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2015年07月21日
本社世論調査：内閣支持率急落３５％ 不支持５１％
July 20, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Abe Cabinet approval rating plummets to 35% after security bill vote: Mainichi poll
本社世論調査：内閣支持率急落３５％ 不支持５１％
Public support for the Cabinet of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has plunged to 35 percent, according to a Mainichi Shimbun opinion poll conducted on July 17 and 18, just after the ruling coalition rammed controversial security bills through the House of Representatives.
The figure was down 7 points from the previous survey on July 4 and 5, and was the lowest level seen since Prime Minister Abe returned to power in December 2012. The disapproval rating for the Abe Cabinet rose 8 points to 51 percent. It was also the first time that the disapproval rating for his Cabinet surpassed 50 percent.
毎日新聞は１７、１８両日、安全保障関連法案の衆院通過を受けて緊急の全国世論調査を実施した。安倍内閣の支持率は今月４、５両日の前回調査より７ポイント減の３５％で、第２次安倍内閣発足後で最低となった。不支持率は前回より８ポイント増の５１％と初めて半数に達した。
Sixty-eight percent of respondents replied that it was a problem that the ruling coalition had forced the security bills -- which would allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense -- through the lower house last week, well above the 24 percent who said it was not a problem.
与党が１５日の衆院平和安全法制特別委員会で安保法案を強行採決したことについては「問題だ」との回答が６８％で、「問題ではない」の２４％を大きく上回った。
As public criticism of the proposed security legislation is growing, the survey results suggest that the government's steamrolling of the bills pushed down the Abe Cabinet's approval rating.
安保法案への世論の批判は強まっており、政府・与党の一連の対応が内閣支持率を押し下げたとみられる。
◇安保強行採決「問題」６８％
Of the respondents, 62 percent expressed opposition to the security bills, 4 points more than the previous poll, while 27 percent answered they supported the bills, 2 points less than the previous survey.
集団的自衛権の行使などを可能にする安保法案に「反対」は６２％（前回比４ポイント増）、「賛成」は２７％（同２ポイント減）で、前回より賛否の差が広がった。
Only 28 percent said they believed that enacting the security legislation would increase Japan's deterrence against possible armed attacks. On the other hand, 64 percent expressed fears that Japan would face increased risks of being dragged into war as a result of the expansion of Self-Defense Forces overseas missions.
法案成立によって日本に対する武力攻撃への「抑止力が高まる」は２８％にとどまり、自衛隊の海外での活動拡大で「戦争に巻き込まれる恐れが強まる」が６４％に上った。
Nearly 90 percent of the respondents who said they feared that Japan could be dragged into war said they were opposed to the proposed security legislation.
「戦争に巻き込まれる」と答えた層では９割近くが法案に反対した。抑止力と考えるか、戦争に巻き込まれると考えるかは、法案の賛否に密接に関連している。
The latest survey has shown that the public was also becoming increasingly critical of the government's aim of making sure that the bill becomes law during the ongoing Diet session, with 63 percent of the respondents voicing opposition, up 2 points from the previous poll, and 25 percent in favor, a 3-point decline.
安保法案を９月２７日までの今国会で成立させる政府・与党の方針には「反対」が６３％（前回比２ポイント増）を占め、「賛成」は２５％（同３ポイント減）だった。
An overwhelming majority of the pollees, 82 percent, said the government's explanation of the bills was insufficient, despite top government officials' claim that legislators had thorough discussions on the bills in the lower chamber.
政府・与党は衆院での議論は尽くされたと主張したが、国民への説明が「不十分だ」は８２％となお高率だ。
Even supporters of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) were split almost evenly over whether the governing bloc's railroading of the security bills were proper, with 43 percent saying it was a problem and 47 percent answering it was not a problem.
こうした中での強行採決には自民支持層でも「問題だ」（４３％）と「問題ではない」（４７％）が拮抗（きっこう）した。
Regarding what the respondents wanted opposition parties to do in deliberating the bills in the House of Councillors, 38 percent said opposition parties should demand that the bills be scrapped outright. Thirty-two percent, meanwhile, answered the parties should demand the bills be modified, while 20 percent replied they should cooperate in deliberations on the bills.
今後始まる参院審議で野党に望む対応は、「法案の撤回を求める」３８％▽「法案の修正を求める」３２％▽「法案の審議に協力する」２０％−−と分かれた。
Many of those who backed opposition parties called for scrapping the bills, but the largest percentage, or 40 percent, of backers of the Japan Innovation Party (JIP) called for modification of the bills.
野党支持層では「撤回」が目立って多いが、維新支持層では「修正」が４割で最多だった。
The approval rating for the LDP was 28 percent and that for the largest opposition Democratic Party of Japan came to 10 percent. The figures for the JIP and the LDP's junior coalition partner Komeito and the Japanese Communist Party stood at 6 percent, 4 percent and 5 percent, respectively.
政党支持率は、自民２８％▽民主１０％▽維新６％▽公明４％▽共産５％−−など。
(以下英訳部分がありません＾＾）
「支持政党はない」と答えた無党派は３９％だった。【今村茜】
調査の方法 ７月１７、１８日の２日間、コンピューターで無作為に数字を組み合わせて作った電話番号に、調査員が電話をかけるＲＤＳ法で調査した。福島第１原発事故で帰還困難区域などに指定されている市町村の電話番号は除いた。有権者のいる１７６０世帯から、１０４８人の回答を得た。回答率は６０％。
毎日新聞 2015年07月19日 09時00分（最終更新 07月19日 09時33分）
Abe Cabinet approval rating plummets to 35% after security bill vote: Mainichi poll
本社世論調査：内閣支持率急落３５％ 不支持５１％
Public support for the Cabinet of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has plunged to 35 percent, according to a Mainichi Shimbun opinion poll conducted on July 17 and 18, just after the ruling coalition rammed controversial security bills through the House of Representatives.
The figure was down 7 points from the previous survey on July 4 and 5, and was the lowest level seen since Prime Minister Abe returned to power in December 2012. The disapproval rating for the Abe Cabinet rose 8 points to 51 percent. It was also the first time that the disapproval rating for his Cabinet surpassed 50 percent.
毎日新聞は１７、１８両日、安全保障関連法案の衆院通過を受けて緊急の全国世論調査を実施した。安倍内閣の支持率は今月４、５両日の前回調査より７ポイント減の３５％で、第２次安倍内閣発足後で最低となった。不支持率は前回より８ポイント増の５１％と初めて半数に達した。
Sixty-eight percent of respondents replied that it was a problem that the ruling coalition had forced the security bills -- which would allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense -- through the lower house last week, well above the 24 percent who said it was not a problem.
与党が１５日の衆院平和安全法制特別委員会で安保法案を強行採決したことについては「問題だ」との回答が６８％で、「問題ではない」の２４％を大きく上回った。
As public criticism of the proposed security legislation is growing, the survey results suggest that the government's steamrolling of the bills pushed down the Abe Cabinet's approval rating.
安保法案への世論の批判は強まっており、政府・与党の一連の対応が内閣支持率を押し下げたとみられる。
◇安保強行採決「問題」６８％
Of the respondents, 62 percent expressed opposition to the security bills, 4 points more than the previous poll, while 27 percent answered they supported the bills, 2 points less than the previous survey.
集団的自衛権の行使などを可能にする安保法案に「反対」は６２％（前回比４ポイント増）、「賛成」は２７％（同２ポイント減）で、前回より賛否の差が広がった。
Only 28 percent said they believed that enacting the security legislation would increase Japan's deterrence against possible armed attacks. On the other hand, 64 percent expressed fears that Japan would face increased risks of being dragged into war as a result of the expansion of Self-Defense Forces overseas missions.
法案成立によって日本に対する武力攻撃への「抑止力が高まる」は２８％にとどまり、自衛隊の海外での活動拡大で「戦争に巻き込まれる恐れが強まる」が６４％に上った。
Nearly 90 percent of the respondents who said they feared that Japan could be dragged into war said they were opposed to the proposed security legislation.
「戦争に巻き込まれる」と答えた層では９割近くが法案に反対した。抑止力と考えるか、戦争に巻き込まれると考えるかは、法案の賛否に密接に関連している。
The latest survey has shown that the public was also becoming increasingly critical of the government's aim of making sure that the bill becomes law during the ongoing Diet session, with 63 percent of the respondents voicing opposition, up 2 points from the previous poll, and 25 percent in favor, a 3-point decline.
安保法案を９月２７日までの今国会で成立させる政府・与党の方針には「反対」が６３％（前回比２ポイント増）を占め、「賛成」は２５％（同３ポイント減）だった。
An overwhelming majority of the pollees, 82 percent, said the government's explanation of the bills was insufficient, despite top government officials' claim that legislators had thorough discussions on the bills in the lower chamber.
政府・与党は衆院での議論は尽くされたと主張したが、国民への説明が「不十分だ」は８２％となお高率だ。
Even supporters of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) were split almost evenly over whether the governing bloc's railroading of the security bills were proper, with 43 percent saying it was a problem and 47 percent answering it was not a problem.
こうした中での強行採決には自民支持層でも「問題だ」（４３％）と「問題ではない」（４７％）が拮抗（きっこう）した。
Regarding what the respondents wanted opposition parties to do in deliberating the bills in the House of Councillors, 38 percent said opposition parties should demand that the bills be scrapped outright. Thirty-two percent, meanwhile, answered the parties should demand the bills be modified, while 20 percent replied they should cooperate in deliberations on the bills.
今後始まる参院審議で野党に望む対応は、「法案の撤回を求める」３８％▽「法案の修正を求める」３２％▽「法案の審議に協力する」２０％−−と分かれた。
Many of those who backed opposition parties called for scrapping the bills, but the largest percentage, or 40 percent, of backers of the Japan Innovation Party (JIP) called for modification of the bills.
野党支持層では「撤回」が目立って多いが、維新支持層では「修正」が４割で最多だった。
The approval rating for the LDP was 28 percent and that for the largest opposition Democratic Party of Japan came to 10 percent. The figures for the JIP and the LDP's junior coalition partner Komeito and the Japanese Communist Party stood at 6 percent, 4 percent and 5 percent, respectively.
政党支持率は、自民２８％▽民主１０％▽維新６％▽公明４％▽共産５％−−など。
(以下英訳部分がありません＾＾）
「支持政党はない」と答えた無党派は３９％だった。【今村茜】
調査の方法 ７月１７、１８日の２日間、コンピューターで無作為に数字を組み合わせて作った電話番号に、調査員が電話をかけるＲＤＳ法で調査した。福島第１原発事故で帰還困難区域などに指定されている市町村の電話番号は除いた。有権者のいる１７６０世帯から、１０４８人の回答を得た。回答率は６０％。
毎日新聞 2015年07月19日 09時00分（最終更新 07月19日 09時33分）
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2015年07月20日
ＣＯ２削減目標 省エネを加速させる契機に
The Yomiuri Shimbun
New emission reduction goal should speed up energy-saving measures
ＣＯ２削減目標 省エネを加速させる契機に
It will not be easy to achieve the new reduction target for greenhouse gases adopted by the government, though it was made with an emphasis on its feasibility. To accomplish the target, both the public and private sectors will be required to work together for energy saving.
実現可能性を重視したとはいえ、目標の達成は決して容易ではない。
官民挙げて、省エネルギーに取り組むことが求められる。
The government officially decided and submitted to the United Nations an emissions-reduction target for greenhouse gases to reduce them by 26 percent by fiscal 2030 in comparison to fiscal 2013 emissions.
政府が、温室効果ガスの排出削減目標を正式決定し、国連に提出した。２０３０年度までに１３年度比で２６％削減する。
The target was made based on Japan’s estimated composition of power sources in 2030.
ベースになっているのが、３０年時点の日本の電源構成だ。
According to that estimate, Japan will use less thermal power generation that depends on imported fuel and continue nuclear power generation. The ratio of renewable energy sources such as solar and wind power will be increased, too. Under such an energy policy, the highest reduction rate possible was calculated.
燃料を輸入に頼る火力発電を減らし、原発を引き続き利用する。太陽光、風力などの再生可能エネルギーの比率も増やす。こうしたエネルギー政策の下で、可能な限り高い削減率をはじき出した。
Use of nuclear power generation, which does not emit carbon dioxide (CO2), has a very significant meaning as a measure against global warming. Reduction of power generation costs and other issues will pose challenges in generating electricity with renewable energy.
二酸化炭素（ＣＯ２）を排出しない原発の活用は、温暖化対策上、極めて重要である。再生エネについては、発電コストの軽減などが大きな課題となろう。
Greenhouse gas emissions have sharply increased from business facilities such as department stores, supermarkets and office buildings. According to the new target, their emissions will be cut by 40 percent. To achieve it, energy-saving lighting equipment and office machines must be introduced.
排出量の増加が著しいのは、デパートやスーパー、オフィスビルなどの業務部門だ。目標では、４割の削減を目指している。省エネ型の照明やＯＡ機器などの導入が欠かせない。
Currently, member countries are working on their own reduction targets toward the 21st Session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP21) to be held in Paris at the end of this year.
