣を印刷しないのでそれらは低価格に押さえられている。アメリカと日本の物価は同程度、タイの物価は日本の三分の一ほど、フィリピンの物価は日本の五分の一ほど。
（スラチャイ初歩の経済学＾＾）
タイでは食用油の価格がここ数カ月で2倍に跳ね上がり庶民を苦しめています。
先日スーパーで食用油の棚を見てびっくり仰天しました。
こんな急激な物価の上昇は困りますね。
アメリカはこの件に関して最も大きな責任を有するものです。
英文は和文の翻訳版ですが翻訳者の技量で大量の情報が付加されていています。
これぞ翻訳者冥利につきる＾＾。
この種の翻訳は逐語訳が基本ですが毎日は異彩を放っております。
（スラチャイ記）
Is 'butterfly flapping wings' in Federal Reserve linked to revolution in Cairo?
余録：思いがけないこと
The unexpected has struck, and for unexpected reasons.
世の中は思いがけないことが原因で思いがけないことが起きる。
In Japan, the roots of the revolutions now taking hold in many nations in the Middle East could be described with the expression, "If the wind blows, the bucket-makers prosper," meaning that events can bring about effects in unforeseen ways.
「風が吹けばおけ屋がもうかる」ということわざのいう通り。
One might also turn to the "butterfly effect," a term from chaos theory used to describe how small changes in a complex environment can result in major consequences elsewhere.
The term "butterfly effect" is taken from perhaps the most famous illustration of chaos theory in action: the butterfly that flaps its wings in the Amazon, triggering a series of small but crucial atmospheric events that result in a tornado in Texas.
世界を「複雑系」ととらえる学問では「アマゾンでチョウが羽ばたくとテキサスで竜巻が起きる」という言い方をするそうだ
In the case of the Middle Eastern revolutionary movements, the "butterfly" could be the easing of monetary policy in the United States.
その伝に従えば「米国で金融緩和するとイスラム諸国で民主化が進む」ということになろう。
The revolutionary winds -- which have blown down dictatorial regimes in Tunisia and Egypt, and are now gusting in Libya, Bahrain and Iran -- have shown no sign of slowing down.
チュニジアに端を発した民主化を求める民衆の決起は、エジプトに飛び火してムバラク政権を倒し、さらにリビアやバーレーン、イランに広がっている。とどまるところを知らない
The U.S. aim of loosening domestic monetary policy was certainly not to inspire democratic uprisings in the Middle East.
米国はそんなことをもくろんで金融緩和をしたわけではない。
The only goal the Federal Reserve had was to juice up the U.S. economy by boosting the money supply.
景気をよくするため、印刷機を回して大量のドル札を刷っただけだ。
Central banks in Japan and Europe are also doing similar things.
実は日本や欧州の中央銀行も似たようなことをしている。
However, the currencies of the rich, industrialized countries flow all over the world, and have spurred price spikes in basic commodities like food and oil felt particularly keenly by the people of less wealthy nations.
先進国のおカネが世界中に流れ出て食料や石油価格を急騰させた
World Bank President Robert B. Zoellick recently stated that average global food prices have reached dangerously high levels, and one of the issues that have brought people onto Middle Eastern streets by their hundreds of thousands is undoubtedly the impact these high prices are having on the daily lives of ordinary citizens in the region.
世界銀行のゼーリック総裁は「世界の食料価格は危険な水準に到達した」と言っている。民衆の決起の要因のひとつが食料の値上がりなのは確かである。
The power of money on the global stage is increasing, and as it bounces from one corner of the world to another in the blink of an eye -- or, more accurately, trader's keystroke -- it leaves trouble in its wake.
マネーの力の強力なこと。世界中をおカネが駆けめぐって波乱を起こす
This is what "globalism" is, apparently.
グローバリズムとはこういうことだったらしい。
However, just how far-reaching its effects will be is impossible to see.
しかし因果の連鎖の行き着く先はさっぱり見えない。
The meeting of G20 finance ministers which recently wrapped up in Paris tried to put together ideas on exactly what monetary globalism is and how to manage it -- and failed, it would seem.
パリに主要２０カ国・地域（Ｇ２０）の財務責任者が集まって鳩首（きゅうしゅ）協議したが、何をしたらいいのかよい知恵も出なかったようだ
According to expert opinion, the anxiety felt by G20 finance ministers relates not only to what is happening in the Islamic world but also to inflation in China.
専門家に聞くと、イスラム諸国もさることながら中国のインフレが心配のタネらしい。
As the engine of world growth, if the Chinese economy goes off the rails, it will take the global economy with it -- and U.S. consumers are a major source of fuel for the Chinese engine.
中国経済がヘンなことになると世界経済は成長のエンジンを失ってしまう。
And so the eyes of the world turn to the thunder of the U.S. money presses; a butterfly flaps its wings in the Federal Reserve, and a revolutionary tornado strikes Tunis, Cairo, Tripoli and beyond. ("Yoroku," a front-page column in the Mainichi Shimbun)
「米国の紙幣輪転機が回ると世界が目を回す」昨今だ。
(Mainichi Japan) February 21, 2011
毎日新聞 2011年2月21日 0時21分
2011年02月19日
民主党内紛 会派離脱は筋が通らぬ
(Mainichi Japan) February 18, 2011
Pro-Ozawa lawmakers' attempt to split from parliamentary alliance lacks sense
社説：民主党内紛 会派離脱は筋が通らぬ
Only recently former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama stirred up a political storm by labeling his reference to the deterrent role of the U.S. Marine Corps in Okinawa as an "expedient" to rationalize relocation of Air Station Futenma within Okinawa Prefecture.
Now, another commotion has erupted within the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) over an attempt by 16 party members close to scandal-tainted party heavyweight Ichiro Ozawa to break away from the DPJ-led parliamentary alliance in the House of Representatives.
普天間問題に関する鳩山由紀夫前首相の「抑止力は方便」発言に続いて、またもや民主党内であぜんとさせられる騒ぎが起きた。同党の小沢一郎元代表に近い比例代表選出衆院議員１６人が、衆院会派の離脱届を提出した内紛である。
Indeed, the latest move deals a blow to Prime Minister Naoto Kan and underscores the deadlock that his administration has reached. But as long as internal strife continues within the party, public distrust of the DPJ will only increase.
確かに今回の分派行動は菅直人首相にとって大きな打撃となり、政権の行き詰まり状況を表すものだろう。しかし、こうした内部抗争が続けば続くほど、民主党そのものへの国民の不信は増幅していくだけだ。まず、それを指摘しておく。
The actions of the 16 party members -- who are attempting to leave the parliamentary alliance in the lower house while remaining in the party -- cannot simply be described as a surprise move; it is a tactic that cannot be permitted.
そもそも、「院内会派は離脱して新会派を作るが、離党しない」という今回の１６人の行動は奇策どころか禁じ手といっていい。
Parliamentary groups are constituents of the Diet that play a part in deciding the number of seats on committees and the allocation of questioning time. It is not unusual for a particular party to form an alliance with independent Diet members or for several parties to form a single alliance, but the party remains a key factor in forming the alliance.
会派は委員会の議席数や質問時間配分などを決める国会内の構成単位であり、ある党が無所属議員とともに会派を作ったり、複数の党が統一会派を作るのは通常あることだ。だが、基となるのは、あくまで政党である。
If one political party were to split up into several parliamentary alliances and their decisions were divided on important decisions such as the naming of the prime minister and the passing of important bills, then the very foundations of party politics or parliamentary business would be shaken.
同じ政党が複数の会派に分かれ、首相指名や重要法案の賛否で判断が分かれるというのでは、政党政治、あるいは議院内閣制の根幹を揺るがす事態にさえなる。
In order for politicians to leave a parliamentary alliance, the representative of the alliance must submit notification to the chairman. In other words, they must submit to procedures determined by the party.
会派を離脱するためには、会派の代表者が議長に離脱届を出す、つまり党側が判断する手続きが必要となっているのはそのためだ。
It is only natural for DPJ Secretary-General Katsuya Okada to announce that he does not plan to allow the members to leave the alliance.
岡田克也幹事長が今回、離脱を認めない考えを表明したのは当然である。
In a declaration, the 16 lawmakers heavily criticized the Kan administration, saying it had discarded its election manifesto along with its promises to the public. However, the members told a news conference that it would be meaningless for them to leave the party.
１６人は発表した「宣言」で、「菅政権は国民との約束、マニフェストを捨てた」などと激しく批判する一方、記者会見では「離党したら何の意味もない」とも語った。
The 16 are probably of the position that their party should return to the roots of its manifesto.
民主党はマニフェストの原点に返るべきだというのだろう。
But if that's the case, the members should be working to achieve their goals. They will not win understanding from the public by leaving their parliamentary alliance because their arguments are not getting through, or shaking the political situation by taking a different line in the Diet -- they would be better to leave the party altogether.
ならば、その実現に努力すればいいのであって、自分たちの主張が通らないから会派を離脱し、国会で別行動を取って揺さぶるというのでは国民の理解は得られまい。離党した方がよほど筋が通るというものだ。
Of course, this would not be of any benefit when the party is trying to pass next fiscal year's budget and related bills quickly.
もちろん、新年度予算案や予算関連法案の早期成立を図るための行動でもないのだろう。
The Liberal Democratic Party and other opposition parties have demanded major revisions or the withdrawal of the DPJ's manifesto, and it is clear that returning to the line of the manifesto at this stage would not lead to smooth operations in the Diet.
自民党など野党はマニフェストの大幅修正や撤回を求めており、マニフェスト回帰路線は国会運営をスムーズに進めることにつながらないのは明らかだからだ。
But at the same time, one could not be blamed for thinking that the 16 lawmakers are actually upset about moves by the DPJ leadership to suspend Ozawa's qualifications as a party member, and are trying to topple Kan to secure new leadership and a review of any punishment of Ozawa.
結局、小沢元代表に対し党員資格停止処分の手続きを執行部が進めている点が大きな不満であり、処分の見直しをはじめ、党の主導権を確保するため、菅首相の退陣を狙っていると見られても仕方がない。
Kan and Okada cannot get away with leaving the situation as it is.
首相や岡田氏も放置しているだけでは済まない。
They have to take firm action against the move to split from the party alliance.