年末にパリで開かれる国連気候変動枠組み条約の第２１回締約国会議（ＣＯＰ２１）に向け、各国は削減目標の策定を進めている。
Some of the members − including the United States, China and the European Union − have already submitted their targets to the United Nations.
米国や中国、欧州連合などは、既に国連に提出した。
Onus to cut emissions
If an agreement is made at COP21 on a new framework of measures against global warming from 2020, the members will start working to achieve the goals they have presented.
ＣＯＰ２１で２０年以降の温暖化対策の新たな枠組みが合意されれば、各国は、自らが示した目標の達成に取り組むことになる。
It will be significant in the new framework to impose obligations to reduce greenhouse gas emissions on every signatory, learning a lesson from the mistake of the Kyoto Protocol that imposed such obligations only on developed countries. We expect Japan to play a leading role in making an equal and fair framework since it has presented a reduction target that stands up to those submitted by the United States and Europe.
新たな枠組みで大切なのは、先進国だけに排出削減義務を負わせた京都議定書の失敗を教訓に、全締約国に対象を広げることだ。米欧と比べても見劣りしない目標を掲げた日本は、公平・公正な枠組み作りを主導してもらいたい。
Also, a mechanism should be built in the framework to make signatories observe their own goals. Only laying out goals will not stop the progression of global warming.
各国に目標を順守させる仕組みも不可欠だ。目標を掲げるだけでは温暖化の進行を防げない。
On the other hand, rigidly obliging the parties to achieve the targets, there would then arise the danger of repeating the failure of the Kyoto Protocol, which was hamstrung because of the non-participation of the United States.
一方で、目標の達成を厳格に義務付ければ、米国の離脱で骨抜きになった京都議定書の二の舞いになりかねない。
From the standpoint of how to accomplish the aim of slashing the amount of greenhouse gas emissions globally, a framework having actual effectiveness must be formulated. What should be done is, for one thing, to oblige each country to report on the progress of its emission reduction measures at regular intervals. It will also be necessary to make signatories check the emission reduction efforts with each other, while prodding each other to raise the targets if possible. In addition, a ban should be placed on all signatories from allowing their respective targets to be lowered.
各国に対策の進捗しんちょく状況の定期報告を義務付ける。相互に検証し、目標の引き上げを促す。目標を後退させることを禁じる――。いかに世界全体の排出量を削減するかという観点で、実効性のある枠組みを作り上げねばならない。
China, which has been under no obligation to cut back emissions under the Kyoto Protocol, is the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases, accounting for one-fourth of the world’s total. How Beijing addresses the challenge of cutting back on emissions is a key to whether the emission reduction efforts of the world can prove successful.
京都議定書で削減義務を負っていない中国は、世界の排出量の４分の１を占める最大排出国だ。中国の取り組みが、温暖化対策のカギを握っている。
Japan, in cooperation with the United States, European countries and others, must urge China to proactively make endeavors for reducing its emissions.
日本は米欧などと協調し、中国に対して積極的な排出削減を促していく必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 19, 2015)
New emission reduction goal should speed up energy-saving measures
ＣＯ２削減目標 省エネを加速させる契機に
It will not be easy to achieve the new reduction target for greenhouse gases adopted by the government, though it was made with an emphasis on its feasibility. To accomplish the target, both the public and private sectors will be required to work together for energy saving.
実現可能性を重視したとはいえ、目標の達成は決して容易ではない。
官民挙げて、省エネルギーに取り組むことが求められる。
The government officially decided and submitted to the United Nations an emissions-reduction target for greenhouse gases to reduce them by 26 percent by fiscal 2030 in comparison to fiscal 2013 emissions.
政府が、温室効果ガスの排出削減目標を正式決定し、国連に提出した。２０３０年度までに１３年度比で２６％削減する。
The target was made based on Japan’s estimated composition of power sources in 2030.
ベースになっているのが、３０年時点の日本の電源構成だ。
According to that estimate, Japan will use less thermal power generation that depends on imported fuel and continue nuclear power generation. The ratio of renewable energy sources such as solar and wind power will be increased, too. Under such an energy policy, the highest reduction rate possible was calculated.
燃料を輸入に頼る火力発電を減らし、原発を引き続き利用する。太陽光、風力などの再生可能エネルギーの比率も増やす。こうしたエネルギー政策の下で、可能な限り高い削減率をはじき出した。
Use of nuclear power generation, which does not emit carbon dioxide (CO2), has a very significant meaning as a measure against global warming. Reduction of power generation costs and other issues will pose challenges in generating electricity with renewable energy.
二酸化炭素（ＣＯ２）を排出しない原発の活用は、温暖化対策上、極めて重要である。再生エネについては、発電コストの軽減などが大きな課題となろう。
Greenhouse gas emissions have sharply increased from business facilities such as department stores, supermarkets and office buildings. According to the new target, their emissions will be cut by 40 percent. To achieve it, energy-saving lighting equipment and office machines must be introduced.
排出量の増加が著しいのは、デパートやスーパー、オフィスビルなどの業務部門だ。目標では、４割の削減を目指している。省エネ型の照明やＯＡ機器などの導入が欠かせない。
Currently, member countries are working on their own reduction targets toward the 21st Session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP21) to be held in Paris at the end of this year.
年末にパリで開かれる国連気候変動枠組み条約の第２１回締約国会議（ＣＯＰ２１）に向け、各国は削減目標の策定を進めている。
Some of the members − including the United States, China and the European Union − have already submitted their targets to the United Nations.
米国や中国、欧州連合などは、既に国連に提出した。
Onus to cut emissions
If an agreement is made at COP21 on a new framework of measures against global warming from 2020, the members will start working to achieve the goals they have presented.
ＣＯＰ２１で２０年以降の温暖化対策の新たな枠組みが合意されれば、各国は、自らが示した目標の達成に取り組むことになる。
It will be significant in the new framework to impose obligations to reduce greenhouse gas emissions on every signatory, learning a lesson from the mistake of the Kyoto Protocol that imposed such obligations only on developed countries. We expect Japan to play a leading role in making an equal and fair framework since it has presented a reduction target that stands up to those submitted by the United States and Europe.
新たな枠組みで大切なのは、先進国だけに排出削減義務を負わせた京都議定書の失敗を教訓に、全締約国に対象を広げることだ。米欧と比べても見劣りしない目標を掲げた日本は、公平・公正な枠組み作りを主導してもらいたい。
Also, a mechanism should be built in the framework to make signatories observe their own goals. Only laying out goals will not stop the progression of global warming.
各国に目標を順守させる仕組みも不可欠だ。目標を掲げるだけでは温暖化の進行を防げない。
On the other hand, rigidly obliging the parties to achieve the targets, there would then arise the danger of repeating the failure of the Kyoto Protocol, which was hamstrung because of the non-participation of the United States.
一方で、目標の達成を厳格に義務付ければ、米国の離脱で骨抜きになった京都議定書の二の舞いになりかねない。
From the standpoint of how to accomplish the aim of slashing the amount of greenhouse gas emissions globally, a framework having actual effectiveness must be formulated. What should be done is, for one thing, to oblige each country to report on the progress of its emission reduction measures at regular intervals. It will also be necessary to make signatories check the emission reduction efforts with each other, while prodding each other to raise the targets if possible. In addition, a ban should be placed on all signatories from allowing their respective targets to be lowered.
各国に対策の進捗しんちょく状況の定期報告を義務付ける。相互に検証し、目標の引き上げを促す。目標を後退させることを禁じる――。いかに世界全体の排出量を削減するかという観点で、実効性のある枠組みを作り上げねばならない。
China, which has been under no obligation to cut back emissions under the Kyoto Protocol, is the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases, accounting for one-fourth of the world’s total. How Beijing addresses the challenge of cutting back on emissions is a key to whether the emission reduction efforts of the world can prove successful.
京都議定書で削減義務を負っていない中国は、世界の排出量の４分の１を占める最大排出国だ。中国の取り組みが、温暖化対策のカギを握っている。
Japan, in cooperation with the United States, European countries and others, must urge China to proactively make endeavors for reducing its emissions.
日本は米欧などと協調し、中国に対して積極的な排出削減を促していく必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 19, 2015)
2015年07月19日
（社説）新国立競技場問題 強行政治の行き詰まりだ
--The Asahi Shimbun, July 18
EDITORIAL: Stadium snafu shows failure of Abe’s strong-arm politics
（社説）新国立競技場問題 強行政治の行き詰まりだ
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s words sounded hollow when he announced his decision July 17 to scrap the much-criticized design of the new National Stadium, the main venue for the 2020 Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games.
Abe said he made the decision after “giving careful attention to the voices of the people.”
“We want to ensure that the sports events will be praised by the people of the world,” he added.
安倍首相の言葉が空々しい。
「国民の声に耳を傾けて」「世界から称賛される大会に」
２０２０年東京五輪・パラリンピックの主会場となる新国立競技場の計画見直しに、首相がやっと重い腰を上げた。
Just one week ago, Abe, speaking in the Diet, rejected the idea of changing the costly design on grounds that construction would not be completed in time for the Olympics if it was altered.
わずか１週間前、国会で「時間的に間に合わない」と否定したのは、首相自身だった。
His sudden reversal coincides with the ruling camp’s move to force controversial security legislation through the Lower House, despite growing objections to the package even as Diet deliberations on the bills progressed.
急な心変わりは、審議を重ねるほど異論が高まった安全保障関連法案を、衆院で強引に採決したタイミングと重なり合う。
Abe’s about-face seems to be a ploy to stop the slide in public support for his Cabinet by acting like a leader who is willing to respond to the people’s opinion, at least on the stadium issue.
せめて競技場の問題では、民意にこたえる指導者像を演じることで内閣支持率の低落傾向に歯止めをかけたい。そんな戦術と勘ぐられても仕方ない。
The foolish construction plan would have forced spending of a recklessly large amount of taxpayer money amid an unprecedented fiscal squeeze that is facing the nation.
空前の財政難のなか、競技場に無謀な巨費を投じる愚策だった。
The blueprint fell far short of the standards for public works projects, which should be supported by detailed explanations and serious consensus-building efforts, as well as a convincing long-term financing plan for the use of the facility after the completion.
丁寧な説明と合意づくり、完成後もにらんだ長期の収支計画など、公共事業に求められる水準にほど遠い代物だった。
“I have decided to take the current plan back to the drawing board and re-examine (the project) from scratch,” Abe told reporters at the prime minister’s office in Tokyo in announcing his inevitable change of policy.
「白紙に戻し、ゼロベースで見直す」（首相）との方針転換は至極当たり前の決定である。
It goes without saying that the Abe administration, the Tokyo metropolitan government, the Olympic organizing committee and other parties involved should now craft a down-to-earth construction plan for the stadium that contributes to promoting grass-roots sports in the future.
They should also fulfill their international responsibility to organize a successful Olympics and Paralympics in 2020.
政府と東京都、大会組織委員会など各関係組織は、五輪・パラリンピックを成功させる国際責任を果たすとともに、後世の国民スポーツの底上げに資する堅実な計画を練り直すべきなのは言うまでもない。
FUZZY RESPONSIBILITY
■あいまいな責任所在
However, the key question is why this obvious decision had been delayed for so long. Why was the plan kept unchanged until now, despite being so clearly and seriously flawed?
問題の核心はむしろ、なぜ、この土壇場まで決断ができなかったのか、である。誰の目にも明らかな問題案件であり続けたにもかかわらず、なぜ止められずにここまできたのか。
This prolonged delay in tackling the problem points to one of the deep-rooted problems with the nation’s ailing governing system: a fuzziness about who is responsible for what.
そこには、日本の病んだ統治システムの姿が浮かび上がる。すなわち、責任の所在のあいまいさである。
Hakubun Shimomura, the sports minister, tried to avoid taking the blame by saying he did not receive related information in a timely manner, while the Japan Sports Council, the operator of the stadium project, said the sports ministry is responsible for making the decision to change the plan.
下村文科相は情報が上がってくるのが遅れたと逃げ、事業主体の日本スポーツ振興センターは、計画変更の判断は文科省に責任があると押しつけあった。
Yoshiro Mori, the former prime minister and president of the Tokyo Organizing Committee of the Olympic and Paralympic Games, who previously called for the construction of a grand stadium even if it cost 300 billion yen or 400 billion yen ($2.4 billion or $3.2 billion), had the effrontery to say on July 17, “I didn’t like the design of the stadium from the beginning. Nobody is responsible (for the fiasco).”
３千億円でも４千億円でも立派なものをと主張してきた大会組織委の森喜朗会長はきのう、「僕は元々、あのスタジアムは嫌だった」「誰も責任はない」と言い放った。
The government’s explanation about the construction plan raised a raft of questions. One was how it intended to finance the project--estimated construction costs have almost doubled from the original budget to 252 billion yen--and cover the running costs after completion. But the government just kept waffling.
当初予算からほぼ倍増した建設費と、完成後の維持費をどう工面するのか。政府の説明にはいくつも疑問が突きつけられ、あやふやに終始した。
After Abe’s announcement of the change of course, Tokyo Governor Yoichi Masuzoe angrily said, “Who will take the responsibility?”
That’s a reasonable question. But it is still unclear who of all the people involved, including the capital’s governor, is ultimately responsible for the project.
「誰が責任をとるのか」。舛添要一・都知事が漏らした怒りの声はもっともだったが、その知事も含めて今に至るも、誰が最終責任者なのかが見えない。
According to an Asahi Shimbun report, one Diet member made surprising remarks about the issue.
“Nobody dares to hang a bell to the cat’s neck as the ultimate responsibility (for the project) has to fall on the two prime ministers of Abe and Mori,” the lawmaker was quoted as saying.
本紙が報じた国会議員の発言は驚くほかなかった。「責任の行き着く先は、安倍晋三と森喜朗という２人の首相になるから誰も鈴を付ける人がいない」
People in power get their own way by using their clout. That’s the reality of the Japanese political community that has been highlighted by this stadium snafu. In this domain, it seems, the prime minister and other political heavyweights act like absolute monarchs, and even members of the same party cannot challenge their opinions and decisions.
権力を握った者がにらみをきかせれば、無理が通る――。露呈したのは、首相や有力政治家が絶対君主のようにふるまい、たとえ同じ政党のメンバーでも異論を言えない。そんな日本の政界の有り様である。
PUBLIC OPINION CONSTANTLY IGNORED
■民意軽視が常態化
Made under growing pressure from public opinion, Abe’s decision to change the stadium design also speaks volumes about how his style of politics has ceased to work.
世論に押された末の今回の決定は、安倍流政治の行き詰まりも物語っている。
Even as the stadium project went adrift, the Abe administration consistently refused to pay attention to dissenting voices. It has become the norm for responsible policymakers in the government to ignore public opinion. This is a serious problem.
競技場問題が迷走した過程で一貫していたのは、異論を遠ざける姿勢だった。政策決定の責任者たちが、国民の声に耳をふさぐことが常態化している問題は深刻だ。
The stadium’s design, chosen through an international competition, has been roundly criticized by architects and civic organizations from the start. Critics have said the design does not blend with the surrounding landscape. They have also argued it will be too gigantic and construction costs could snowball.
「デザインが景観にそぐわない」「巨大すぎる」「工費が膨れあがりかねない」。国際コンペで採用されたデザインについては当初から、建築界や市民団体から異論が噴出していた。
There have been many opportunities for the government to reconsider the plan, including the time when the basic design blueprint was approved in May last year. Shimomura pointed out that the design was determined when the Democratic Party of Japan was in power, in what sounded like an attempt to shuffle off responsibility onto the opposition party.
昨年５月に基本設計案を了承した時も含め、見直す機会は何度もあった。デザインが決まったのは「民主党政権のときだ」と下村文科相は責任転嫁めいた釈明もした。
But the Abe administration should do serious soul-searching about the fact that it has missed out on all the opportunities to rethink the plan.
だが、ことごとく引き返すチャンスを逃してきたのは安倍政権だったことを猛省すべきだ。
SAME MIND-SET FOR OTHER KEY ISSUES
■安保と原発にも通底
The Abe administration has shown a troubling tendency to ignore public opinion, avoid its responsibility to explain its actions, and go ahead with policy decisions for the nation’s future that are not based on solid ground.
民意を顧みず、説明責任を避け、根拠薄弱なまま将来にわたる国策の決定を強行する――。
The stadium issue is not the only example that attests to this tendency of the administration. The same mind-set has also been behind the way the administration has handled the package of security bills and moved to restart offline nuclear reactors, which are issues of grave concern for the public.
それは競技場問題に限った話ではない。国民が重大な関心を寄せる安保関連法案や、原発関連行政にも通底する特徴だ。
During the Diet debate on the security legislation, the prime minister and other members of the Cabinet made many unintelligible remarks while failing to answer people’s doubts and questions.
首相や閣僚らが意味不明な国会答弁を重ね、国民の疑問は置き去りにされている安保法案。
The administration is forging ahead with plans to bring idle reactors back online without making clear who takes the ultimate responsibility for the safety of the people.
国民の安全に関する最終責任がどこにあるのか見えないまま、再稼働に突き進もうとしている原発の問題。
Many Japanese have voiced clear and strong concerns about these two initiatives.
そのいずれでも国民の多数がはっきりと強い懸念を示している。
Abe has been trying to push them through by using the ruling camp’s majority in the Diet while paying little respect to dissenting opinions even though these initiatives have a direct bearing on people’s lives and safety.
国民の命と安全に直結する問題だというのに、首相は国会での数の力で押し通し、異論に敬意を払おうとしない。
Since those in power pay no heed to what the people say, it is not surprising that scholars and citizens are becoming increasingly vocal in expressing objections to his policies.
政治権力者が民意に耳をふさぐなら、学者や市民の異議申し立てが熱を帯びるのは当然だ。
The administration should not alienate people from politics any further.
これ以上、政治と国民の距離を広げてはならない。
In explaining the reasons for his sudden decision to rethink the stadium plan, Abe said, “Each Japanese and each athlete has to play a leading role.”
急に競技場計画を見直す理由として、首相は「主役は国民一人ひとり、アスリートの皆さんです」と語った。
If that is how he truly feels, Abe should realize that each individual member of the public should play a leading role in making decisions on all policy issues, including security and nuclear power issues.
ならば安保も原発も、あらゆる政治課題でも、主役は国民一人ひとりであることを悟るべきだ。
The stadium debacle offers a wide range of important lessons for the administration to glean.
今回の競技場問題から、くむべき教訓は広く、重い。
EDITORIAL: Stadium snafu shows failure of Abe’s strong-arm politics
（社説）新国立競技場問題 強行政治の行き詰まりだ
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s words sounded hollow when he announced his decision July 17 to scrap the much-criticized design of the new National Stadium, the main venue for the 2020 Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games.
Abe said he made the decision after “giving careful attention to the voices of the people.”
“We want to ensure that the sports events will be praised by the people of the world,” he added.
安倍首相の言葉が空々しい。
「国民の声に耳を傾けて」「世界から称賛される大会に」
２０２０年東京五輪・パラリンピックの主会場となる新国立競技場の計画見直しに、首相がやっと重い腰を上げた。
Just one week ago, Abe, speaking in the Diet, rejected the idea of changing the costly design on grounds that construction would not be completed in time for the Olympics if it was altered.
わずか１週間前、国会で「時間的に間に合わない」と否定したのは、首相自身だった。
His sudden reversal coincides with the ruling camp’s move to force controversial security legislation through the Lower House, despite growing objections to the package even as Diet deliberations on the bills progressed.
急な心変わりは、審議を重ねるほど異論が高まった安全保障関連法案を、衆院で強引に採決したタイミングと重なり合う。
Abe’s about-face seems to be a ploy to stop the slide in public support for his Cabinet by acting like a leader who is willing to respond to the people’s opinion, at least on the stadium issue.
せめて競技場の問題では、民意にこたえる指導者像を演じることで内閣支持率の低落傾向に歯止めをかけたい。そんな戦術と勘ぐられても仕方ない。
The foolish construction plan would have forced spending of a recklessly large amount of taxpayer money amid an unprecedented fiscal squeeze that is facing the nation.
空前の財政難のなか、競技場に無謀な巨費を投じる愚策だった。
The blueprint fell far short of the standards for public works projects, which should be supported by detailed explanations and serious consensus-building efforts, as well as a convincing long-term financing plan for the use of the facility after the completion.
丁寧な説明と合意づくり、完成後もにらんだ長期の収支計画など、公共事業に求められる水準にほど遠い代物だった。
“I have decided to take the current plan back to the drawing board and re-examine (the project) from scratch,” Abe told reporters at the prime minister’s office in Tokyo in announcing his inevitable change of policy.
「白紙に戻し、ゼロベースで見直す」（首相）との方針転換は至極当たり前の決定である。
It goes without saying that the Abe administration, the Tokyo metropolitan government, the Olympic organizing committee and other parties involved should now craft a down-to-earth construction plan for the stadium that contributes to promoting grass-roots sports in the future.
They should also fulfill their international responsibility to organize a successful Olympics and Paralympics in 2020.
政府と東京都、大会組織委員会など各関係組織は、五輪・パラリンピックを成功させる国際責任を果たすとともに、後世の国民スポーツの底上げに資する堅実な計画を練り直すべきなのは言うまでもない。
FUZZY RESPONSIBILITY
■あいまいな責任所在
However, the key question is why this obvious decision had been delayed for so long. Why was the plan kept unchanged until now, despite being so clearly and seriously flawed?
問題の核心はむしろ、なぜ、この土壇場まで決断ができなかったのか、である。誰の目にも明らかな問題案件であり続けたにもかかわらず、なぜ止められずにここまできたのか。
This prolonged delay in tackling the problem points to one of the deep-rooted problems with the nation’s ailing governing system: a fuzziness about who is responsible for what.
そこには、日本の病んだ統治システムの姿が浮かび上がる。すなわち、責任の所在のあいまいさである。
Hakubun Shimomura, the sports minister, tried to avoid taking the blame by saying he did not receive related information in a timely manner, while the Japan Sports Council, the operator of the stadium project, said the sports ministry is responsible for making the decision to change the plan.
下村文科相は情報が上がってくるのが遅れたと逃げ、事業主体の日本スポーツ振興センターは、計画変更の判断は文科省に責任があると押しつけあった。
Yoshiro Mori, the former prime minister and president of the Tokyo Organizing Committee of the Olympic and Paralympic Games, who previously called for the construction of a grand stadium even if it cost 300 billion yen or 400 billion yen ($2.4 billion or $3.2 billion), had the effrontery to say on July 17, “I didn’t like the design of the stadium from the beginning. Nobody is responsible (for the fiasco).”
３千億円でも４千億円でも立派なものをと主張してきた大会組織委の森喜朗会長はきのう、「僕は元々、あのスタジアムは嫌だった」「誰も責任はない」と言い放った。
The government’s explanation about the construction plan raised a raft of questions. One was how it intended to finance the project--estimated construction costs have almost doubled from the original budget to 252 billion yen--and cover the running costs after completion. But the government just kept waffling.
当初予算からほぼ倍増した建設費と、完成後の維持費をどう工面するのか。政府の説明にはいくつも疑問が突きつけられ、あやふやに終始した。
After Abe’s announcement of the change of course, Tokyo Governor Yoichi Masuzoe angrily said, “Who will take the responsibility?”
That’s a reasonable question. But it is still unclear who of all the people involved, including the capital’s governor, is ultimately responsible for the project.
「誰が責任をとるのか」。舛添要一・都知事が漏らした怒りの声はもっともだったが、その知事も含めて今に至るも、誰が最終責任者なのかが見えない。
According to an Asahi Shimbun report, one Diet member made surprising remarks about the issue.
“Nobody dares to hang a bell to the cat’s neck as the ultimate responsibility (for the project) has to fall on the two prime ministers of Abe and Mori,” the lawmaker was quoted as saying.
本紙が報じた国会議員の発言は驚くほかなかった。「責任の行き着く先は、安倍晋三と森喜朗という２人の首相になるから誰も鈴を付ける人がいない」
People in power get their own way by using their clout. That’s the reality of the Japanese political community that has been highlighted by this stadium snafu. In this domain, it seems, the prime minister and other political heavyweights act like absolute monarchs, and even members of the same party cannot challenge their opinions and decisions.
権力を握った者がにらみをきかせれば、無理が通る――。露呈したのは、首相や有力政治家が絶対君主のようにふるまい、たとえ同じ政党のメンバーでも異論を言えない。そんな日本の政界の有り様である。
PUBLIC OPINION CONSTANTLY IGNORED
■民意軽視が常態化
Made under growing pressure from public opinion, Abe’s decision to change the stadium design also speaks volumes about how his style of politics has ceased to work.
世論に押された末の今回の決定は、安倍流政治の行き詰まりも物語っている。
Even as the stadium project went adrift, the Abe administration consistently refused to pay attention to dissenting voices. It has become the norm for responsible policymakers in the government to ignore public opinion. This is a serious problem.
競技場問題が迷走した過程で一貫していたのは、異論を遠ざける姿勢だった。政策決定の責任者たちが、国民の声に耳をふさぐことが常態化している問題は深刻だ。
The stadium’s design, chosen through an international competition, has been roundly criticized by architects and civic organizations from the start. Critics have said the design does not blend with the surrounding landscape. They have also argued it will be too gigantic and construction costs could snowball.
「デザインが景観にそぐわない」「巨大すぎる」「工費が膨れあがりかねない」。国際コンペで採用されたデザインについては当初から、建築界や市民団体から異論が噴出していた。
There have been many opportunities for the government to reconsider the plan, including the time when the basic design blueprint was approved in May last year. Shimomura pointed out that the design was determined when the Democratic Party of Japan was in power, in what sounded like an attempt to shuffle off responsibility onto the opposition party.
昨年５月に基本設計案を了承した時も含め、見直す機会は何度もあった。デザインが決まったのは「民主党政権のときだ」と下村文科相は責任転嫁めいた釈明もした。
But the Abe administration should do serious soul-searching about the fact that it has missed out on all the opportunities to rethink the plan.