分派行動には厳しい処分で臨まざるを得ないだろう。
The party is dreaming if it thinks it can take part in discussions with the opposition parties when the prime minister can't bring his own party under control.
党内をまとめられない首相に野党との協議など夢のまた夢だ。
There is now no option but for Kan to be prepared for a split within the DPJ.
もはや党分裂も覚悟して臨むほかあるまい。
毎日新聞 2011年2月18日 2時32分
Pro-Ozawa lawmakers' attempt to split from parliamentary alliance lacks sense
社説：民主党内紛 会派離脱は筋が通らぬ
Only recently former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama stirred up a political storm by labeling his reference to the deterrent role of the U.S. Marine Corps in Okinawa as an "expedient" to rationalize relocation of Air Station Futenma within Okinawa Prefecture.
Now, another commotion has erupted within the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) over an attempt by 16 party members close to scandal-tainted party heavyweight Ichiro Ozawa to break away from the DPJ-led parliamentary alliance in the House of Representatives.
普天間問題に関する鳩山由紀夫前首相の「抑止力は方便」発言に続いて、またもや民主党内であぜんとさせられる騒ぎが起きた。同党の小沢一郎元代表に近い比例代表選出衆院議員１６人が、衆院会派の離脱届を提出した内紛である。
Indeed, the latest move deals a blow to Prime Minister Naoto Kan and underscores the deadlock that his administration has reached. But as long as internal strife continues within the party, public distrust of the DPJ will only increase.
確かに今回の分派行動は菅直人首相にとって大きな打撃となり、政権の行き詰まり状況を表すものだろう。しかし、こうした内部抗争が続けば続くほど、民主党そのものへの国民の不信は増幅していくだけだ。まず、それを指摘しておく。
The actions of the 16 party members -- who are attempting to leave the parliamentary alliance in the lower house while remaining in the party -- cannot simply be described as a surprise move; it is a tactic that cannot be permitted.
そもそも、「院内会派は離脱して新会派を作るが、離党しない」という今回の１６人の行動は奇策どころか禁じ手といっていい。
Parliamentary groups are constituents of the Diet that play a part in deciding the number of seats on committees and the allocation of questioning time. It is not unusual for a particular party to form an alliance with independent Diet members or for several parties to form a single alliance, but the party remains a key factor in forming the alliance.
会派は委員会の議席数や質問時間配分などを決める国会内の構成単位であり、ある党が無所属議員とともに会派を作ったり、複数の党が統一会派を作るのは通常あることだ。だが、基となるのは、あくまで政党である。
If one political party were to split up into several parliamentary alliances and their decisions were divided on important decisions such as the naming of the prime minister and the passing of important bills, then the very foundations of party politics or parliamentary business would be shaken.
同じ政党が複数の会派に分かれ、首相指名や重要法案の賛否で判断が分かれるというのでは、政党政治、あるいは議院内閣制の根幹を揺るがす事態にさえなる。
In order for politicians to leave a parliamentary alliance, the representative of the alliance must submit notification to the chairman. In other words, they must submit to procedures determined by the party.
会派を離脱するためには、会派の代表者が議長に離脱届を出す、つまり党側が判断する手続きが必要となっているのはそのためだ。
It is only natural for DPJ Secretary-General Katsuya Okada to announce that he does not plan to allow the members to leave the alliance.
岡田克也幹事長が今回、離脱を認めない考えを表明したのは当然である。
In a declaration, the 16 lawmakers heavily criticized the Kan administration, saying it had discarded its election manifesto along with its promises to the public. However, the members told a news conference that it would be meaningless for them to leave the party.
１６人は発表した「宣言」で、「菅政権は国民との約束、マニフェストを捨てた」などと激しく批判する一方、記者会見では「離党したら何の意味もない」とも語った。
The 16 are probably of the position that their party should return to the roots of its manifesto.
民主党はマニフェストの原点に返るべきだというのだろう。
But if that's the case, the members should be working to achieve their goals. They will not win understanding from the public by leaving their parliamentary alliance because their arguments are not getting through, or shaking the political situation by taking a different line in the Diet -- they would be better to leave the party altogether.
ならば、その実現に努力すればいいのであって、自分たちの主張が通らないから会派を離脱し、国会で別行動を取って揺さぶるというのでは国民の理解は得られまい。離党した方がよほど筋が通るというものだ。
Of course, this would not be of any benefit when the party is trying to pass next fiscal year's budget and related bills quickly.
もちろん、新年度予算案や予算関連法案の早期成立を図るための行動でもないのだろう。
The Liberal Democratic Party and other opposition parties have demanded major revisions or the withdrawal of the DPJ's manifesto, and it is clear that returning to the line of the manifesto at this stage would not lead to smooth operations in the Diet.
自民党など野党はマニフェストの大幅修正や撤回を求めており、マニフェスト回帰路線は国会運営をスムーズに進めることにつながらないのは明らかだからだ。
But at the same time, one could not be blamed for thinking that the 16 lawmakers are actually upset about moves by the DPJ leadership to suspend Ozawa's qualifications as a party member, and are trying to topple Kan to secure new leadership and a review of any punishment of Ozawa.
結局、小沢元代表に対し党員資格停止処分の手続きを執行部が進めている点が大きな不満であり、処分の見直しをはじめ、党の主導権を確保するため、菅首相の退陣を狙っていると見られても仕方がない。
Kan and Okada cannot get away with leaving the situation as it is.
首相や岡田氏も放置しているだけでは済まない。
They have to take firm action against the move to split from the party alliance.
分派行動には厳しい処分で臨まざるを得ないだろう。
The party is dreaming if it thinks it can take part in discussions with the opposition parties when the prime minister can't bring his own party under control.
党内をまとめられない首相に野党との協議など夢のまた夢だ。
There is now no option but for Kan to be prepared for a split within the DPJ.
もはや党分裂も覚悟して臨むほかあるまい。
毎日新聞 2011年2月18日 2時32分
2011年02月14日
Happy Valentine's Day!
今日は新聞の休刊日です＾＾。
Happy Valentine's Day!
(Mainichi Japan) February 13, 2011
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: To those worried about their elderly parents living far away
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：遠距離介護に悩む人へ ／東京
I am occasionally interviewed about "long-distance care," perhaps because my parents live in Hokkaido while I work and live in far off Tokyo.
私自身、実家が北海道、勤務先が関東、と離れているためもあってか、「遠距離介護」についての取材を受けることがたまにある。
One thing I can say about my own experiences is that, as my parents have entered old age, all kinds of problems I couldn't have even imagined when I was young have popped up, from how to go about treating illnesses to how to deal with daily events like shopping and cleaning.
たしかに、離れた実家に暮らす親が高齢になってくると、若いころには予想もできなかったような問題があれこれ出てくる。病気の治療をどうするかということから、買い物や掃除などの日々の生活のことまで。
If I lived nearby, I could stop by my parents' house on my way back from work. However, since I don't live nearby, I can't very well hop on an airplane and fly across the country every time a light bulb needs changing.
近くにいれば「じゃ、今日、帰りに寄るね」と言えるが、電球ひとつ取り換えるために飛行機に乗って駆けつけるわけにはいかない。
I admit, while saying to my parents, "I'm sorry I can't do anything to help," part of me is secretly relieved that I can get out of the situation without having to do anything. I take advantage of my physical distance as a means to avoid caring for or helping out my parents.
私など、「何もできなくてゴメンね」と言いながら、心のどこかには「やらずにすんでよかった」という思いもある。遠くにいるのを、介護や手伝いを避ける方便にしているのだ。
However, patients who come to see me at my office are more dutiful. Some even complain of mental and physical stress caused by worrying about their parents. "If my mother calls me and says she's not feeling so well, my heart starts to race," they may tell me. Some of these people fall more and more into negative thinking, and even come out with things like, "I knew it was a mistake to come to Tokyo for work. I should have stayed in my hometown."
ところが、診察室に来る人たちは、もっとまじめだ。「ちょっと具合が悪いのよ、なんて郷里の母親から電話が来ると、ドキドキしちゃって……」と心身の不調を訴えてやって来る人もいる。中には、どんどんマイナス思考に陥って、「やっぱり都会で仕事をしよう、と思ったのは間違いでした。ずっと実家にいればよかった」などと言い出す人さえいる。
Although I admire these patients' kindness and love for their parents, I don't think it is right for them to blame themselves.
その親への愛情ややさしさはすばらしいと思うが、そこまで自分を責めるのは、やっぱり間違いなのではないだろうか。
I say to these patients, "Maybe your parents act needier now, but in the past, didn't they say how happy they were that you had made your own way in Tokyo?"
そういう人には、「どうでしょう、今はご両親も弱気になっているかもしれませんが、かつては都会で自立しているあなたに喜んでいたのでは？」と昔のことを思い出してもらう。
When I tell them this, even patients who initially respond, "No, all my parents ever say is that they had wanted me to live nearby," start to gradually remember. "Now that you mention it, I seem to recall my mother bragging to the neighbors about how hard I was working in Tokyo. I made her stop it because I was embarrassed."
すると、最初は「いえ、近くにいてほしかった、と嘆くばかりです」と言っている人でも、次第に記憶がよみがえってくる。
「そういえば、近所の人に“ウチの子、東京でがんばってるのよ”と自慢した、と言っていたこともあったような。“お母さん、やめてよ、恥ずかしい”と止めたのですが」
For any parent, the goal of raising a child is not to bring up someone who will take care of them in their old age, rather it is to bring up someone who will stand on their own two feet in the world. People living far from their hometowns have fulfilled their parents' dreams by making their own, independent lives. Those parents surely feel proud of their far-away children and feel satisfied for having raised them in that manner.
そうそう、どの親にとっても子育ての目標は、「子どもに介護してもらうこと」ではなくて、「子どもを自立した人間に育てること」。遠距離介護に悩む人たちは、「親の願いをかなえて自立した子ども」でもあるのだ。きっと親は、地元を離れてがんばるわが子を誇りに思い、そんな子育てができた自分にも満足しているに違いない。
Those people caring for parents from afar, don't attack yourself or feel ashamed. Do not feel you have failed as a child. Have confidence. It's sufficient to do what you realistically can to help your parents. (By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
遠距離介護をしている自分を、責めたり恥じたりしていないで。自分は「子どもとして不合格」だなんて思わずに、自信を持って。その中で、できる範囲でケアしてあげれば、それで十分。
悩む人たちに、そう声をかけたい。
毎日新聞 2011年2月8日 地方版
Happy Valentine's Day!
(Mainichi Japan) February 13, 2011
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: To those worried about their elderly parents living far away
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：遠距離介護に悩む人へ ／東京
I am occasionally interviewed about "long-distance care," perhaps because my parents live in Hokkaido while I work and live in far off Tokyo.
私自身、実家が北海道、勤務先が関東、と離れているためもあってか、「遠距離介護」についての取材を受けることがたまにある。
One thing I can say about my own experiences is that, as my parents have entered old age, all kinds of problems I couldn't have even imagined when I was young have popped up, from how to go about treating illnesses to how to deal with daily events like shopping and cleaning.
たしかに、離れた実家に暮らす親が高齢になってくると、若いころには予想もできなかったような問題があれこれ出てくる。病気の治療をどうするかということから、買い物や掃除などの日々の生活のことまで。
If I lived nearby, I could stop by my parents' house on my way back from work. However, since I don't live nearby, I can't very well hop on an airplane and fly across the country every time a light bulb needs changing.
近くにいれば「じゃ、今日、帰りに寄るね」と言えるが、電球ひとつ取り換えるために飛行機に乗って駆けつけるわけにはいかない。
I admit, while saying to my parents, "I'm sorry I can't do anything to help," part of me is secretly relieved that I can get out of the situation without having to do anything. I take advantage of my physical distance as a means to avoid caring for or helping out my parents.
私など、「何もできなくてゴメンね」と言いながら、心のどこかには「やらずにすんでよかった」という思いもある。遠くにいるのを、介護や手伝いを避ける方便にしているのだ。
However, patients who come to see me at my office are more dutiful. Some even complain of mental and physical stress caused by worrying about their parents. "If my mother calls me and says she's not feeling so well, my heart starts to race," they may tell me. Some of these people fall more and more into negative thinking, and even come out with things like, "I knew it was a mistake to come to Tokyo for work. I should have stayed in my hometown."
ところが、診察室に来る人たちは、もっとまじめだ。「ちょっと具合が悪いのよ、なんて郷里の母親から電話が来ると、ドキドキしちゃって……」と心身の不調を訴えてやって来る人もいる。中には、どんどんマイナス思考に陥って、「やっぱり都会で仕事をしよう、と思ったのは間違いでした。ずっと実家にいればよかった」などと言い出す人さえいる。
Although I admire these patients' kindness and love for their parents, I don't think it is right for them to blame themselves.
その親への愛情ややさしさはすばらしいと思うが、そこまで自分を責めるのは、やっぱり間違いなのではないだろうか。
I say to these patients, "Maybe your parents act needier now, but in the past, didn't they say how happy they were that you had made your own way in Tokyo?"
そういう人には、「どうでしょう、今はご両親も弱気になっているかもしれませんが、かつては都会で自立しているあなたに喜んでいたのでは？」と昔のことを思い出してもらう。
When I tell them this, even patients who initially respond, "No, all my parents ever say is that they had wanted me to live nearby," start to gradually remember. "Now that you mention it, I seem to recall my mother bragging to the neighbors about how hard I was working in Tokyo. I made her stop it because I was embarrassed."
すると、最初は「いえ、近くにいてほしかった、と嘆くばかりです」と言っている人でも、次第に記憶がよみがえってくる。
「そういえば、近所の人に“ウチの子、東京でがんばってるのよ”と自慢した、と言っていたこともあったような。“お母さん、やめてよ、恥ずかしい”と止めたのですが」
For any parent, the goal of raising a child is not to bring up someone who will take care of them in their old age, rather it is to bring up someone who will stand on their own two feet in the world. People living far from their hometowns have fulfilled their parents' dreams by making their own, independent lives. Those parents surely feel proud of their far-away children and feel satisfied for having raised them in that manner.
そうそう、どの親にとっても子育ての目標は、「子どもに介護してもらうこと」ではなくて、「子どもを自立した人間に育てること」。遠距離介護に悩む人たちは、「親の願いをかなえて自立した子ども」でもあるのだ。きっと親は、地元を離れてがんばるわが子を誇りに思い、そんな子育てができた自分にも満足しているに違いない。
Those people caring for parents from afar, don't attack yourself or feel ashamed. Do not feel you have failed as a child. Have confidence. It's sufficient to do what you realistically can to help your parents. (By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
遠距離介護をしている自分を、責めたり恥じたりしていないで。自分は「子どもとして不合格」だなんて思わずに、自信を持って。その中で、できる範囲でケアしてあげれば、それで十分。
悩む人たちに、そう声をかけたい。
毎日新聞 2011年2月8日 地方版
2011年01月10日
日米外相会談 同盟立て直しの一歩に
(Mainichi Japan) January 8, 2011
Japan-U.S. foreign ministerial meeting a chance to rebuild bilateral alliance
社説：日米外相会談 同盟立て直しの一歩に
Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton agreed in their recent talks in Washington to set new common strategic goals, which will serve as guidelines for bilateral security cooperation. 前原誠司外相とクリントン米国務長官が、安全保障分野での日米協力の指針となる新たな「共通戦略目標」を策定することで合意した。
They also agreed on the need to step up bilateral consultations aimed at strengthening ties in case of any emergency situation such as an armed conflict in and around Japan.
また、日本有事や周辺事態が発生した際の協力強化に向けた協議を加速することでも一致した。
Their agreement is appropriate in that it is based on recent changes in the security environment in the Asia-Pacific region, such as rising tensions in the Korean Peninsula and China's increased activities at sea.
日米外相の合意は、緊張を高める朝鮮半島情勢や活発な海洋活動を展開する中国の動向など、アジア太平洋地域の安全保障環境の変化を踏まえたものだ。妥当な判断といえるだろう。
Setting new common goals on Japan-U.S. security cooperation, which the two countries have not sufficiently discussed so far, is of great significance as it will help improve bilateral relations which were strained under the administration of former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama.
これまでは必ずしも十分な検討が行われてこなかった安全保障分野での日米協力の仕組みについて協議を深め新たな共通の目標を定めることは、鳩山前政権下でぎくしゃくした両国関係を立て直すためにも意味がある。
The current common strategic goals were worked out in the so-called two-plus-two talks by foreign and defense ministers of the two countries in February 2005 when the Liberal Democratic Party was in power.
The goals declare that the Japan-U.S. alliance will continue to play an essentially vital role in ensuring peace and stability in the region and the entire world, and call on both countries to continue to consider the roles, missions and capabilities of the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) and U.S. forces.
自民党政権時代の０５年２月、外務・防衛担当閣僚による日米安全保障協議委員会（２プラス２）でまとめられた現在の共通戦略目標は、日米同盟が地域、世界の平和、安定を高めるうえで「死活的に重要な役割を果たし続ける」とうたい、自衛隊と米軍の役割、任務、能力について検討を継続するとしている。
However, Japan was unable to hold in-depth discussions on the roles of U.S. forces and the SDF under the Hatoyama administration because bilateral ties were strained over the relocation of U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Okinawa Prefecture.
しかし、鳩山前政権下では沖縄県の米軍普天間飛行場移設問題がこじれ、米軍の役割や自衛隊のあり方に関する論議を深めることができなかった。
A joint declaration on the deepening of the bilateral alliance, which Maehara and Clinton confirmed that the two countries will announce when Prime Minister Naoto Kan visits the United States this coming spring, will likely be based on the new common strategic goals.
両外相は春に予定されている菅直人首相の訪米の際、日米同盟深化に関する共同声明を発表する方針を確認したが、新共通戦略目標が共同声明の基礎になる見通しだ。
The new National Defense Program Outline, which Japan adopted in December last year, describes China as a concern for the region and the whole world, and declares that Japan will strengthen its defense capabilities on the Nansei Islands in southwestern Japan that include Okinawa.
昨年１２月に政府が決定した防衛計画の大綱は、中国について「地域・国際社会の懸念事項」とし南西諸島方面の防衛態勢強化を打ち出した。
China, which has been continuing its military buildup without ensuring transparency and increasing its activities aimed at expanding its interests in surrounding seas, is undoubtedly a major destabilizing factor for Japan and other neighboring countries.
不透明な軍事費増強を続け、海洋権益拡大に向け活発な活動を続ける中国の動きは日本をはじめ周辺の国々にとって大きな不安要因なのは間違いない。
However, Japan needs to work out a comprehensive strategy in not only the field of politics but also other fields including economy and culture in order to ensure that China will be a responsible member of the international community.
だが、中国を国際社会の責任ある一員に導くためには軍事面の対応だけでなく政治、経済、文化などを含めた総合的な戦略が必要だ。
Foreign Minister Maehara told Clinton that Japan-China relations are getting on track to improvement. Japan should step up its efforts to ensure that move.
前原外相はクリントン長官に「日中関係は改善の軌道に乗りつつある」と説明したが、日本もそのために積極的に動くべきだ。
In their discussions, Maehara and Clinton shared the view that the six-party talks on North Korea's nuclear weapons program should be resumed if North Korea takes concrete action to abandon the agenda.
北朝鮮の核開発をめぐる６カ国協議について両外相は、北朝鮮が核廃棄に向け具体的な行動を起こせば再開を認めるとの認識で一致した。
The two countries should exercise prudence in deciding whether to resume such talks in order not to repeat past mistakes.
過去の失敗を繰り返さないよう慎重に判断してほしい。
Regarding the Futenma relocation, Maehara and Clinton also agreed to discuss specific measures to lessen Okinawa's burden of hosting U.S. bases in Japan.
普天間問題については沖縄の負担軽減策の具体化を進めることを確認した。
There is no prospect for a breakthrough in the deadlocked relocation. However, Tokyo and Washington should exercise prudence in responding to the issue to prevent the matter from hampering consultations on the strengthening of the bilateral alliance.