だが、ことごとく引き返すチャンスを逃してきたのは安倍政権だったことを猛省すべきだ。
SAME MIND-SET FOR OTHER KEY ISSUES
■安保と原発にも通底
The Abe administration has shown a troubling tendency to ignore public opinion, avoid its responsibility to explain its actions, and go ahead with policy decisions for the nation’s future that are not based on solid ground.
民意を顧みず、説明責任を避け、根拠薄弱なまま将来にわたる国策の決定を強行する――。
The stadium issue is not the only example that attests to this tendency of the administration. The same mind-set has also been behind the way the administration has handled the package of security bills and moved to restart offline nuclear reactors, which are issues of grave concern for the public.
それは競技場問題に限った話ではない。国民が重大な関心を寄せる安保関連法案や、原発関連行政にも通底する特徴だ。
During the Diet debate on the security legislation, the prime minister and other members of the Cabinet made many unintelligible remarks while failing to answer people’s doubts and questions.
首相や閣僚らが意味不明な国会答弁を重ね、国民の疑問は置き去りにされている安保法案。
The administration is forging ahead with plans to bring idle reactors back online without making clear who takes the ultimate responsibility for the safety of the people.
国民の安全に関する最終責任がどこにあるのか見えないまま、再稼働に突き進もうとしている原発の問題。
Many Japanese have voiced clear and strong concerns about these two initiatives.
そのいずれでも国民の多数がはっきりと強い懸念を示している。
Abe has been trying to push them through by using the ruling camp’s majority in the Diet while paying little respect to dissenting opinions even though these initiatives have a direct bearing on people’s lives and safety.
国民の命と安全に直結する問題だというのに、首相は国会での数の力で押し通し、異論に敬意を払おうとしない。
Since those in power pay no heed to what the people say, it is not surprising that scholars and citizens are becoming increasingly vocal in expressing objections to his policies.
政治権力者が民意に耳をふさぐなら、学者や市民の異議申し立てが熱を帯びるのは当然だ。
The administration should not alienate people from politics any further.
これ以上、政治と国民の距離を広げてはならない。
In explaining the reasons for his sudden decision to rethink the stadium plan, Abe said, “Each Japanese and each athlete has to play a leading role.”
急に競技場計画を見直す理由として、首相は「主役は国民一人ひとり、アスリートの皆さんです」と語った。
If that is how he truly feels, Abe should realize that each individual member of the public should play a leading role in making decisions on all policy issues, including security and nuclear power issues.
ならば安保も原発も、あらゆる政治課題でも、主役は国民一人ひとりであることを悟るべきだ。
The stadium debacle offers a wide range of important lessons for the administration to glean.
今回の競技場問題から、くむべき教訓は広く、重い。
2015年07月18日
（社説）法案、参院へ 怒りと疑問にこたえよ
--The Asahi Shimbun, July 17
EDITORIAL: Upper House should respond to public anger, doubts about security bills
（社説）法案、参院へ 怒りと疑問にこたえよ
Every day, thundering, layered chants by people of all generations and political stripes echo around the Diet building.
“Don’t decide by yourself,” they vociferate in protest against the security legislation now moving through the Diet. “Don’t make light of the people.”
「勝手に決めるな」
「国民なめるな」
世代や党派を超えた重層的な抗議のコールが連日、国会周辺の空気を震わせている。
With these cries, they are asking, “Is this really democracy?” and expressing anger about not being respected as “the people with whom sovereign power resides.”
「これが民主主義か」という疑問。「主権者は私たちだ」という怒り。
Arrogantly brushing aside the questions and anger raised by the legislation, the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and Komeito on July 16 forced the package of national security bills through the Lower House.
それらを大いに喚起しつつ傲然（ごうぜん）と振り払い、自民、公明の与党はきのう、安全保障関連法案を衆院通過させた。
The administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears to assume that the people will eventually forget the way the legislation was rammed through the house. But the people who have sovereign power will never forget the Abe administration’s contempt for them.
強行しても「国民は忘れる」。安倍政権のこの侮りを、主権者は決して忘れないだろう。
Now, it is the Upper House’s turn to debate the legislation.
論戦の舞台は参院に移る。
The Upper House has been described, correctly or not, as “the seat of common sense” and “the chamber for reconsideration.”
「良識の府」「再考の府」。参院はまがりなりにもそう称されてきた。
In contrast to “politics of numbers” practiced at the Lower House, the Upper House is said to be the arena for “politics of reason.”
衆院の「数の政治」に対して「理の政治」。
The Upper House’s original mission is to ensure cautious and thoughtful debate at the Diet.
国会をより慎重に動かす。そんな役割を本来は担っている。
The Upper House cannot be dissolved for a snap election, and its members don’t lose their seats during their six-year terms, two years longer than those for Lower House lawmakers, who could lose their jobs before completing their terms.
This is because the Upper House is supposed to consider bills and issues from a longer and different perspective than the Lower House and adopt a multifaceted approach to dealing with them.
解散がなく、６年という長い任期が保障されているのも、衆院議員とは異なる目線と射程の長さで、ものごとを多元的に検討することが企図されている。
The system is based on the notion that conclusions and decisions reached through clashes over differing values and opinions are less likely to be misguided ones.
様々な価値観や異なる意見のせめぎ合いから導かれた結論の方が、間違いが少ないからだ。
But this important principle of pluralism has been under crushing political pressure from the Abe administration.
ところが安倍政権下、まさにその多元性が押しつぶされそうになっている。
The administration has imposed its view about the issue of Japan’s right to collective self-defense on the Cabinet Legislation Bureau, which traditionally said Japan is not allowed to exercise that right, by replacing its chief.
集団的自衛権は行使できないとしてきた内閣法制局を、人事を通じて我がものとする。
A group of the prime minister’s personal advisers, who are all his friends and allies, issued a report endorsing Japan’s exercise of its right to collective self-defense. The LDP has also made a series of moves to intimidate news media.
首相の「お仲間」で固めた私的懇談会が「行使容認」の報告書を出す。メディアを威圧しようとする自民党の動きも続く。
Simply playing ball with the Abe administration’s “politics of numbers” would be tantamount to political suicide for the Upper House because one reason for the chamber’s existence is the importance of political pluralism. Playing ball would only reinforce the lingering argument for abolishing the Upper House.
多元性の確保が存在意義のひとつである参院であればこそ、安倍政権の「数の政治」に追従すれば、自殺行為になる。くすぶる不要論にまた根拠が加わるだろう。
A long list of topics related to the security legislation need to be discussed at the Upper House.
議論すべきことは山ほどある。
For one, the government has failed to offer any convincing reply to the arguments of most constitutional scholars that the legislation is unconstitutional.
大多数の憲法学者の「違憲」の指摘に、政府は全く反論できていない。
The government has also failed to make clear in what situations Japan can engage in collective self-defense. Abe has only repeated that the decision will be based on a “comprehensive judgment.”
The administration’s attitude has only raised deep concerns among the public, leaving many people wondering whether Abe’s words mean the government should be given carte blanche to make such decisions.
どんな場合に集団的自衛権を行使できるのか、安倍首相は「総合的判断」と繰り返すばかりで、要は時の政権に白紙委任しろということかと、不安は高まる一方だ。
A wave of protests against this legislation has spread to a wide range of people, including academics, students, legal experts and independent citizens, across the nation.
Driving this growing wave of protest is a sense of urgency about the crisis that is threatening to destroy this nation’s democracy and constitutionalism. This concern is shared widely by both proponents and opponents of the legislation.
学者、学生、法曹界、無党派市民。各界各層、各地に抗議の動きが広がり続ける背景には、安保法案への賛否を超えて、この国の民主主義、立憲主義がこのままでは壊されてしまうとの危機感がある。
The members of the Diet who are discussing this legislation are lawmakers chosen through an electoral system that was declared to be in “a state of unconstitutionality” by the Supreme Court and who have been dragging their feet on rectifying the situation.
そもそも、この違憲の可能性が極めて高い法案を審議するのは、最高裁に「違憲状態」と指摘された選挙制度によって選ばれ、その是正にすらまごついている人たちなのだ。
Whom do they represent? If they want to answer this question, Upper House members should demonstrate their commitment to “politics of reason.”
あなたたちは何を代表しているのか？ この問いに少しでも答えたいなら「理の政治」を打ち立てるしかない。
They should remember that the people who hold the sovereign power will be watching their actions with a watchful and suspicious eye.
主権者は注意深く、疑いの目で見ている。
EDITORIAL: Upper House should respond to public anger, doubts about security bills
（社説）法案、参院へ 怒りと疑問にこたえよ
Every day, thundering, layered chants by people of all generations and political stripes echo around the Diet building.
“Don’t decide by yourself,” they vociferate in protest against the security legislation now moving through the Diet. “Don’t make light of the people.”
「勝手に決めるな」
「国民なめるな」
世代や党派を超えた重層的な抗議のコールが連日、国会周辺の空気を震わせている。
With these cries, they are asking, “Is this really democracy?” and expressing anger about not being respected as “the people with whom sovereign power resides.”
「これが民主主義か」という疑問。「主権者は私たちだ」という怒り。
Arrogantly brushing aside the questions and anger raised by the legislation, the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and Komeito on July 16 forced the package of national security bills through the Lower House.
それらを大いに喚起しつつ傲然（ごうぜん）と振り払い、自民、公明の与党はきのう、安全保障関連法案を衆院通過させた。
The administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears to assume that the people will eventually forget the way the legislation was rammed through the house. But the people who have sovereign power will never forget the Abe administration’s contempt for them.
強行しても「国民は忘れる」。安倍政権のこの侮りを、主権者は決して忘れないだろう。
Now, it is the Upper House’s turn to debate the legislation.
論戦の舞台は参院に移る。
The Upper House has been described, correctly or not, as “the seat of common sense” and “the chamber for reconsideration.”
「良識の府」「再考の府」。参院はまがりなりにもそう称されてきた。
In contrast to “politics of numbers” practiced at the Lower House, the Upper House is said to be the arena for “politics of reason.”
衆院の「数の政治」に対して「理の政治」。
The Upper House’s original mission is to ensure cautious and thoughtful debate at the Diet.
国会をより慎重に動かす。そんな役割を本来は担っている。
The Upper House cannot be dissolved for a snap election, and its members don’t lose their seats during their six-year terms, two years longer than those for Lower House lawmakers, who could lose their jobs before completing their terms.
This is because the Upper House is supposed to consider bills and issues from a longer and different perspective than the Lower House and adopt a multifaceted approach to dealing with them.
解散がなく、６年という長い任期が保障されているのも、衆院議員とは異なる目線と射程の長さで、ものごとを多元的に検討することが企図されている。
The system is based on the notion that conclusions and decisions reached through clashes over differing values and opinions are less likely to be misguided ones.
様々な価値観や異なる意見のせめぎ合いから導かれた結論の方が、間違いが少ないからだ。
But this important principle of pluralism has been under crushing political pressure from the Abe administration.
ところが安倍政権下、まさにその多元性が押しつぶされそうになっている。
The administration has imposed its view about the issue of Japan’s right to collective self-defense on the Cabinet Legislation Bureau, which traditionally said Japan is not allowed to exercise that right, by replacing its chief.
集団的自衛権は行使できないとしてきた内閣法制局を、人事を通じて我がものとする。
A group of the prime minister’s personal advisers, who are all his friends and allies, issued a report endorsing Japan’s exercise of its right to collective self-defense. The LDP has also made a series of moves to intimidate news media.
首相の「お仲間」で固めた私的懇談会が「行使容認」の報告書を出す。メディアを威圧しようとする自民党の動きも続く。
Simply playing ball with the Abe administration’s “politics of numbers” would be tantamount to political suicide for the Upper House because one reason for the chamber’s existence is the importance of political pluralism. Playing ball would only reinforce the lingering argument for abolishing the Upper House.
多元性の確保が存在意義のひとつである参院であればこそ、安倍政権の「数の政治」に追従すれば、自殺行為になる。くすぶる不要論にまた根拠が加わるだろう。
A long list of topics related to the security legislation need to be discussed at the Upper House.
議論すべきことは山ほどある。
For one, the government has failed to offer any convincing reply to the arguments of most constitutional scholars that the legislation is unconstitutional.
大多数の憲法学者の「違憲」の指摘に、政府は全く反論できていない。
The government has also failed to make clear in what situations Japan can engage in collective self-defense. Abe has only repeated that the decision will be based on a “comprehensive judgment.”
The administration’s attitude has only raised deep concerns among the public, leaving many people wondering whether Abe’s words mean the government should be given carte blanche to make such decisions.
どんな場合に集団的自衛権を行使できるのか、安倍首相は「総合的判断」と繰り返すばかりで、要は時の政権に白紙委任しろということかと、不安は高まる一方だ。
A wave of protests against this legislation has spread to a wide range of people, including academics, students, legal experts and independent citizens, across the nation.
Driving this growing wave of protest is a sense of urgency about the crisis that is threatening to destroy this nation’s democracy and constitutionalism. This concern is shared widely by both proponents and opponents of the legislation.
学者、学生、法曹界、無党派市民。各界各層、各地に抗議の動きが広がり続ける背景には、安保法案への賛否を超えて、この国の民主主義、立憲主義がこのままでは壊されてしまうとの危機感がある。
The members of the Diet who are discussing this legislation are lawmakers chosen through an electoral system that was declared to be in “a state of unconstitutionality” by the Supreme Court and who have been dragging their feet on rectifying the situation.