解決の見通しは全く立っていないが、この問題が同盟深化協議の妨げにならないよう双方の賢明な対応を求めておきたい。
毎日新聞 2011年1月8日 2時30分
Japan-U.S. foreign ministerial meeting a chance to rebuild bilateral alliance
社説：日米外相会談 同盟立て直しの一歩に
Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton agreed in their recent talks in Washington to set new common strategic goals, which will serve as guidelines for bilateral security cooperation. 前原誠司外相とクリントン米国務長官が、安全保障分野での日米協力の指針となる新たな「共通戦略目標」を策定することで合意した。
They also agreed on the need to step up bilateral consultations aimed at strengthening ties in case of any emergency situation such as an armed conflict in and around Japan.
また、日本有事や周辺事態が発生した際の協力強化に向けた協議を加速することでも一致した。
Their agreement is appropriate in that it is based on recent changes in the security environment in the Asia-Pacific region, such as rising tensions in the Korean Peninsula and China's increased activities at sea.
日米外相の合意は、緊張を高める朝鮮半島情勢や活発な海洋活動を展開する中国の動向など、アジア太平洋地域の安全保障環境の変化を踏まえたものだ。妥当な判断といえるだろう。
Setting new common goals on Japan-U.S. security cooperation, which the two countries have not sufficiently discussed so far, is of great significance as it will help improve bilateral relations which were strained under the administration of former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama.
これまでは必ずしも十分な検討が行われてこなかった安全保障分野での日米協力の仕組みについて協議を深め新たな共通の目標を定めることは、鳩山前政権下でぎくしゃくした両国関係を立て直すためにも意味がある。
The current common strategic goals were worked out in the so-called two-plus-two talks by foreign and defense ministers of the two countries in February 2005 when the Liberal Democratic Party was in power.
The goals declare that the Japan-U.S. alliance will continue to play an essentially vital role in ensuring peace and stability in the region and the entire world, and call on both countries to continue to consider the roles, missions and capabilities of the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) and U.S. forces.
自民党政権時代の０５年２月、外務・防衛担当閣僚による日米安全保障協議委員会（２プラス２）でまとめられた現在の共通戦略目標は、日米同盟が地域、世界の平和、安定を高めるうえで「死活的に重要な役割を果たし続ける」とうたい、自衛隊と米軍の役割、任務、能力について検討を継続するとしている。
However, Japan was unable to hold in-depth discussions on the roles of U.S. forces and the SDF under the Hatoyama administration because bilateral ties were strained over the relocation of U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Okinawa Prefecture.
しかし、鳩山前政権下では沖縄県の米軍普天間飛行場移設問題がこじれ、米軍の役割や自衛隊のあり方に関する論議を深めることができなかった。
A joint declaration on the deepening of the bilateral alliance, which Maehara and Clinton confirmed that the two countries will announce when Prime Minister Naoto Kan visits the United States this coming spring, will likely be based on the new common strategic goals.
両外相は春に予定されている菅直人首相の訪米の際、日米同盟深化に関する共同声明を発表する方針を確認したが、新共通戦略目標が共同声明の基礎になる見通しだ。
The new National Defense Program Outline, which Japan adopted in December last year, describes China as a concern for the region and the whole world, and declares that Japan will strengthen its defense capabilities on the Nansei Islands in southwestern Japan that include Okinawa.
昨年１２月に政府が決定した防衛計画の大綱は、中国について「地域・国際社会の懸念事項」とし南西諸島方面の防衛態勢強化を打ち出した。
China, which has been continuing its military buildup without ensuring transparency and increasing its activities aimed at expanding its interests in surrounding seas, is undoubtedly a major destabilizing factor for Japan and other neighboring countries.
不透明な軍事費増強を続け、海洋権益拡大に向け活発な活動を続ける中国の動きは日本をはじめ周辺の国々にとって大きな不安要因なのは間違いない。
However, Japan needs to work out a comprehensive strategy in not only the field of politics but also other fields including economy and culture in order to ensure that China will be a responsible member of the international community.
だが、中国を国際社会の責任ある一員に導くためには軍事面の対応だけでなく政治、経済、文化などを含めた総合的な戦略が必要だ。
Foreign Minister Maehara told Clinton that Japan-China relations are getting on track to improvement. Japan should step up its efforts to ensure that move.
前原外相はクリントン長官に「日中関係は改善の軌道に乗りつつある」と説明したが、日本もそのために積極的に動くべきだ。
In their discussions, Maehara and Clinton shared the view that the six-party talks on North Korea's nuclear weapons program should be resumed if North Korea takes concrete action to abandon the agenda.
北朝鮮の核開発をめぐる６カ国協議について両外相は、北朝鮮が核廃棄に向け具体的な行動を起こせば再開を認めるとの認識で一致した。
The two countries should exercise prudence in deciding whether to resume such talks in order not to repeat past mistakes.
過去の失敗を繰り返さないよう慎重に判断してほしい。
Regarding the Futenma relocation, Maehara and Clinton also agreed to discuss specific measures to lessen Okinawa's burden of hosting U.S. bases in Japan.
普天間問題については沖縄の負担軽減策の具体化を進めることを確認した。
There is no prospect for a breakthrough in the deadlocked relocation. However, Tokyo and Washington should exercise prudence in responding to the issue to prevent the matter from hampering consultations on the strengthening of the bilateral alliance.
解決の見通しは全く立っていないが、この問題が同盟深化協議の妨げにならないよう双方の賢明な対応を求めておきたい。
毎日新聞 2011年1月8日 2時30分
2011年01月08日
China to be No. 1 in the world
英作文の学習教材としてこの記事を掲載します。
福本容子さんの書かれる英文は平易ですが外国でも十分通用するレベルだと思います。
英語独特の言い回しが学習できます。
（スラチャイ記）
(Mainichi Japan) January 7, 2011
China's rise may provide new model of growth, success for Japan
発信箱：新新成長戦略＝福本容子（論説室）
China has surpassed Japan as the world's second largest economy, but that in itself is old news. These days, people are watching and waiting to see if China will overtake the United States in the number one spot.
中国が日本を抜き第２位の経済大国−−。これはもう古いらしい。世界の関心は、中国がアメリカを抜き１位、に移っている。
And speaking of the gravitational pull China exerts on global trends, what about language? Some private observers predict that Chinese will become the most used language on the Internet within five years -- a prognostication that has become the focus of a lot of discussion of late.
例えば世界のナンバーワン言語。少なくとも５年以内に、インターネット上の使用言語で中国語が世界一になる、という民間予測が最近話題を呼んだ。
There are about 450 million Internet users in China today -- and the number continues to rise by the tens of millions every year. With so many Chinese speakers colonizing cyberspace, some say that the day Chinese surpasses English as the global language is close at hand.
ネット利用者が約４億５０００万人。１年で数千万人も増えている国だから、これまで世界言語だった英語を超える日も近いというわけだ。
As might be expected, people in the U.S. are already gearing up to succeed in a Chinese-speaking world.
さすがのアメリカ人も焦りだす？
Instead of "violin," "Chinese" is now the watchword among American parents with kids in gifted programs. 今アメリカで、英才教育に熱心な親の合言葉は「バイオリンではなく中国語を」だそうだ。
Moreover, the number of both public and private schools offering Chinese courses is rising, according to New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof.
公立、私立に関係なく、中国語の授業を新設する学校も増えているらしい。ニューヨーク・タイムズ紙のコラムニスト、ニコラス・クリストフさんが書いていた。
This is beginning to show up statistically as well.
統計にも表れ始めたみたい。
The number of high school and university students taking classes in a foreign language rose 6.6 percent from 2006 to 2009, while the number of those studying Chinese saw an 18.2 percent rise.
高校や大学での外国語授業の受講者数を２００６年と０９年で比べたら、全体の伸び率６．６％に対して中国語は１８．２％の高さだった。
You might suspect that the study of Japanese doesn't even enter the picture, but you'd be wrong. The number of students taking Japanese classes rose 10.3 percent over the same period, and in fact more people are studying Japanese than Chinese.
日本語なんて問題外だろうね、と思ったら……。なんと１０．３％も増えている。しかも総数は中国語より多い。
The number of students taking Japanese classes did decline for a time, but a rising China appears to have translated in many people's minds into a rising Asia, and study of Japanese is along for the ride.
一時は減少傾向にあったのが、元気な中国＝元気なアジアのお陰で日本も“連れ高”なのだ。
There might be a hint for Japan's survival in all this.
ここに日本が生きるヒントがあるかも。
Instead of looking askance at China's growing success, Japan could strategically seek out a share of the benefits. 卑屈な心じゃなく戦略として、中国の勢いのおこぼれをしっかりゲットすること。
In areas where China looks likely to see big strides, such as language education, tourism and business, Japan could appeal to the world to give this country a look as well.
外国語教室でも観光でもビジネスでも、おこぼれのありそうなところにどんどん出て行き「日本もどう？」と可愛くアピールする。
The world's affection will not always be so passionately focused on China.
中国にしたっていつもいつも熱いまなざしを集めるわけではないだろう。
At times when other countries grow weary at China's pretentions to superpower status, they may turn their attention to its island neighbor, and Japan will benefit from the comparison. Japan's stock will rise.
超大国ぶりが鼻についてきたなという時、隣をふと見たら、結構いい国があるじゃないですか、とますます株を上げる存在。
As a particularly relevant example, consider the U.S.'s northern neighbor, Canada. It's not in such a bad position, is it?
強いて例えたら、アメリカのお隣のカナダ。そんなに悪くなさそうでしょ？
毎日新聞 2011年1月7日 0時18分
福本容子さんの書かれる英文は平易ですが外国でも十分通用するレベルだと思います。
英語独特の言い回しが学習できます。
（スラチャイ記）
(Mainichi Japan) January 7, 2011
China's rise may provide new model of growth, success for Japan
発信箱：新新成長戦略＝福本容子（論説室）
China has surpassed Japan as the world's second largest economy, but that in itself is old news. These days, people are watching and waiting to see if China will overtake the United States in the number one spot.
中国が日本を抜き第２位の経済大国−−。これはもう古いらしい。世界の関心は、中国がアメリカを抜き１位、に移っている。
And speaking of the gravitational pull China exerts on global trends, what about language? Some private observers predict that Chinese will become the most used language on the Internet within five years -- a prognostication that has become the focus of a lot of discussion of late.
例えば世界のナンバーワン言語。少なくとも５年以内に、インターネット上の使用言語で中国語が世界一になる、という民間予測が最近話題を呼んだ。
There are about 450 million Internet users in China today -- and the number continues to rise by the tens of millions every year. With so many Chinese speakers colonizing cyberspace, some say that the day Chinese surpasses English as the global language is close at hand.