そもそも、この違憲の可能性が極めて高い法案を審議するのは、最高裁に「違憲状態」と指摘された選挙制度によって選ばれ、その是正にすらまごついている人たちなのだ。
Whom do they represent? If they want to answer this question, Upper House members should demonstrate their commitment to “politics of reason.”
あなたたちは何を代表しているのか？ この問いに少しでも答えたいなら「理の政治」を打ち立てるしかない。
They should remember that the people who hold the sovereign power will be watching their actions with a watchful and suspicious eye.
主権者は注意深く、疑いの目で見ている。
2015年07月17日
（社説）安保法案の採決強行 戦後の歩み覆す暴挙
--The Asahi Shimbun, July 16
EDITORIAL: Japan’s postwar progress outrageously reversed
（社説）安保法案の採決強行 戦後の歩み覆す暴挙
The ruling coalition led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe railroaded a package of controversial security bills through a Lower House special committee on July 15.
安倍政権が、衆院の特別委員会で安全保障関連法案の採決を強行した。
For Abe, getting the bills passed by the committee represents a step forward toward in delivering on his promise to enact the legislation by this summer. He made the pledge during his April 29 address to a joint meeting of the U.S. House and Senate.
安倍首相にとっては、米議会で約束した法整備の「夏までの成就」に近づいたことになる。
Even now, however, it cannot be said that the package of bills is widely understood by the Japanese public.
だが、ここに至ってもなお、法案に対する国民の納得は広がっていない。
That’s hardly surprising. As the Diet spent more time on debating them, more contradictions in the legislation came to light, raising fresh doubts.
それはそうだろう。審議を重ねれば重ねるほど法案の矛盾があらわになり、疑問が膨らむ。
The situation was so miserable that even Abe himself had to admit, shortly before the vote, that public understanding of the legislation has not advanced much.
首相自身が採決直前になっても「国民の理解が進んでいる状況ではない」と認めざるを得ないほどの惨状である。
CHALLENGE TO DEMOCRACY
■民主主義への挑戦
Yet, the Abe administration plowed on regardless. The ruling camp used its parliamentary majority to get its way, even though the bills have been judged to be “unconstitutional” by many members of the public, constitutional scholars, former chiefs of the Cabinet Legislation Bureau and a wide range of other experts.
This is an outrageous action that takes a majority force’s arrogance and irresponsibility to the extreme.
政権はそれでも採決を押し切った。多くの国民、憲法学者や弁護士、内閣法制局長官ＯＢ、幅広い分野の有識者らが「憲法違反」と認める法案を数の力で押し通す。多数のおごりと無責任が極まった暴挙である。
This move is not just a rebellion against constitutionalism, which in essence means that the government’s power is defined and limited by the Constitution. It is also a serious challenge to the value of the democratic system Japan has been building up during the 70 years since the end of World War II.
それは憲法が権力を縛る立憲主義への反逆にとどまらない。戦後日本が７０年かけて積み上げてきた民主主義の価値に対する、重大な挑戦ではないか。
Let us keep in our memory a statement Abe repeated in the process of the deliberations on the proposed legislation.
審議の過程で、首相が繰り返した言葉を記憶にとどめたい。
“After mature and exhaustive debate, the decision should be made when the time is ripe for the decision. That is the proper way of parliamentary democracy.”
「熟議を尽くしたうえで、決める時には決める。これは議会制民主主義の王道であろう」
But we must say that if Diet deliberations are not intended as a serious effort to build a consensus with the public and are evaluated only by the amount of time spent, they cannot qualify as “mature debate.”
だが、国民との合意形成に意を尽くそうとせず、ただ時間の長さだけで測る国会審議を「熟議」とは呼べない。
Even though it won a parliamentary majority in the last election, the ruling camp has no right to contravene the basic principles of the Constitution like pacifism and challenge the fundamental values of democracy by making such a vital security policy decision on the basis of “a majority vote without mature debate.”
選挙で多数を得たからと言って、「熟議なき多数決」によって、平和主義をはじめとする憲法の理念、民主主義の価値をひっくり返す。
If that is the Abe administration’s approach to democracy, we can never support it.
それが安倍政権の民主主義だというなら、決してくみすることはできない。
Let us look back on the Abe administration’s track record to date.
これまでの安倍政権の歩みを振り返ってみよう。
Prior to the Cabinet decision last summer to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense, the administration established its own National Security Council, which makes it possible for a small number of ministers to make security policy decisions. At the same time, the administration went ahead with the controversial state secrets protection law.
集団的自衛権の行使を認める昨夏の閣議決定に先立ち、少人数の閣僚だけで安全保障上の意思決定ができるようにする国家安全保障会議（ＮＳＣ）を発足させた。あわせて成立させたのが特定秘密保護法だ。
If the national security legislation is enacted, the government will be able to make decisions on the use of weapons by the Self-Defense Forces anywhere on the earth, even if Japan is not under attack. And the decisions can be made in a process that is not subject to public or parliamentary scrutiny.
法案が成立すれば、国民や国会の目が届かない場で、日本に対する攻撃がなくても、地球のどこでも自衛隊による武力行使に踏み込む判断ができる。
Such decisions will be based merely on a “comprehensive judgment” by the prime minister and a small number of other Cabinet members.
よりどころとなるのは首相や一握りの閣僚らによる「総合的な判断」である。
While the government will have broad discretion in making security policy decisions, there will be no legal guarantee of sufficient involvement in the decision-making process even by the Diet.
政権に幅広い裁量がゆだねられ、国民の代表である国会の関与すら十分に担保されていない。
There have been other episodes that help illustrate the Abe administration’s views about democracy, which clearly put the state before the people and public interest before individual interest.
国民より国家。個人より公。
そんな安倍政権の民主主義観がうかがえる出来事はほかにもある。
In one such episode that is still fresh in our memory, the Liberal Democratic Party made a series of intimidating remarks that raised concerns about freedom of expression. One ruling party lawmaker called for “punishing” the news media and said, “advertisers should voluntarily boycott media that are misleading Japan.”
記憶に新しいのは「マスコミを懲らしめる」「国を過（あやま）てるような報道をするマスコミには広告を自粛すべきだ」など、表現の自由にかかわる自民党議員の一連の報道威圧発言だ。
GROWING THREATS TO FREEDOM
■相次ぐ自由への威圧
The LDP also called into question the appropriateness of specific programs aired by Japan Broadcasting Corp. (NHK) and TV Asahi, and summoned executives of these broadcasters for questioning. Prior to last year’s Lower House election, the party sent letters to TV broadcasters urging them to ensure “fair and neutral” reporting on the election.
ＮＨＫやテレビ朝日の特定番組を問題視し、事情聴取に呼びつける。衆院選の際には各局に「公平中立、公正の確保」を求める文書を送りつける。
This is not an issue for news organizations alone. Regulating freedom of expression and freedom of speech could lead to restrictions on the people’s right to know. That would be tantamount to trampling on the rights of the people as a whole.
報道機関だけの問題ではない。表現の自由、言論の自由を規制することは、国民の「知る権利」の制限につながる。国民全体に対する権利の侵害にほかならないのだ。
The education minister has urged national universities to make sure that the national flag is hoisted and the anthem sung during ceremonies. The LDP has also turned up the heat on teachers in response to the scheduled lowering of the voting age to 18. The party has put strong pressure on teachers to maintain “political neutrality” with the threat of punishment.
国立大学の式典での国旗掲揚や国歌斉唱を文部科学相が要請した。１８歳選挙権に向けて若者への主権者教育に取り組もうという教師たちに、罰則をちらつかせて「政治的な中立性」を求める自民党の動きもあった。
Freedom of expression and academic freedom mean that activities like news reporting, academic research and education can be pursued freely without any restriction or intervention by the government.
These freedoms, which are the foundations of healthy democracy, are now threatened by people who control permit and license rights as well as public funds.
権力に縛られることなく自由に報道し、研究し、教育する。健全な民主主義をはぐくむ基盤である表現や学問の自由に対し、許認可権やカネを背景に威圧する事態が進んでいる。
Ruling party heavyweight Shigeru Ishiba, minister in charge of revitalizing local economies, recently stated that the LDP will "face a crisis when people increasingly begin to feel that there is something obnoxious (about the party)."
But it is the people’s freedom and rights that are facing a crisis.
石破地方創生相は「『なんか感じ悪いよね』という国民の意識が高まった時に、自民党は危機を迎える」と語ったが、危機を迎えているのは国民の自由や権利の方ではないか。
The draft proposal to rewrite the Constitution that the LDP decided on three years ago, when it was in opposition, contains an element that symbolically suggests the party’s basic stance toward these democratic values.
自民党が野党だった３年前に決めた憲法改正草案に、その底流が象徴的に表れている。
The draft would set certain conditions for freedom of expression that is completely and unconditionally guaranteed by the Constitution. It says, “Activities aimed at harming public interest and public order” shall not be allowed.
草案は、一切の表現の自由を保障した現憲法に「公益及び公の秩序を害することを目的とした活動」は認められない、とした例外を付け加えている。
GAME NOT OVER YET
■決着はついていない
As Abe and other top policymakers in the ruling camp say, some significant changes have occurred in the international environment surrounding Japan. This includes China’s rise as a major power.
中国の台頭をはじめ、国際環境が変化しているのは首相らが言う通りだ。
And, quite rightly, political leaders are responsible for considering new security policy responses to such changes.
それに応じた安全保障政策を検討することも、確かに「政治の責任」だ。
If, as a result of such a policy review, policymakers believe Japan needs to be allowed to exercise the right to collective self-defense or to provide logistic support to the forces of other countries as part of its international contribution, political leaders should first explain their views to the public and then seek to amend the Constitution through formal procedures, which would entail holding a national referendum on the issue.
That is how this radical shift in security policy should be carried out in our democracy.
ただ、その結果として集団的自衛権の行使が必要なら、あるいは国際貢献策として他国軍への後方支援が必要と考えるなら、まず国民に説明し、国民投票を含む憲法改正の手続きを踏むことが、民主主義国として避けて通れぬ筋道である。
Ignoring this rule seriously undermines the very foundation for Japan’s identity as a country under the rule of law.
これを無視しては、法治国家としての基盤が崩れる。
We cannot accept the Abe administration’s mistaken views about democracy, which seems to assume that the majority force can do whatever it likes.
法案をこのまま成立させ、「多数派が絶対」という安倍政権の誤った民主主義観を追認することはできない。
The battle is not over yet. We call on the Abe administration to pay serious attention to the voices of the people with whom sovereign power resides instead of paying lip service to the importance of “mature debate.”
まだ決着したわけではない。口先だけの「熟議」ではなく、主権者である国民の声を聞くことを安倍政権に求める。
EDITORIAL: Japan’s postwar progress outrageously reversed
（社説）安保法案の採決強行 戦後の歩み覆す暴挙
The ruling coalition led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe railroaded a package of controversial security bills through a Lower House special committee on July 15.
安倍政権が、衆院の特別委員会で安全保障関連法案の採決を強行した。
For Abe, getting the bills passed by the committee represents a step forward toward in delivering on his promise to enact the legislation by this summer. He made the pledge during his April 29 address to a joint meeting of the U.S. House and Senate.
安倍首相にとっては、米議会で約束した法整備の「夏までの成就」に近づいたことになる。
Even now, however, it cannot be said that the package of bills is widely understood by the Japanese public.
だが、ここに至ってもなお、法案に対する国民の納得は広がっていない。
That’s hardly surprising. As the Diet spent more time on debating them, more contradictions in the legislation came to light, raising fresh doubts.
それはそうだろう。審議を重ねれば重ねるほど法案の矛盾があらわになり、疑問が膨らむ。
The situation was so miserable that even Abe himself had to admit, shortly before the vote, that public understanding of the legislation has not advanced much.
首相自身が採決直前になっても「国民の理解が進んでいる状況ではない」と認めざるを得ないほどの惨状である。
CHALLENGE TO DEMOCRACY
■民主主義への挑戦
Yet, the Abe administration plowed on regardless. The ruling camp used its parliamentary majority to get its way, even though the bills have been judged to be “unconstitutional” by many members of the public, constitutional scholars, former chiefs of the Cabinet Legislation Bureau and a wide range of other experts.
This is an outrageous action that takes a majority force’s arrogance and irresponsibility to the extreme.
政権はそれでも採決を押し切った。多くの国民、憲法学者や弁護士、内閣法制局長官ＯＢ、幅広い分野の有識者らが「憲法違反」と認める法案を数の力で押し通す。多数のおごりと無責任が極まった暴挙である。
This move is not just a rebellion against constitutionalism, which in essence means that the government’s power is defined and limited by the Constitution. It is also a serious challenge to the value of the democratic system Japan has been building up during the 70 years since the end of World War II.
それは憲法が権力を縛る立憲主義への反逆にとどまらない。戦後日本が７０年かけて積み上げてきた民主主義の価値に対する、重大な挑戦ではないか。
Let us keep in our memory a statement Abe repeated in the process of the deliberations on the proposed legislation.