ネット利用者が約４億５０００万人。１年で数千万人も増えている国だから、これまで世界言語だった英語を超える日も近いというわけだ。
As might be expected, people in the U.S. are already gearing up to succeed in a Chinese-speaking world.
さすがのアメリカ人も焦りだす？
Instead of "violin," "Chinese" is now the watchword among American parents with kids in gifted programs. 今アメリカで、英才教育に熱心な親の合言葉は「バイオリンではなく中国語を」だそうだ。
Moreover, the number of both public and private schools offering Chinese courses is rising, according to New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof.
公立、私立に関係なく、中国語の授業を新設する学校も増えているらしい。ニューヨーク・タイムズ紙のコラムニスト、ニコラス・クリストフさんが書いていた。
This is beginning to show up statistically as well.
統計にも表れ始めたみたい。
The number of high school and university students taking classes in a foreign language rose 6.6 percent from 2006 to 2009, while the number of those studying Chinese saw an 18.2 percent rise.
高校や大学での外国語授業の受講者数を２００６年と０９年で比べたら、全体の伸び率６．６％に対して中国語は１８．２％の高さだった。
You might suspect that the study of Japanese doesn't even enter the picture, but you'd be wrong. The number of students taking Japanese classes rose 10.3 percent over the same period, and in fact more people are studying Japanese than Chinese.
日本語なんて問題外だろうね、と思ったら……。なんと１０．３％も増えている。しかも総数は中国語より多い。
The number of students taking Japanese classes did decline for a time, but a rising China appears to have translated in many people's minds into a rising Asia, and study of Japanese is along for the ride.
一時は減少傾向にあったのが、元気な中国＝元気なアジアのお陰で日本も“連れ高”なのだ。
There might be a hint for Japan's survival in all this.
ここに日本が生きるヒントがあるかも。
Instead of looking askance at China's growing success, Japan could strategically seek out a share of the benefits. 卑屈な心じゃなく戦略として、中国の勢いのおこぼれをしっかりゲットすること。
In areas where China looks likely to see big strides, such as language education, tourism and business, Japan could appeal to the world to give this country a look as well.
外国語教室でも観光でもビジネスでも、おこぼれのありそうなところにどんどん出て行き「日本もどう？」と可愛くアピールする。
The world's affection will not always be so passionately focused on China.
中国にしたっていつもいつも熱いまなざしを集めるわけではないだろう。
At times when other countries grow weary at China's pretentions to superpower status, they may turn their attention to its island neighbor, and Japan will benefit from the comparison. Japan's stock will rise.
超大国ぶりが鼻についてきたなという時、隣をふと見たら、結構いい国があるじゃないですか、とますます株を上げる存在。
As a particularly relevant example, consider the U.S.'s northern neighbor, Canada. It's not in such a bad position, is it?
強いて例えたら、アメリカのお隣のカナダ。そんなに悪くなさそうでしょ？
毎日新聞 2011年1月7日 0時18分
2011年01月06日
日本沈没
一億の国民一人ひとりが一千万円持っているとすれば、それで１０００兆円になります。
団塊の世代が無駄使いせずにせっせと貯蓄していたので、今の日本はかろうじてもっているようですね。
スラチャイは昭和２４年生まれですが、老齢年金の支給開始を５年繰り下げられて６５才から支給開始にされてしまいました。現役時代に貯蓄をしていなかったので支給額３０％減で６０才からの繰り上げ支給にしてもらいました。
それでかろうじて首をくくらずにすんでいる訳です。
若い世代は全員６５才からの年金支給開始にされていますし、移行期間の特別支給も適用されません。
これでは、若い世代がまともに働かなくなるのは当然だと思います。
消費税切り上げ、すべての農産物の関税の自由化を早急に実施されるように要望します。
（スラチャイ記）
(Mainichi Japan) January 5, 2011
Japan can't avoid fiscal crisis without reform of social security programs
水説：「逃げ切り」はムリだ＝潮田道夫
＜ｓｕｉ−ｓｅｔｓｕ＞
In the eyes of young people, those aged above 60 may appear to be colluding to demand that the government avoid a fiscal crisis without implementing reforms.
若い人から見れば、６０歳以上の世代は結託して「逃げ切り」を図っているように見えるだろうな、と思う。
"I don't want the government to make major changes to the current policy over the next decade or two. Newspapers say Japan is in a state of deflation, but pensioners are worried about whether they can get by. I welcome deflation because it allows us to buy more goods using my pension," one senior citizen could say.
「あと１０年か２０年、あまり現状変更せずにいてほしい。新聞はデフレだと騒ぐが、年金生活は心細いものだ。デフレで年金の使い出が増えるのは結構なことではないか」
Others could comment: "It's been said the state finances and social security services will collapse without tax hikes, but obviously, the government still has some hidden reserve funds. I don't want the government to do any unnecessary things (like tax hikes)."
「増税しないと財政が立ち行かなくなり、社会保障もできなくなるというが、まだ、埋蔵金があるだろう。余計なことはしてほしくない」
"Japan has so far managed to overcome crises. I believe that the government can do the same this time, too. Judging from the average lifespan, I'll die in 10 to 20 years. Japan will certainly survive until then. So let me get over the current crisis (without tax hikes)," yet another might say.
「日本は危機のたびになんとかしてきた。今度もなんとかなるだろう。平均寿命から見て、あと１０年か２０年でお迎えが来る。それぐらいは日本ももつだろう。なんとか『逃げ切り』させてくれんか」
These may be common views among senior citizens even though these are somewhat generalized.
少々、戯画化が過ぎるかもしれないが、そういう見方をされているのではないか。
It's true that there are elderly people who are struggling to make a living, and quite a few of them are aware of the need for reforms.
高齢層だって実は暮らしが大変な人が多い。そして、このままではいけないと心を痛めている人も少なくないのである。
However, most elderly people are apparently pressuring politicians not to obstruct any policy change so that a potential crisis and any additional financial burden can be avoided.
だが、全体として政治に「逃げ切り戦略の邪魔をするな」と強烈な圧力をかけているのではないか。
However, is it possible to avoid a potential crisis without making policy changes in the first place? That appears quite difficult.
だが、そもそも、逃げ切りは可能なのだろうか。
どうもあやしい。
The government has issued massive numbers of state bonds to make up for a tax revenue shortfall, but almost all of these bonds have been purchased domestically. Therefore, Japan has avoided going under like Greece. However, baby-boomers are expected to begin sometime around next year to withdraw large amounts of money from their savings. Some experts have estimated that Japan's saving ratio will turn downward in 2014. In other words, the foundations for government bonds to be purchased in Japan will likely collapse.
日本は大量の国債を発行しても国内でほぼ全額が売れた。だから、ギリシャ化せずに済んだ。しかし、来年あたりから団塊世代が貯蓄の取り崩しを本格化させる。２０１４年からは貯蓄率がマイナスになるという試算もある。国債の安定消化の基盤が崩れる。
In a recently released book titled, "Japan's economy has three years to survive: Thorough discussion on how to overcome fiscal crisis," four economists -- Heizo Takenaka, Nobuo Ikeda, Takero Doi and Wataru Suzuki -- exchanged their views on the current economic and fiscal situation in Japan. They then concluded that Japan's economy has only three years before collapse. In other words, Japan cannot avoid fiscal crisis without major policy changes.
先ごろ、「日本経済『余命３年』徹底討論・財政危機をどう乗り越えるか」（ＰＨＰ研究所）という本が出た。竹中平蔵、池田信夫、土居丈朗、鈴木亘という論客がタイトル通りの意見交換をして、診断した結果が「余命３年」だ。つまりは「逃げ切りは無理」という結論である。
This view is largely shared by government officials, with Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshito Sengoku saying that the government can manage to compile a state budget by using superficial tricks for no more than two years.
仙谷由人官房長官もつじつま合わせの予算編成ができるのも「この２年ぐらい」とどこかで語っていた。
だれが見ても、似たような見立てになるのである。
I belong to the next generation after baby-boomers, and am in a more advantageous position than young people in terms of social security services. Still, I fear that if elderly generations take advantage of their numbers to prevent disparity in the levels of social security services between generations from being rectified, it would put the nation's future in jeopardy.
私も団塊世代のすぐあとに続く世代で、若者に比べ有利な位置にある。だが、数をたのんで世代間格差を放置しておくと、この国の将来は危ういと思う。
If younger generations are entitled to pension benefits tens of millions of yen less than those of older generations, it will discourage younger people from working hard. Pension reform is an urgent task.
年配者と若者で年金格差が数千万円もあっては若者もやる気をなくす。年金改革が急務だ。
Moreover, 1000 trillion yen out of 1400 trillion yen in individual financial assets in Japan are held by elderly people and remain deposited with banks without being consumed. It is necessary to make it easier for younger generations to make effective use of such financial assets through tax system reform and other measures.
また、１４００兆円の個人金融資産のうち１０００兆円を６０歳以上が保有し消費に回さず銀行に預けっぱなしというのも芸がない。税制改革などで若い世代が有効活用できるようにせずばなるまい。
As the proverb goes: "He who gives to the poor, lends to the Lord." We will lose everything if the country collapses. (By Michio Ushioda, Expert Senior Writer)
情けはひとのためならず。この国がつぶれては元も子もない。（専門編集委員）
毎日新聞 2011年1月5日 東京朝刊
団塊の世代が無駄使いせずにせっせと貯蓄していたので、今の日本はかろうじてもっているようですね。
スラチャイは昭和２４年生まれですが、老齢年金の支給開始を５年繰り下げられて６５才から支給開始にされてしまいました。現役時代に貯蓄をしていなかったので支給額３０％減で６０才からの繰り上げ支給にしてもらいました。
それでかろうじて首をくくらずにすんでいる訳です。
若い世代は全員６５才からの年金支給開始にされていますし、移行期間の特別支給も適用されません。
これでは、若い世代がまともに働かなくなるのは当然だと思います。
消費税切り上げ、すべての農産物の関税の自由化を早急に実施されるように要望します。
（スラチャイ記）
(Mainichi Japan) January 5, 2011
Japan can't avoid fiscal crisis without reform of social security programs
水説：「逃げ切り」はムリだ＝潮田道夫
＜ｓｕｉ−ｓｅｔｓｕ＞
In the eyes of young people, those aged above 60 may appear to be colluding to demand that the government avoid a fiscal crisis without implementing reforms.