審議の過程で、首相が繰り返した言葉を記憶にとどめたい。
“After mature and exhaustive debate, the decision should be made when the time is ripe for the decision. That is the proper way of parliamentary democracy.”
「熟議を尽くしたうえで、決める時には決める。これは議会制民主主義の王道であろう」
But we must say that if Diet deliberations are not intended as a serious effort to build a consensus with the public and are evaluated only by the amount of time spent, they cannot qualify as “mature debate.”
だが、国民との合意形成に意を尽くそうとせず、ただ時間の長さだけで測る国会審議を「熟議」とは呼べない。
Even though it won a parliamentary majority in the last election, the ruling camp has no right to contravene the basic principles of the Constitution like pacifism and challenge the fundamental values of democracy by making such a vital security policy decision on the basis of “a majority vote without mature debate.”
選挙で多数を得たからと言って、「熟議なき多数決」によって、平和主義をはじめとする憲法の理念、民主主義の価値をひっくり返す。
If that is the Abe administration’s approach to democracy, we can never support it.
それが安倍政権の民主主義だというなら、決してくみすることはできない。
Let us look back on the Abe administration’s track record to date.
これまでの安倍政権の歩みを振り返ってみよう。
Prior to the Cabinet decision last summer to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense, the administration established its own National Security Council, which makes it possible for a small number of ministers to make security policy decisions. At the same time, the administration went ahead with the controversial state secrets protection law.
集団的自衛権の行使を認める昨夏の閣議決定に先立ち、少人数の閣僚だけで安全保障上の意思決定ができるようにする国家安全保障会議（ＮＳＣ）を発足させた。あわせて成立させたのが特定秘密保護法だ。
If the national security legislation is enacted, the government will be able to make decisions on the use of weapons by the Self-Defense Forces anywhere on the earth, even if Japan is not under attack. And the decisions can be made in a process that is not subject to public or parliamentary scrutiny.
法案が成立すれば、国民や国会の目が届かない場で、日本に対する攻撃がなくても、地球のどこでも自衛隊による武力行使に踏み込む判断ができる。
Such decisions will be based merely on a “comprehensive judgment” by the prime minister and a small number of other Cabinet members.
よりどころとなるのは首相や一握りの閣僚らによる「総合的な判断」である。
While the government will have broad discretion in making security policy decisions, there will be no legal guarantee of sufficient involvement in the decision-making process even by the Diet.
政権に幅広い裁量がゆだねられ、国民の代表である国会の関与すら十分に担保されていない。
There have been other episodes that help illustrate the Abe administration’s views about democracy, which clearly put the state before the people and public interest before individual interest.
国民より国家。個人より公。
そんな安倍政権の民主主義観がうかがえる出来事はほかにもある。
In one such episode that is still fresh in our memory, the Liberal Democratic Party made a series of intimidating remarks that raised concerns about freedom of expression. One ruling party lawmaker called for “punishing” the news media and said, “advertisers should voluntarily boycott media that are misleading Japan.”
記憶に新しいのは「マスコミを懲らしめる」「国を過（あやま）てるような報道をするマスコミには広告を自粛すべきだ」など、表現の自由にかかわる自民党議員の一連の報道威圧発言だ。
GROWING THREATS TO FREEDOM
■相次ぐ自由への威圧
The LDP also called into question the appropriateness of specific programs aired by Japan Broadcasting Corp. (NHK) and TV Asahi, and summoned executives of these broadcasters for questioning. Prior to last year’s Lower House election, the party sent letters to TV broadcasters urging them to ensure “fair and neutral” reporting on the election.
ＮＨＫやテレビ朝日の特定番組を問題視し、事情聴取に呼びつける。衆院選の際には各局に「公平中立、公正の確保」を求める文書を送りつける。
This is not an issue for news organizations alone. Regulating freedom of expression and freedom of speech could lead to restrictions on the people’s right to know. That would be tantamount to trampling on the rights of the people as a whole.
報道機関だけの問題ではない。表現の自由、言論の自由を規制することは、国民の「知る権利」の制限につながる。国民全体に対する権利の侵害にほかならないのだ。
The education minister has urged national universities to make sure that the national flag is hoisted and the anthem sung during ceremonies. The LDP has also turned up the heat on teachers in response to the scheduled lowering of the voting age to 18. The party has put strong pressure on teachers to maintain “political neutrality” with the threat of punishment.
国立大学の式典での国旗掲揚や国歌斉唱を文部科学相が要請した。１８歳選挙権に向けて若者への主権者教育に取り組もうという教師たちに、罰則をちらつかせて「政治的な中立性」を求める自民党の動きもあった。
Freedom of expression and academic freedom mean that activities like news reporting, academic research and education can be pursued freely without any restriction or intervention by the government.
These freedoms, which are the foundations of healthy democracy, are now threatened by people who control permit and license rights as well as public funds.
権力に縛られることなく自由に報道し、研究し、教育する。健全な民主主義をはぐくむ基盤である表現や学問の自由に対し、許認可権やカネを背景に威圧する事態が進んでいる。
Ruling party heavyweight Shigeru Ishiba, minister in charge of revitalizing local economies, recently stated that the LDP will "face a crisis when people increasingly begin to feel that there is something obnoxious (about the party)."
But it is the people’s freedom and rights that are facing a crisis.
石破地方創生相は「『なんか感じ悪いよね』という国民の意識が高まった時に、自民党は危機を迎える」と語ったが、危機を迎えているのは国民の自由や権利の方ではないか。
The draft proposal to rewrite the Constitution that the LDP decided on three years ago, when it was in opposition, contains an element that symbolically suggests the party’s basic stance toward these democratic values.
自民党が野党だった３年前に決めた憲法改正草案に、その底流が象徴的に表れている。
The draft would set certain conditions for freedom of expression that is completely and unconditionally guaranteed by the Constitution. It says, “Activities aimed at harming public interest and public order” shall not be allowed.
草案は、一切の表現の自由を保障した現憲法に「公益及び公の秩序を害することを目的とした活動」は認められない、とした例外を付け加えている。
GAME NOT OVER YET
■決着はついていない
As Abe and other top policymakers in the ruling camp say, some significant changes have occurred in the international environment surrounding Japan. This includes China’s rise as a major power.
中国の台頭をはじめ、国際環境が変化しているのは首相らが言う通りだ。
And, quite rightly, political leaders are responsible for considering new security policy responses to such changes.
それに応じた安全保障政策を検討することも、確かに「政治の責任」だ。
If, as a result of such a policy review, policymakers believe Japan needs to be allowed to exercise the right to collective self-defense or to provide logistic support to the forces of other countries as part of its international contribution, political leaders should first explain their views to the public and then seek to amend the Constitution through formal procedures, which would entail holding a national referendum on the issue.
That is how this radical shift in security policy should be carried out in our democracy.
ただ、その結果として集団的自衛権の行使が必要なら、あるいは国際貢献策として他国軍への後方支援が必要と考えるなら、まず国民に説明し、国民投票を含む憲法改正の手続きを踏むことが、民主主義国として避けて通れぬ筋道である。
Ignoring this rule seriously undermines the very foundation for Japan’s identity as a country under the rule of law.
これを無視しては、法治国家としての基盤が崩れる。
We cannot accept the Abe administration’s mistaken views about democracy, which seems to assume that the majority force can do whatever it likes.
法案をこのまま成立させ、「多数派が絶対」という安倍政権の誤った民主主義観を追認することはできない。
The battle is not over yet. We call on the Abe administration to pay serious attention to the voices of the people with whom sovereign power resides instead of paying lip service to the importance of “mature debate.”
まだ決着したわけではない。口先だけの「熟議」ではなく、主権者である国民の声を聞くことを安倍政権に求める。
2015年07月16日
ギリシャ合意 危機回避へまだ楽観できない
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Agreement on Greek debt warrants no optimism that crisis has ended
ギリシャ合意 危機回避へまだ楽観できない
At a summit meeting, 19 eurozone countries within the European Union agreed in principle to resume support for Greece.
欧州連合（ＥＵ）のユーロ圏１９か国の首脳会議が、ギリシャ支援の再開で原則合意した。
The key accord is to provide support of up to €86 billion (about \11.7 trillion) over a three-year period.
今後３年間に最大８６０億ユーロ（１１・７兆円）の支援を実施することが柱だ。
It is laudable that after marathon negotiations lasting 17 hours they avoided a rupture that could have led to Greece’s financial collapse and its exit from the eurozone for the moment.
１７時間に及ぶ「マラソン協議」の末、決裂によるギリシャの財政破綻やユーロ圏離脱を、ひとまず回避したことは評価できる。
However, as a condition for extending this support, Greece is required to legislate by Wednesday structural reforms to reduce pensions, raise taxes and other measures. There is no reason to be optimistic.
ただし、支援の実施は、ギリシャが１５日までに年金削減や増税などの構造改革を法制化することが条件だ。楽観は禁物だろう。
The administration of Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras must make every possible effort for the legislation within the time limit so as not to rekindle the crisis.
チプラス政権は、危機を再燃させないため、期限内の法制化に全力を挙げなければならない。
The main cause of the tortuous negotiations lies in Tsipras’ insincere and irresponsible attitude toward them.
協議が迷走した最大の原因は、チプラス首相の不誠実かつ無責任な交渉姿勢にある。
In addition to continually putting off submission of draft proposals for reforms that the EU sought, Tsipras abruptly decided to hold a national referendum on whether to accept fiscal austerity. He called on the Greek public to vote “no” so he could be in a better position in negotiations.
ＥＵ側が求めた改革案の提示を先送りし続けた揚げ句、唐突に緊縮財政の是非を問う国民投票に踏み切った。チプラス氏は、交渉を有利にできるとして、国民に「反対」を呼び掛けた。
Although more people voted “no” in the referendum than otherwise, the agreement this time has imposed stricter conditions on Greece, including the sale of state-owned assets worth €50 billion.
投票の結果、反対派が勝利したものの、今回の合意では５００億ユーロ相当の国有財産売却など、一段と厳しい条件をつけられた。
It is the price that Greece has to pay for being too clever by half, resulting in increasing distrust from Germany and other countries.
場当たり的に様々な策を弄し、ドイツをはじめ各国の不信感を増幅させたツケである。
Challenge for Tsipras
The referendum left Tsipras facing a heavy challenge domestically − how to explain an agreement containing austerity measures to people who opposed such measures, and then how to obtain their understanding.
「反緊縮」の民意を示した国民に、緊縮策の受け入れを前提とした合意をどう説明し、理解を得るのか。国民投票は、ギリシャの内政にも重い課題を残した。
Even within the ruling party, there is a force that opposes the austerity measures. There is concern that Tsipras’ political foundation could be undermined and the government may not be able to implement the agreed fiscal reconstruction measures.
与党内からも、緊縮策の受け入れに異を唱える造反勢力が現れている。チプラス氏の政権基盤が揺らぎ、合意した財政再建策を実行できなくなる懸念もあろう。
Due to three rounds of financial support from 2010, the debt incurred by Greece will exceed €300 billion. Unless Greece rebuilds its flagging economy, it will not be able to continue to repay its debts. The country must rapidly reform its ineffective industrial structure and achieve economic independence.
２０１０年から今回まで３次にわたる金融支援で、ギリシャが負った債務は総額３０００億ユーロを超える。低迷する経済を立て直さないと、返済は継続できまい。非効率な産業構造を改革し、経済の自立を急がねばならない。
The Greek issue again shows in bold relief the contradiction of the euro system.
ギリシャ問題は、ユーロ体制の矛盾も改めて浮き彫りにした。
Eurozone countries have adopted a concerted financial policy under the common euro, but engage in fiscal management independently. Therefore, they suffer from a structural problem − they cannot reduce the economic gap among member nations through fiscal policies, thereby widening the disparity.
共通通貨の下、金融政策は一つだが、財政は各国が独自に運営している。このため、各国間の経済格差を財政政策で調整できず、さらに格差が広がるという、構造的な問題を抱えている。
Germany and northern European countries, which are healthy economically and fiscally, asked Greece for stern fiscal discipline, while France and southern European countries, such as Italy, which are economically and fiscally uncertain, showed a sympathetic attitude toward Greece.
経済と財政の健全なドイツや北欧の国が、ギリシャに厳しい財政規律を求めたのに対し、自国も景気や財政に不安のあるフランスやイタリアなどの南欧諸国は、ギリシャに同情的だった。
To maintain eurozone unity, it is important not to exacerbate this “north-south problem.”
ユーロ圏の結束を維持するには、この「南北問題」を先鋭化させないことが重要である。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 15, 2015)
Agreement on Greek debt warrants no optimism that crisis has ended
ギリシャ合意 危機回避へまだ楽観できない
At a summit meeting, 19 eurozone countries within the European Union agreed in principle to resume support for Greece.
欧州連合（ＥＵ）のユーロ圏１９か国の首脳会議が、ギリシャ支援の再開で原則合意した。
The key accord is to provide support of up to €86 billion (about \11.7 trillion) over a three-year period.
今後３年間に最大８６０億ユーロ（１１・７兆円）の支援を実施することが柱だ。
It is laudable that after marathon negotiations lasting 17 hours they avoided a rupture that could have led to Greece’s financial collapse and its exit from the eurozone for the moment.