若い人から見れば、６０歳以上の世代は結託して「逃げ切り」を図っているように見えるだろうな、と思う。
"I don't want the government to make major changes to the current policy over the next decade or two. Newspapers say Japan is in a state of deflation, but pensioners are worried about whether they can get by. I welcome deflation because it allows us to buy more goods using my pension," one senior citizen could say.
「あと１０年か２０年、あまり現状変更せずにいてほしい。新聞はデフレだと騒ぐが、年金生活は心細いものだ。デフレで年金の使い出が増えるのは結構なことではないか」
Others could comment: "It's been said the state finances and social security services will collapse without tax hikes, but obviously, the government still has some hidden reserve funds. I don't want the government to do any unnecessary things (like tax hikes)."
「増税しないと財政が立ち行かなくなり、社会保障もできなくなるというが、まだ、埋蔵金があるだろう。余計なことはしてほしくない」
"Japan has so far managed to overcome crises. I believe that the government can do the same this time, too. Judging from the average lifespan, I'll die in 10 to 20 years. Japan will certainly survive until then. So let me get over the current crisis (without tax hikes)," yet another might say.
「日本は危機のたびになんとかしてきた。今度もなんとかなるだろう。平均寿命から見て、あと１０年か２０年でお迎えが来る。それぐらいは日本ももつだろう。なんとか『逃げ切り』させてくれんか」
These may be common views among senior citizens even though these are somewhat generalized.
少々、戯画化が過ぎるかもしれないが、そういう見方をされているのではないか。
It's true that there are elderly people who are struggling to make a living, and quite a few of them are aware of the need for reforms.
高齢層だって実は暮らしが大変な人が多い。そして、このままではいけないと心を痛めている人も少なくないのである。
However, most elderly people are apparently pressuring politicians not to obstruct any policy change so that a potential crisis and any additional financial burden can be avoided.
だが、全体として政治に「逃げ切り戦略の邪魔をするな」と強烈な圧力をかけているのではないか。
However, is it possible to avoid a potential crisis without making policy changes in the first place? That appears quite difficult.
だが、そもそも、逃げ切りは可能なのだろうか。
どうもあやしい。
The government has issued massive numbers of state bonds to make up for a tax revenue shortfall, but almost all of these bonds have been purchased domestically. Therefore, Japan has avoided going under like Greece. However, baby-boomers are expected to begin sometime around next year to withdraw large amounts of money from their savings. Some experts have estimated that Japan's saving ratio will turn downward in 2014. In other words, the foundations for government bonds to be purchased in Japan will likely collapse.
日本は大量の国債を発行しても国内でほぼ全額が売れた。だから、ギリシャ化せずに済んだ。しかし、来年あたりから団塊世代が貯蓄の取り崩しを本格化させる。２０１４年からは貯蓄率がマイナスになるという試算もある。国債の安定消化の基盤が崩れる。
In a recently released book titled, "Japan's economy has three years to survive: Thorough discussion on how to overcome fiscal crisis," four economists -- Heizo Takenaka, Nobuo Ikeda, Takero Doi and Wataru Suzuki -- exchanged their views on the current economic and fiscal situation in Japan. They then concluded that Japan's economy has only three years before collapse. In other words, Japan cannot avoid fiscal crisis without major policy changes.
先ごろ、「日本経済『余命３年』徹底討論・財政危機をどう乗り越えるか」（ＰＨＰ研究所）という本が出た。竹中平蔵、池田信夫、土居丈朗、鈴木亘という論客がタイトル通りの意見交換をして、診断した結果が「余命３年」だ。つまりは「逃げ切りは無理」という結論である。
This view is largely shared by government officials, with Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshito Sengoku saying that the government can manage to compile a state budget by using superficial tricks for no more than two years.
仙谷由人官房長官もつじつま合わせの予算編成ができるのも「この２年ぐらい」とどこかで語っていた。
だれが見ても、似たような見立てになるのである。
I belong to the next generation after baby-boomers, and am in a more advantageous position than young people in terms of social security services. Still, I fear that if elderly generations take advantage of their numbers to prevent disparity in the levels of social security services between generations from being rectified, it would put the nation's future in jeopardy.
私も団塊世代のすぐあとに続く世代で、若者に比べ有利な位置にある。だが、数をたのんで世代間格差を放置しておくと、この国の将来は危ういと思う。
If younger generations are entitled to pension benefits tens of millions of yen less than those of older generations, it will discourage younger people from working hard. Pension reform is an urgent task.
年配者と若者で年金格差が数千万円もあっては若者もやる気をなくす。年金改革が急務だ。
Moreover, 1000 trillion yen out of 1400 trillion yen in individual financial assets in Japan are held by elderly people and remain deposited with banks without being consumed. It is necessary to make it easier for younger generations to make effective use of such financial assets through tax system reform and other measures.
また、１４００兆円の個人金融資産のうち１０００兆円を６０歳以上が保有し消費に回さず銀行に預けっぱなしというのも芸がない。税制改革などで若い世代が有効活用できるようにせずばなるまい。
As the proverb goes: "He who gives to the poor, lends to the Lord." We will lose everything if the country collapses. (By Michio Ushioda, Expert Senior Writer)
情けはひとのためならず。この国がつぶれては元も子もない。（専門編集委員）
毎日新聞 2011年1月5日 東京朝刊
2010年12月31日
原爆が消した廣島
関連記事を毎日新聞英語版より引用します。
英語版しかありませんが、英文は平易です。
難しい単語が数箇所ありますが、辞書なしで全体の流れを読み取ってください。
田邊雅章（たなべまさあき）さんは広島原爆の被災者ですが、１５年ほど前にあるきっかけから、原爆の恐ろしさを後世に伝えようと決心しました。それで｢原爆が消した廣島｣という本を出版しました。
田邊雅章（たなべまさあき）さんの手法は普通の手法と違っていて、原爆投下前の広島爆心地の情景を、写真をもとに可能な限り再現することで、消された町の悲惨さ、原爆の恐ろしさを訴えています。
（スラチャイ記）
Masaaki Tanabe's works eloquently re-create the lives of those lost to the bomb
The best book I have read this year is "Genbaku ga Keshita Hiroshima" (Hiroshima that was annihilated by the atomic bomb), published by Bungei Shunju. I was attracted by the title, which uses an old character for "Hiroshima" and invokes the life of this town, which once flourished at the mouth of rivers flowing into the Seto Inland Sea.
The author of the book, Masaaki Tanabe, 73, is a renowned filmmaker. He has re-created the town that was at ground zero in his films, using state-of-the-art technology. This year, he completed a documentary film that elaborately re-enacted the Nakajima district located in the heart of Hiroshima, which was the city's leading entertainment quarter and, reduced to ashes, now hosts the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park.
Tanabe was born in what was then Sarugakucho, near where the Atomic Bomb Dome stands now. It was the end of 1937, when the Sino-Japanese War was turning into a quagmire. When Tanabe was a second-grade elementary school student, he lost his mother and brother to the atomic bomb, as well as his home, which was located at ground zero. When Tanabe returned home with his grandmother from an evacuation location in the countryside, he saw the aftermath of the bomb and was exposed to residual radiation. His father, who was a serviceman, became weak from radiation from the bomb and died on Aug. 15 in despair -- on the day Japan lost the war.
Tanabe worked his way through college to study filmmaking, and after graduation he started working for a newspaper company, where he was in charge of news films. He always stayed away from the A-bomb issues, even after he left the newspaper company and started working on his own.
However, an unexpected turning point came when he was 60. Some high school girls who seemed to be on a school trip to Hiroshima asked Tanabe to take their pictures in front of the A-bomb Dome.
While he looked through the finder of the camera -- and the high school girls gave peace signs and yelled cheerfully for the shot -- he noticed the site where the kitchen of his childhood home used to be, where his mother and brother supposedly died.
Those girls don't know what happened here, he thought, but he didn't blame them for that. The experience, however, led him to decide that he shouldn't run away from A-bomb issues any more. Re-creating what ground zero looked like before the bomb was his mission, he felt.
We have seen a number of films that portray the catastrophe that the A-bomb brought to the streets and people of Hiroshima. However, what are re-enacted in Tanabe's films are the ordinary lives of people in the town, filled with their various day-to-day emotions, as well the town's rhythm and atmosphere.
Tanabe visited people across the country that have affiliations with ground zero, traced their memories, and collected their photographs they had taken from before the atomic bombing. Many of the pictures are carried in the book, and they surely portray just the same innocent smiles as those of the high school girls who posed in front of the A-bomb Dome.
An interesting story that Tanabe gives is that a recreation of the town at ground zero made based on the recollections of former residents turned out to actually be twice as big as the real town, showing that human beings tend to remember the things they cherish as being larger and greater than they really were. Tanabe determined the actual width of each house's front based on the intervals between electricity poles taken in pictures from those days.
"I wanted to bring to film the lives of ordinary citizens up until just before the dropping of the atomic bomb," Tanabe writes in his book. I believe the description of the ordinary lives that were lost can tell the tale of terror of destruction and deprivation more eloquently than anything else.
This year saw a number of foreign dignitaries visiting Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and I hope the U.S. president will follow suit next year. When he visits Hiroshima, in addition to the casualty records, I also hope he will see what the old Hiroshima was like before its annihilation and compare it to the streets and people back in his home country. (By Kenji Tamaki, Expert Senior Writer)
(Mainichi Japan) December 30, 2010
2010年12月30日
小沢元代表：政倫審出席 離党圧力で方針転換
(Mainichi Japan) December 29, 2010
Under pressure to leave DPJ, Ozawa agrees to testify over scandal -- with conditions
小沢元代表：政倫審出席 離党圧力で方針転換
Ichiro Ozawa, former secretary-general and a political kingpin of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), has finally agreed to testify to a Diet ethics committee over a political funding scandal after mounting pressure to leave the party if he didn't, but he has shrewdly taken advantage of the situation to seek removal of a political opponent.