１７時間に及ぶ「マラソン協議」の末、決裂によるギリシャの財政破綻やユーロ圏離脱を、ひとまず回避したことは評価できる。
However, as a condition for extending this support, Greece is required to legislate by Wednesday structural reforms to reduce pensions, raise taxes and other measures. There is no reason to be optimistic.
ただし、支援の実施は、ギリシャが１５日までに年金削減や増税などの構造改革を法制化することが条件だ。楽観は禁物だろう。
The administration of Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras must make every possible effort for the legislation within the time limit so as not to rekindle the crisis.
チプラス政権は、危機を再燃させないため、期限内の法制化に全力を挙げなければならない。
The main cause of the tortuous negotiations lies in Tsipras’ insincere and irresponsible attitude toward them.
協議が迷走した最大の原因は、チプラス首相の不誠実かつ無責任な交渉姿勢にある。
In addition to continually putting off submission of draft proposals for reforms that the EU sought, Tsipras abruptly decided to hold a national referendum on whether to accept fiscal austerity. He called on the Greek public to vote “no” so he could be in a better position in negotiations.
ＥＵ側が求めた改革案の提示を先送りし続けた揚げ句、唐突に緊縮財政の是非を問う国民投票に踏み切った。チプラス氏は、交渉を有利にできるとして、国民に「反対」を呼び掛けた。
Although more people voted “no” in the referendum than otherwise, the agreement this time has imposed stricter conditions on Greece, including the sale of state-owned assets worth €50 billion.
投票の結果、反対派が勝利したものの、今回の合意では５００億ユーロ相当の国有財産売却など、一段と厳しい条件をつけられた。
It is the price that Greece has to pay for being too clever by half, resulting in increasing distrust from Germany and other countries.
場当たり的に様々な策を弄し、ドイツをはじめ各国の不信感を増幅させたツケである。
Challenge for Tsipras
The referendum left Tsipras facing a heavy challenge domestically − how to explain an agreement containing austerity measures to people who opposed such measures, and then how to obtain their understanding.
「反緊縮」の民意を示した国民に、緊縮策の受け入れを前提とした合意をどう説明し、理解を得るのか。国民投票は、ギリシャの内政にも重い課題を残した。
Even within the ruling party, there is a force that opposes the austerity measures. There is concern that Tsipras’ political foundation could be undermined and the government may not be able to implement the agreed fiscal reconstruction measures.
与党内からも、緊縮策の受け入れに異を唱える造反勢力が現れている。チプラス氏の政権基盤が揺らぎ、合意した財政再建策を実行できなくなる懸念もあろう。
Due to three rounds of financial support from 2010, the debt incurred by Greece will exceed €300 billion. Unless Greece rebuilds its flagging economy, it will not be able to continue to repay its debts. The country must rapidly reform its ineffective industrial structure and achieve economic independence.
２０１０年から今回まで３次にわたる金融支援で、ギリシャが負った債務は総額３０００億ユーロを超える。低迷する経済を立て直さないと、返済は継続できまい。非効率な産業構造を改革し、経済の自立を急がねばならない。
The Greek issue again shows in bold relief the contradiction of the euro system.
ギリシャ問題は、ユーロ体制の矛盾も改めて浮き彫りにした。
Eurozone countries have adopted a concerted financial policy under the common euro, but engage in fiscal management independently. Therefore, they suffer from a structural problem − they cannot reduce the economic gap among member nations through fiscal policies, thereby widening the disparity.
共通通貨の下、金融政策は一つだが、財政は各国が独自に運営している。このため、各国間の経済格差を財政政策で調整できず、さらに格差が広がるという、構造的な問題を抱えている。
Germany and northern European countries, which are healthy economically and fiscally, asked Greece for stern fiscal discipline, while France and southern European countries, such as Italy, which are economically and fiscally uncertain, showed a sympathetic attitude toward Greece.
経済と財政の健全なドイツや北欧の国が、ギリシャに厳しい財政規律を求めたのに対し、自国も景気や財政に不安のあるフランスやイタリアなどの南欧諸国は、ギリシャに同情的だった。
To maintain eurozone unity, it is important not to exacerbate this “north-south problem.”
ユーロ圏の結束を維持するには、この「南北問題」を先鋭化させないことが重要である。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 15, 2015)
2015年07月15日
安保法案公聴会 国際秩序の危機を直視したい
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Look squarely at international threats when debating security legislation
安保法案公聴会 国際秩序の危機を直視したい
Amid the increasing security threats Japan faces, enhancing deterrence and buttressing the Japan-U.S. alliance must be tackled urgently. This insight and the alarm felt by experts on international politics must be taken seriously.
日本の安全保障上の脅威が増大する中、抑止力の向上と日米同盟の強化が急務だ――。国際政治の専門家の知見と危機感を重く受け止めたい。
Testifying during a public hearing held Monday at the House of Representatives special committee on security-related legislation, former diplomat Yukio Okamoto, who was recommended for testimony by the ruling parties, said, “It’s impossible for Japan to protect the lives of Japanese people and vessels single-handedly.” Okamoto was commenting on the sea-lanes between the Middle East and Japan. As reasons for his position, he cited destabilization in the Middle East, rampant activities of radical militant organizations and pirates, and China’s expanded maritime presence.
衆院平和安全法制特別委員会が中央公聴会を開いた。
与党推薦の元外交官の岡本行夫氏は、中東から日本への海上交通路に関して「日本人の生命と船舶を守るのは日本単独では無理だ」と主張した。中東の不安定化、過激派組織や海賊の横行、中国の海洋進出などを理由に挙げた。
Referring to the significance of the security legislation, Okamoto said it would benefit Japan to “take part in a community to protect itself from the violence of a foreign enemy.”
安全保障関連法案の意義について、「外敵の暴力から身を守り合うコミュニティー（共同体）に参加することだ」とも強調した。
With the progress of military technology and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, no country can today keep peace single-handedly.
軍事技術の進展や大量破壊兵器の拡散などで、もはやどの国も一国のみでは平和は保てない。
Japan, which relies on trade for its survival, enjoys the benefits of international peace. So it is natural for it to contribute proactively to world stability, which also leads to ensuring security for the country.
貿易立国の日本は国際平和の恩恵を享受する。世界の安定に積極的に貢献するのは当然だ。それが日本の安全確保にもつながる。
Doshisha University President Koji Murata stressed the need for bolstering the Japan-U.S. alliance by referring to a change in the world’s power balance caused by the emergence of China and the decline of U.S. influence.
村田晃嗣・同志社大学長は、中国の台頭と米国の影響力低下というパワーバランスの変化を踏まえて、日米同盟の強化を訴えた。
In connection with the fact that many constitutional scholars have concluded the government-proposed security bills are unconstitutional, Murata said: “Many experts on security issues will affirmatively respond to the bills. Constitutional scholars do not represent all scholars.”
憲法学者が法案を「違憲」と決めつけていることを念頭に、「多くの安全保障専門家は肯定的回答をするのではないか。学者は憲法学者だけでない」と指摘した。
Discretion for government
Given the fluidity of international affairs, Murata said it was unavoidable for the definition of a “survival threatening situation” − a condition allowing for a limited exercise of the right of collective self-defense − to remain ambiguous.
国際情勢の流動化に伴い、集団的自衛権を限定行使する「存立危機事態」の定義に曖昧さが残るのはやむを得ない、とも語った。
Determination of such situations is something that should be made by a sitting government while making an overall assessment of the circumstances at sites of conflict and the state of international affairs. Self-Defense Forces cannot be mobilized effectively unless a government is granted a certain degree of discretionary power.
事態の認定は、時の政権が現場の状況や国際情勢などを総合的に勘案し、判断すべきものだ。政権に一定の裁量権がなければ、効果的な自衛隊の運用はできない。
Ryuichi Ozawa, professor at the Jikei University School of Medicine, who was recommended by the opposition camp, called for abandoning the bills, saying they are “unconstitutional.” Commenting on the right of collective self-defense, Sota Kimura, associate professor at Tokyo Metropolitan University, said, “Use of military force when an armed attack on Japan has not been launched is by definition unconstitutional.”
野党推薦の小沢隆一・東京慈恵会医科大教授は、「違憲性がある」として安保法案の廃案を求めた。木村草太・首都大学東京准教授は集団的自衛権に関し、「日本への武力攻撃の着手がない段階での武力行使は違憲だ」と述べた。
But as for the exercise of the right of collective self-defense, strict criteria have been set, including threats that would undermine the people’s rights. Approving the exercise of the right is in line with judicial judgments and government interpretations that approve of self-defense measures to ensure the country’s survival. So it is not correct to assert the use of the right is unconstitutional.
だが、集団的自衛権の行使には、国民の権利が覆されるなどの厳格な要件が定められている。自国の存立を全うする自衛措置を容認した司法判断や政府見解に沿っており、違憲の主張は当たらない。
Prof. Jiro Yamaguchi of Hosei University dismissed the security legislation as deviating from what is allowed under the principle of “an exclusively defensive security policy.” But use of military force in situations threatening Japan’s survival is assumed to be in line with the exclusively defensive security policy.
山口二郎・法政大教授は、安保法案が「専守防衛を逸脱する」と断じたが、日本の存立が脅かされる事態での武力行使は、専守防衛の範囲内のはずだ。
About 110 hours have been spent on deliberations on security legislation. In a wide-ranging debate, it seems that all questionable points have been presented for discussion.
安保法案の審議は約１１０時間に達した。広範な論点が提起され、質問は出尽くした感がある。
Now that the public hearing, a prerequisite for a vote on the bills, has ended, it can be said that lower house deliberations on the matter are entering a final stage.
法案採決の前提となる中央公聴会を終えたことで、衆院審議は大詰めを迎えたと言えよう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 14, 2015)
Look squarely at international threats when debating security legislation
安保法案公聴会 国際秩序の危機を直視したい
Amid the increasing security threats Japan faces, enhancing deterrence and buttressing the Japan-U.S. alliance must be tackled urgently. This insight and the alarm felt by experts on international politics must be taken seriously.
日本の安全保障上の脅威が増大する中、抑止力の向上と日米同盟の強化が急務だ――。国際政治の専門家の知見と危機感を重く受け止めたい。
Testifying during a public hearing held Monday at the House of Representatives special committee on security-related legislation, former diplomat Yukio Okamoto, who was recommended for testimony by the ruling parties, said, “It’s impossible for Japan to protect the lives of Japanese people and vessels single-handedly.” Okamoto was commenting on the sea-lanes between the Middle East and Japan. As reasons for his position, he cited destabilization in the Middle East, rampant activities of radical militant organizations and pirates, and China’s expanded maritime presence.
衆院平和安全法制特別委員会が中央公聴会を開いた。
与党推薦の元外交官の岡本行夫氏は、中東から日本への海上交通路に関して「日本人の生命と船舶を守るのは日本単独では無理だ」と主張した。中東の不安定化、過激派組織や海賊の横行、中国の海洋進出などを理由に挙げた。
Referring to the significance of the security legislation, Okamoto said it would benefit Japan to “take part in a community to protect itself from the violence of a foreign enemy.”
安全保障関連法案の意義について、「外敵の暴力から身を守り合うコミュニティー（共同体）に参加することだ」とも強調した。
With the progress of military technology and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, no country can today keep peace single-handedly.
軍事技術の進展や大量破壊兵器の拡散などで、もはやどの国も一国のみでは平和は保てない。
Japan, which relies on trade for its survival, enjoys the benefits of international peace. So it is natural for it to contribute proactively to world stability, which also leads to ensuring security for the country.
貿易立国の日本は国際平和の恩恵を享受する。世界の安定に積極的に貢献するのは当然だ。それが日本の安全確保にもつながる。
Doshisha University President Koji Murata stressed the need for bolstering the Japan-U.S. alliance by referring to a change in the world’s power balance caused by the emergence of China and the decline of U.S. influence.
村田晃嗣・同志社大学長は、中国の台頭と米国の影響力低下というパワーバランスの変化を踏まえて、日米同盟の強化を訴えた。
In connection with the fact that many constitutional scholars have concluded the government-proposed security bills are unconstitutional, Murata said: “Many experts on security issues will affirmatively respond to the bills. Constitutional scholars do not represent all scholars.”
憲法学者が法案を「違憲」と決めつけていることを念頭に、「多くの安全保障専門家は肯定的回答をするのではないか。学者は憲法学者だけでない」と指摘した。
Discretion for government
Given the fluidity of international affairs, Murata said it was unavoidable for the definition of a “survival threatening situation” − a condition allowing for a limited exercise of the right of collective self-defense − to remain ambiguous.
国際情勢の流動化に伴い、集団的自衛権を限定行使する「存立危機事態」の定義に曖昧さが残るのはやむを得ない、とも語った。
Determination of such situations is something that should be made by a sitting government while making an overall assessment of the circumstances at sites of conflict and the state of international affairs. Self-Defense Forces cannot be mobilized effectively unless a government is granted a certain degree of discretionary power.