On Dec. 27, Prime Minister Naoto Kan made it clear that the DPJ would ask Ozawa to leave the party if he refused to appear before the ethics committee. Kan's statement forced Ozawa, who is facing indictment as early as the beginning of next year over the scandal, to move towards testifying.
民主党の小沢一郎元代表が衆院政治倫理審査会へ出席する意向を表明したのは、首相が２７日に小沢氏の「出処進退」に言及し、出席要請に応じない場合は離党勧告も含めて小沢氏を排除する姿勢を鮮明にしたためだ。年明けにも強制起訴を控え追い込まれた小沢氏は、出席に前向きな回答をせざるを得なくなった。
However, Ozawa took the opportunity to make a counter-attack, demanding that Kan dismiss Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshito Sengoku as a precondition for Ozawa's appearing at the committee. Kan has been under pressure from opposition parties to sack Sengoku after the opposition-controlled House of Councillors adopted a censure motion against the chief cabinet secretary.
だが一方で、野党から参院で問責決議を受けた仙谷由人官房長官の更迭を事実上条件として挙げ、政権の弱点を突いた。
The move by Ozawa takes advantage of indications by the prime minister that he would reshuffle his Cabinet -- even though that reshuffling was intended to accompany the addition of the Sunrise Party to a DPJ-led coalition administration, a deal which fell through.
首相がたちあがれ日本との連立工作に失敗しながら内閣改造を検討する姿勢を示した動きをとらえ、反撃に出た。
On the afternoon of Dec. 28, just before making the announcement that he would testify at the committee, Ozawa visited former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and stressed the need to sack Sengoku.
"For the Diet, the censure motion against Sengoku is the more serious problem, so the prime minister should respond properly to it," Ozawa was quoted as saying to Hatoyama, who agreed with him.
小沢氏は出席を表明する直前の２８日昼、東京・赤坂の鳩山由紀夫前首相を訪ね、「問責決議の方が国会審議にとって大きな問題だから、首相もしっかりやってもらわないといかんな」と告げた。
Ozawa and Hatoyama, both outside of the mainstream of the party, agreed that they will demand that the prime minister replace Sengoku with a pro-Ozawa legislator, saying it will be for the benefit of party unity.
鳩山氏は同意し、非主流派の２人はまず仙谷氏を更迭させ、内閣改造で小沢氏側の人物を登用する挙党態勢を求めることを確認した。
Azuma Koshiishi, head of the DPJ's caucus in the House of Councillors and close ally of Ozawa, is in step with the two. "If the prime minister wants to restore public trust in his administration, he should reshuffle the Cabinet," he told reporters.
小沢氏に近い輿石東参院議員会長も記者団に「内閣改造を、政権に信頼を取り戻す方法として考えているならそうした方がいい」と語り、足並みをそろえた。
政権の課題は来春の統一地方選と１１年度予算案だ。小沢氏は予算案成立と引き換えの政倫審出席もちらつかせ、証人喚問や離党勧告に進もうとする執行部をけん制した。一方で、首相が仙谷氏を更迭せず野党が審議拒否すれば、国会停滞の責任は首相にあるとして、小沢氏は政倫審に出席しない意向だ。
（この部分の英語版はありません。訳抜けです＾＾）
A point of contention is the timing of the testimony. Ozawa says he will only attend the ethics council if it is convened after the regular Diet session opens in January -- in other words, after Kan has made the decision of whether to sack Sengoku.
小沢氏が政倫審出席の条件に「国会開会後」を挙げているのも、まずは仙谷氏を更迭してから、という意味だ。
Kan, however, fearing that if he complied it would give the public the impression that he had bowed to pressure from Ozawa, strongly demanded on Dec. 28 that Ozawa attend the ethics council before the next Diet session convenes.
しかし、小沢氏の政倫審出席前に首相が仙谷氏を更迭すれば、首相が小沢氏に屈した形になる。だからこそ首相は２８日夕、小沢氏に国会前の政倫審出席を強く求めた。
On the night of Dec. 28, pro-Ozawa legislators, including Koshiishi, former Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Koji Matsui, and former DPJ Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Shinji Tarutoko met in Tokyo and were reportedly in agreement on using Ozawa's testimony to the ethics council as a bargaining chip to demand a reshuffling of the Cabinet. (By Takashi Sudo, Political News Department)
小沢氏に近い輿石氏、松井孝治前官房副長官、樽床伸二前国対委員長らは２８日夜、東京都内で会合を開いた。出席者によると「小沢氏の政倫審出席が有効なカードになるよう態勢を整えるべきだ」として、執行部側に内閣改造を求めることで一致した。【須藤孝】
毎日新聞 2010年12月29日 9時17分
Under pressure to leave DPJ, Ozawa agrees to testify over scandal -- with conditions
小沢元代表：政倫審出席 離党圧力で方針転換
Ichiro Ozawa, former secretary-general and a political kingpin of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), has finally agreed to testify to a Diet ethics committee over a political funding scandal after mounting pressure to leave the party if he didn't, but he has shrewdly taken advantage of the situation to seek removal of a political opponent.
On Dec. 27, Prime Minister Naoto Kan made it clear that the DPJ would ask Ozawa to leave the party if he refused to appear before the ethics committee. Kan's statement forced Ozawa, who is facing indictment as early as the beginning of next year over the scandal, to move towards testifying.
民主党の小沢一郎元代表が衆院政治倫理審査会へ出席する意向を表明したのは、首相が２７日に小沢氏の「出処進退」に言及し、出席要請に応じない場合は離党勧告も含めて小沢氏を排除する姿勢を鮮明にしたためだ。年明けにも強制起訴を控え追い込まれた小沢氏は、出席に前向きな回答をせざるを得なくなった。
However, Ozawa took the opportunity to make a counter-attack, demanding that Kan dismiss Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshito Sengoku as a precondition for Ozawa's appearing at the committee. Kan has been under pressure from opposition parties to sack Sengoku after the opposition-controlled House of Councillors adopted a censure motion against the chief cabinet secretary.
だが一方で、野党から参院で問責決議を受けた仙谷由人官房長官の更迭を事実上条件として挙げ、政権の弱点を突いた。
The move by Ozawa takes advantage of indications by the prime minister that he would reshuffle his Cabinet -- even though that reshuffling was intended to accompany the addition of the Sunrise Party to a DPJ-led coalition administration, a deal which fell through.
首相がたちあがれ日本との連立工作に失敗しながら内閣改造を検討する姿勢を示した動きをとらえ、反撃に出た。
On the afternoon of Dec. 28, just before making the announcement that he would testify at the committee, Ozawa visited former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and stressed the need to sack Sengoku.
"For the Diet, the censure motion against Sengoku is the more serious problem, so the prime minister should respond properly to it," Ozawa was quoted as saying to Hatoyama, who agreed with him.
小沢氏は出席を表明する直前の２８日昼、東京・赤坂の鳩山由紀夫前首相を訪ね、「問責決議の方が国会審議にとって大きな問題だから、首相もしっかりやってもらわないといかんな」と告げた。
Ozawa and Hatoyama, both outside of the mainstream of the party, agreed that they will demand that the prime minister replace Sengoku with a pro-Ozawa legislator, saying it will be for the benefit of party unity.
鳩山氏は同意し、非主流派の２人はまず仙谷氏を更迭させ、内閣改造で小沢氏側の人物を登用する挙党態勢を求めることを確認した。
Azuma Koshiishi, head of the DPJ's caucus in the House of Councillors and close ally of Ozawa, is in step with the two. "If the prime minister wants to restore public trust in his administration, he should reshuffle the Cabinet," he told reporters.
小沢氏に近い輿石東参院議員会長も記者団に「内閣改造を、政権に信頼を取り戻す方法として考えているならそうした方がいい」と語り、足並みをそろえた。
政権の課題は来春の統一地方選と１１年度予算案だ。小沢氏は予算案成立と引き換えの政倫審出席もちらつかせ、証人喚問や離党勧告に進もうとする執行部をけん制した。一方で、首相が仙谷氏を更迭せず野党が審議拒否すれば、国会停滞の責任は首相にあるとして、小沢氏は政倫審に出席しない意向だ。
（この部分の英語版はありません。訳抜けです＾＾）
A point of contention is the timing of the testimony. Ozawa says he will only attend the ethics council if it is convened after the regular Diet session opens in January -- in other words, after Kan has made the decision of whether to sack Sengoku.
小沢氏が政倫審出席の条件に「国会開会後」を挙げているのも、まずは仙谷氏を更迭してから、という意味だ。
Kan, however, fearing that if he complied it would give the public the impression that he had bowed to pressure from Ozawa, strongly demanded on Dec. 28 that Ozawa attend the ethics council before the next Diet session convenes.
しかし、小沢氏の政倫審出席前に首相が仙谷氏を更迭すれば、首相が小沢氏に屈した形になる。だからこそ首相は２８日夕、小沢氏に国会前の政倫審出席を強く求めた。
On the night of Dec. 28, pro-Ozawa legislators, including Koshiishi, former Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Koji Matsui, and former DPJ Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Shinji Tarutoko met in Tokyo and were reportedly in agreement on using Ozawa's testimony to the ethics council as a bargaining chip to demand a reshuffling of the Cabinet. (By Takashi Sudo, Political News Department)
小沢氏に近い輿石氏、松井孝治前官房副長官、樽床伸二前国対委員長らは２８日夜、東京都内で会合を開いた。出席者によると「小沢氏の政倫審出席が有効なカードになるよう態勢を整えるべきだ」として、執行部側に内閣改造を求めることで一致した。【須藤孝】
毎日新聞 2010年12月29日 9時17分
2010年12月25日
あなどれない中国の外交力
(Mainichi Japan) December 24, 2010
China's boycott diplomacy ugly but effective
木語：外交力で「大使は不在」＝金子秀敏
＜ｍｏｋｕ−ｇｏ＞
Mainichi Shimbun staff writer Mayumi Otani, who covered the Nobel Prize award ceremony this year, angrily said, "The Chinese government's behavior was ugly." She refers to pressure China applied to its allies to boycott the ceremony because the Nobel Peace Prize would be awarded to Chinese anti-government activist Liu Xiaobo, and 17 countries refused to send representatives to the ceremony. (Mainichi Shimbun Dec. 20 morning edition -- from Norway)
ノーベル平和賞の授賞式を取材した本紙、大谷麻由美記者が「中国政府の振る舞いはダサかった」と怒っている。あの平和賞ボイコット外交のことである。反政府活動家、劉暁波氏に平和賞が贈られるとあって、中国政府が授賞式に出席しないよう圧力をかけ、１７カ国が欠席した。（２０日朝刊「Ｆｒｏｍノルウェー」）
Like Otani, I remember most Japanese journalists and newspapers criticized China's action as arrogant with the only exception being Bangkok-based journalist Makoto Suzuki. (The Sankei Shimbun Dec. 15 morning edition) He analyzed China's boycott diplomacy from the viewpoint of Southeast Asia.
どの新聞も、大谷記者と同様、中国は横暴だと非難していたように思う。例外はバンコク在住のジャーナリスト、鈴木真氏である（１５日産経新聞朝刊）。中国のボイコット外交を「東南アジア」という物さしで測っている。するとなにが見えるだろうか。
Suzuki pointed out that of the 10 member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Thailand was the only country that sent a representative to the award ceremony as far as he confirmed. However, a minister at the Thai Embassy attended it on behalf of the ambassador, who the embassy said was staying in his home country.
鈴木氏は言う−−東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）１０カ国のうち、平和賞授賞式に参加したことが確認できたのはタイ１国だけ。そのタイも大使は「本国に帰国中」で公使が出た。
The Indonesian ambassador was also absent from the ceremony for the same reason, while the Philippine ambassador also failed to be present because the ceremony did not fit his schedule. Even Vietnam, which is in dispute with China over sovereignty issues in the South China Sea, criticized presenting the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu on the grounds that the prize should not be used for political purposes. However, it is too naive to insist that Japan should join hands with ASEAN in an attempt to counter China.
インドネシアの大使も「本国に帰国中」で欠席。フィリピンは大使の「日程が合わず」欠席したという。中国と南シナ海で主権紛争のあるベトナムは「政治目的に利用すべきではない」と劉氏への授賞を批判した。だから、日本とＡＳＥＡＮが手を結び、中国と対抗すべきだというような議論は空論である−−。
Regardless of whether its behavior was ugly, China did score diplomatic points through its boycott diplomacy. This is the reality of Asia.
ダサかろうがどうだろうが中国はボイコット外交でこれだけのポイントを挙げた。これがアジアの現実である。
It raises the question why does China have such strong diplomatic power? This is apparently because the free trade agreement (FTA) between China and ASEAN came into effect on Jan. 1, 2010. China and ASEAN have been integrated into a single market and the amounts of goods and services traded in these areas sharply increased, improving the economic conditions of Southeast Asia.
では、なぜ中国はこれほどの外交力を持っているのか。今年の１月１日、中国とＡＳＥＡＮの自由貿易協定（ＦＴＡ）が発効したからだろう。中国と東南アジアが一つのマーケットになり、物流が急増して、東南アジアの景気が良くなった。
As their economic relations have become closer, China and ASEAN tend to avoid political conflicts. Philippine news organizations criticized the ambassador's absence from the ceremony, but politicians in ASEAN member countries share the view that they will gain nothing if they anger China.
経済的に接近すれば政治的関係も対立を避けるようになる。フィリピンではマスコミが大使欠席を批判したが、政界からは「中国を怒らせて得はない」という本音が漏れている。
Shortly before the award ceremony, a high-ranking Philippine military officer visited China and held talks on the purchase of Chinese-made weapons. ASEAN member countries fear anti-government guerrillas within their respective territories more than the threat posed by China.
授賞式の直前、フィリピン軍首脳が訪中して中国製武器の買い付け交渉をしている。中国の脅威より国内の反政府ゲリラのほうが怖いのだ。
The United States is now pressing forward with a plan to form the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement in a bid to counter the China-ASEAN FTA. Washington is now trying to increase its presence in the Asian market, but struggling to make up for its late start.
中国ＡＳＥＡＮのＦＴＡに対抗して、米国が推進しているのが環太平洋パートナーシップ協定（ＴＰＰ）である。アジア市場で巻き返しを狙っているが、出遅れた。
In the South China Sea where China is steadily increasing its military presence, the United States is soliciting ASEAN to build up a framework to counter the threat posed by China, but ASEAN is unlikely to comply. China's boycott diplomacy was certainly ugly. However, the brass-knuckles aggressiveness of its diplomacy should not be underestimated. (By Hidetoshi Kaneko, Expert Senior Writer)
中国が着々と軍事的プレゼンスを高めている南シナ海では、米国はＡＳＥＡＮと中国の脅威に対抗する枠組みを作ろうとしている。しかし、ＡＳＥＡＮは簡単に乗らない。中国のノーベル平和賞授賞式ボイコット外交は、確かにダサい。しかしダサいほどがむしゃらな外交力は侮れない。（専門編集委員）
毎日新聞 2010年12月23日 東京朝刊
China's boycott diplomacy ugly but effective
木語：外交力で「大使は不在」＝金子秀敏
＜ｍｏｋｕ−ｇｏ＞
Mainichi Shimbun staff writer Mayumi Otani, who covered the Nobel Prize award ceremony this year, angrily said, "The Chinese government's behavior was ugly." She refers to pressure China applied to its allies to boycott the ceremony because the Nobel Peace Prize would be awarded to Chinese anti-government activist Liu Xiaobo, and 17 countries refused to send representatives to the ceremony. (Mainichi Shimbun Dec. 20 morning edition -- from Norway)
ノーベル平和賞の授賞式を取材した本紙、大谷麻由美記者が「中国政府の振る舞いはダサかった」と怒っている。あの平和賞ボイコット外交のことである。反政府活動家、劉暁波氏に平和賞が贈られるとあって、中国政府が授賞式に出席しないよう圧力をかけ、１７カ国が欠席した。（２０日朝刊「Ｆｒｏｍノルウェー」）
Like Otani, I remember most Japanese journalists and newspapers criticized China's action as arrogant with the only exception being Bangkok-based journalist Makoto Suzuki. (The Sankei Shimbun Dec. 15 morning edition) He analyzed China's boycott diplomacy from the viewpoint of Southeast Asia.
どの新聞も、大谷記者と同様、中国は横暴だと非難していたように思う。例外はバンコク在住のジャーナリスト、鈴木真氏である（１５日産経新聞朝刊）。中国のボイコット外交を「東南アジア」という物さしで測っている。するとなにが見えるだろうか。
Suzuki pointed out that of the 10 member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Thailand was the only country that sent a representative to the award ceremony as far as he confirmed. However, a minister at the Thai Embassy attended it on behalf of the ambassador, who the embassy said was staying in his home country.
鈴木氏は言う−−東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）１０カ国のうち、平和賞授賞式に参加したことが確認できたのはタイ１国だけ。そのタイも大使は「本国に帰国中」で公使が出た。
The Indonesian ambassador was also absent from the ceremony for the same reason, while the Philippine ambassador also failed to be present because the ceremony did not fit his schedule. Even Vietnam, which is in dispute with China over sovereignty issues in the South China Sea, criticized presenting the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu on the grounds that the prize should not be used for political purposes. However, it is too naive to insist that Japan should join hands with ASEAN in an attempt to counter China.
インドネシアの大使も「本国に帰国中」で欠席。フィリピンは大使の「日程が合わず」欠席したという。中国と南シナ海で主権紛争のあるベトナムは「政治目的に利用すべきではない」と劉氏への授賞を批判した。だから、日本とＡＳＥＡＮが手を結び、中国と対抗すべきだというような議論は空論である−−。
Regardless of whether its behavior was ugly, China did score diplomatic points through its boycott diplomacy. This is the reality of Asia.
ダサかろうがどうだろうが中国はボイコット外交でこれだけのポイントを挙げた。これがアジアの現実である。
It raises the question why does China have such strong diplomatic power? This is apparently because the free trade agreement (FTA) between China and ASEAN came into effect on Jan. 1, 2010. China and ASEAN have been integrated into a single market and the amounts of goods and services traded in these areas sharply increased, improving the economic conditions of Southeast Asia.
では、なぜ中国はこれほどの外交力を持っているのか。今年の１月１日、中国とＡＳＥＡＮの自由貿易協定（ＦＴＡ）が発効したからだろう。中国と東南アジアが一つのマーケットになり、物流が急増して、東南アジアの景気が良くなった。
As their economic relations have become closer, China and ASEAN tend to avoid political conflicts. Philippine news organizations criticized the ambassador's absence from the ceremony, but politicians in ASEAN member countries share the view that they will gain nothing if they anger China.
経済的に接近すれば政治的関係も対立を避けるようになる。フィリピンではマスコミが大使欠席を批判したが、政界からは「中国を怒らせて得はない」という本音が漏れている。
Shortly before the award ceremony, a high-ranking Philippine military officer visited China and held talks on the purchase of Chinese-made weapons. ASEAN member countries fear anti-government guerrillas within their respective territories more than the threat posed by China.
授賞式の直前、フィリピン軍首脳が訪中して中国製武器の買い付け交渉をしている。中国の脅威より国内の反政府ゲリラのほうが怖いのだ。
The United States is now pressing forward with a plan to form the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement in a bid to counter the China-ASEAN FTA. Washington is now trying to increase its presence in the Asian market, but struggling to make up for its late start.
中国ＡＳＥＡＮのＦＴＡに対抗して、米国が推進しているのが環太平洋パートナーシップ協定（ＴＰＰ）である。アジア市場で巻き返しを狙っているが、出遅れた。
In the South China Sea where China is steadily increasing its military presence, the United States is soliciting ASEAN to build up a framework to counter the threat posed by China, but ASEAN is unlikely to comply. China's boycott diplomacy was certainly ugly. However, the brass-knuckles aggressiveness of its diplomacy should not be underestimated. (By Hidetoshi Kaneko, Expert Senior Writer)
中国が着々と軍事的プレゼンスを高めている南シナ海では、米国はＡＳＥＡＮと中国の脅威に対抗する枠組みを作ろうとしている。しかし、ＡＳＥＡＮは簡単に乗らない。中国のノーベル平和賞授賞式ボイコット外交は、確かにダサい。しかしダサいほどがむしゃらな外交力は侮れない。（専門編集委員）
毎日新聞 2010年12月23日 東京朝刊