事態の認定は、時の政権が現場の状況や国際情勢などを総合的に勘案し、判断すべきものだ。政権に一定の裁量権がなければ、効果的な自衛隊の運用はできない。
Ryuichi Ozawa, professor at the Jikei University School of Medicine, who was recommended by the opposition camp, called for abandoning the bills, saying they are “unconstitutional.” Commenting on the right of collective self-defense, Sota Kimura, associate professor at Tokyo Metropolitan University, said, “Use of military force when an armed attack on Japan has not been launched is by definition unconstitutional.”
野党推薦の小沢隆一・東京慈恵会医科大教授は、「違憲性がある」として安保法案の廃案を求めた。木村草太・首都大学東京准教授は集団的自衛権に関し、「日本への武力攻撃の着手がない段階での武力行使は違憲だ」と述べた。
But as for the exercise of the right of collective self-defense, strict criteria have been set, including threats that would undermine the people’s rights. Approving the exercise of the right is in line with judicial judgments and government interpretations that approve of self-defense measures to ensure the country’s survival. So it is not correct to assert the use of the right is unconstitutional.
だが、集団的自衛権の行使には、国民の権利が覆されるなどの厳格な要件が定められている。自国の存立を全うする自衛措置を容認した司法判断や政府見解に沿っており、違憲の主張は当たらない。
Prof. Jiro Yamaguchi of Hosei University dismissed the security legislation as deviating from what is allowed under the principle of “an exclusively defensive security policy.” But use of military force in situations threatening Japan’s survival is assumed to be in line with the exclusively defensive security policy.
山口二郎・法政大教授は、安保法案が「専守防衛を逸脱する」と断じたが、日本の存立が脅かされる事態での武力行使は、専守防衛の範囲内のはずだ。
About 110 hours have been spent on deliberations on security legislation. In a wide-ranging debate, it seems that all questionable points have been presented for discussion.
安保法案の審議は約１１０時間に達した。広範な論点が提起され、質問は出尽くした感がある。
Now that the public hearing, a prerequisite for a vote on the bills, has ended, it can be said that lower house deliberations on the matter are entering a final stage.
法案採決の前提となる中央公聴会を終えたことで、衆院審議は大詰めを迎えたと言えよう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 14, 2015)
2015年07月14日
核燃料サイクル 政府の責任で軌道に乗せよ
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Get nuclear fuel cycle program on track for government initiative
核燃料サイクル 政府の責任で軌道に乗せよ
The nuclear fuel cycle project − which aims to reuse spent nuclear fuel to generate power − is undoubtedly an important undertaking for Japan, a country that lacks sufficient energy resources.
エネルギー資源に乏しい日本にとって、原子力発電所から出る使用済み核燃料を再利用する「核燃料サイクル」は、重要な事業である。
A solid framework must be constructed to ensure that the plan is carried out.
着実に進展させる体制を構築せねばならない。
An expert panel of the Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry is poised to establish a working group that will study the future management structure of Japan Nuclear Fuel Ltd. (JNFL), the company at the heart of the project.
事業の中核企業である「日本原燃」の今後の経営形態について、経済産業省の有識者会議が、作業部会を設けて検討を始める。
One issue of key importance is whether the government should become more deeply involved in the firm’s operations.
焦点は、日本原燃の経営に政府がどこまで関与を深めるかだ。
Japan’s nuclear energy programs have been implemented on a “government-led, privately operated” basis, whereby utilities address the task of materializing specific projects based on government policy.
日本の原子力事業は、政府が立案した政策に基づき、電力会社が具体化に取り組む「国策民営」方式で進められてきた。
The JNFL has been overseeing the planned reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel, in which uranium and plutonium will be recovered to produce a new type of nuclear fuel. In terms of personnel and funding, the company has been fully supported by electric power companies.
日本原燃は、使用済み核燃料を再処理してウランやプルトニウムを取り出し、新たな核燃料に加工する事業を担う。電力各社が人材と資金面で、日本原燃を全面的に支えてきた。
But the current situation is serious. Though the construction of the firm’s spent nuclear fuel reprocessing complex in the village of Rokkasho, Aomori Prefecture, is now in its final stages, the project has fallen nearly 20 years behind schedule.
だが、現状は深刻である。青森県六ヶ所村で進む再処理工場の建設は最終段階にあるものの、予定より２０年近く遅れている。
Once the Nuclear Regulation Authority completes its evaluation of the Rokkasho project, the start of the reprocessing plant’s operations will be in sight. Now is a critical time for getting the envisioned nuclear fuel cycle program on track. The government must act responsibly in tackling the funding and managerial challenges facing the JNFL.
原子力規制委員会の審査が完了すれば、ようやく操業開始が見えてくる。核燃料サイクルを軌道に乗せるうえで大切な時期だ。政府が責任を持って、資金や経営の課題に対処すべきだ。
Utilities must pull own weight
The idea of converting the JNFL into a government-authorized corporation has been circulating within the government. The proposed transformation, which is aimed mainly at strengthening the government’s supervisory power, would allow the Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry to have a say in the appointment of the corporation’s executives and related matters.
政府内では、日本原燃を認可法人とする案が浮上している。監督権限を強めることが、主な狙いだ。役員選任などの際に、経産省が関与できるようになる。
However, some believe that the move could deprive its operations of flexibility. Concerns are also being voiced in Aomori Prefecture, which is hosting the facility, that the transformation plan could have an adverse impact on employment and the regional economy by reducing the chances of local residents being hired.
一方で、認可法人化は、経営の柔軟性を奪いかねないとの指摘がある。青森県では、地元採用の減少など、雇用や地域経済への悪影響を懸念する声もある。
The ministry panel’s working group of experts must hold in-depth discussions on the pros and cons of giving the JNFL the status of a government-authorized entity.
有識者会議の作業部会では、認可法人化の是非について、踏み込んだ議論が求められる。
The prolongation of the NRA’s safety screening process has left every utility in difficulty. If the retail electricity market is fully liberalized next spring as scheduled, industry competition is certain to intensify, making the business climate even more stringent. The negative repercussions of liberalization could even affect the JNFL, which has been heavily dependent on power firms for its own revenues.
規制委による原発の安全審査の長期化で、電力各社は苦境に陥っている。電力の小売りが来春から全面自由化されれば、競争が激化し、経営は一層厳しくなろう。影響は、電力各社に収益を依存する日本原燃にも及ぶ恐れがある。
The estimated total cost of building the reprocessing complex is about \11 trillion. To finance its construction, the JNFL plans to have the reprocessing plant operate for 40 years.
再処理工場の総事業費は、約１１兆円と見積もられている。日本原燃は、工場を４０年間稼働させ、資金を回収する方針だ。
Should the business of the JNFL come to a standstill, it would likely become difficult to continue the nuclear fuel cycle program. In such an event, there would be nowhere to dispose of spent nuclear fuel, which would thereby jeopardize the stable operations of nuclear power plants.
事業を手がける日本原燃の経営が行き詰まれば、核燃料サイクルの継続は難しくなる。各地の原発から出る使用済み核燃料の行き場がなくなり、原発の安定的な稼働に支障が生じる。
To establish a sustainable nuclear fuel cycle, it is imperative that each utility uphold its share of the burden in backing the JNFL, even after the electricity market is fully liberalized.
持続可能な核燃料サイクルを確立するためには、電力各社が、電力の全面自由化後も、応分の負担を続けることが欠かせない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 12, 2015)
Get nuclear fuel cycle program on track for government initiative
核燃料サイクル 政府の責任で軌道に乗せよ
The nuclear fuel cycle project − which aims to reuse spent nuclear fuel to generate power − is undoubtedly an important undertaking for Japan, a country that lacks sufficient energy resources.
エネルギー資源に乏しい日本にとって、原子力発電所から出る使用済み核燃料を再利用する「核燃料サイクル」は、重要な事業である。
A solid framework must be constructed to ensure that the plan is carried out.
着実に進展させる体制を構築せねばならない。
An expert panel of the Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry is poised to establish a working group that will study the future management structure of Japan Nuclear Fuel Ltd. (JNFL), the company at the heart of the project.
事業の中核企業である「日本原燃」の今後の経営形態について、経済産業省の有識者会議が、作業部会を設けて検討を始める。
One issue of key importance is whether the government should become more deeply involved in the firm’s operations.
焦点は、日本原燃の経営に政府がどこまで関与を深めるかだ。
Japan’s nuclear energy programs have been implemented on a “government-led, privately operated” basis, whereby utilities address the task of materializing specific projects based on government policy.
日本の原子力事業は、政府が立案した政策に基づき、電力会社が具体化に取り組む「国策民営」方式で進められてきた。
The JNFL has been overseeing the planned reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel, in which uranium and plutonium will be recovered to produce a new type of nuclear fuel. In terms of personnel and funding, the company has been fully supported by electric power companies.
日本原燃は、使用済み核燃料を再処理してウランやプルトニウムを取り出し、新たな核燃料に加工する事業を担う。電力各社が人材と資金面で、日本原燃を全面的に支えてきた。
But the current situation is serious. Though the construction of the firm’s spent nuclear fuel reprocessing complex in the village of Rokkasho, Aomori Prefecture, is now in its final stages, the project has fallen nearly 20 years behind schedule.
だが、現状は深刻である。青森県六ヶ所村で進む再処理工場の建設は最終段階にあるものの、予定より２０年近く遅れている。
Once the Nuclear Regulation Authority completes its evaluation of the Rokkasho project, the start of the reprocessing plant’s operations will be in sight. Now is a critical time for getting the envisioned nuclear fuel cycle program on track. The government must act responsibly in tackling the funding and managerial challenges facing the JNFL.
原子力規制委員会の審査が完了すれば、ようやく操業開始が見えてくる。核燃料サイクルを軌道に乗せるうえで大切な時期だ。政府が責任を持って、資金や経営の課題に対処すべきだ。
Utilities must pull own weight
The idea of converting the JNFL into a government-authorized corporation has been circulating within the government. The proposed transformation, which is aimed mainly at strengthening the government’s supervisory power, would allow the Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry to have a say in the appointment of the corporation’s executives and related matters.
政府内では、日本原燃を認可法人とする案が浮上している。監督権限を強めることが、主な狙いだ。役員選任などの際に、経産省が関与できるようになる。
However, some believe that the move could deprive its operations of flexibility. Concerns are also being voiced in Aomori Prefecture, which is hosting the facility, that the transformation plan could have an adverse impact on employment and the regional economy by reducing the chances of local residents being hired.
一方で、認可法人化は、経営の柔軟性を奪いかねないとの指摘がある。青森県では、地元採用の減少など、雇用や地域経済への悪影響を懸念する声もある。
The ministry panel’s working group of experts must hold in-depth discussions on the pros and cons of giving the JNFL the status of a government-authorized entity.
有識者会議の作業部会では、認可法人化の是非について、踏み込んだ議論が求められる。
The prolongation of the NRA’s safety screening process has left every utility in difficulty. If the retail electricity market is fully liberalized next spring as scheduled, industry competition is certain to intensify, making the business climate even more stringent. The negative repercussions of liberalization could even affect the JNFL, which has been heavily dependent on power firms for its own revenues.
規制委による原発の安全審査の長期化で、電力各社は苦境に陥っている。電力の小売りが来春から全面自由化されれば、競争が激化し、経営は一層厳しくなろう。影響は、電力各社に収益を依存する日本原燃にも及ぶ恐れがある。
The estimated total cost of building the reprocessing complex is about \11 trillion. To finance its construction, the JNFL plans to have the reprocessing plant operate for 40 years.
再処理工場の総事業費は、約１１兆円と見積もられている。日本原燃は、工場を４０年間稼働させ、資金を回収する方針だ。
Should the business of the JNFL come to a standstill, it would likely become difficult to continue the nuclear fuel cycle program. In such an event, there would be nowhere to dispose of spent nuclear fuel, which would thereby jeopardize the stable operations of nuclear power plants.
事業を手がける日本原燃の経営が行き詰まれば、核燃料サイクルの継続は難しくなる。各地の原発から出る使用済み核燃料の行き場がなくなり、原発の安定的な稼働に支障が生じる。
To establish a sustainable nuclear fuel cycle, it is imperative that each utility uphold its share of the burden in backing the JNFL, even after the electricity market is fully liberalized.
持続可能な核燃料サイクルを確立するためには、電力各社が、電力の全面自由化後も、応分の負担を続けることが欠かせない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 12, 2015)
2015年07月13日
参院選制度改革 「合区」の導入もやむを得ない
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Merged constituencies unavoidable for upper house electoral reform
参院選制度改革 「合区」の導入もやむを得ない
Planned electoral reforms for the House of Councillors represent a major institutional change, as they reexamine the prefecture-based electoral system that the public has been widely familiar with for many years.
長年、国民に広く定着している都道府県単位の選挙区を見直す、大きな制度変更である。
The Liberal Democratic Party has decided on a reform plan for the upper house electoral system that centers on merging thinly populated prefectures with neighboring prefectures to create new constituencies. The ruling party plans to submit a bill to the current Diet session to revise the Public Offices Election Law, and aims to apply the new system from an upper house election next summer.
自民党は、人口の少ない県と隣接県を１選挙区に統合する「合区」の導入を柱とする参院選挙制度改革案を決めた。今国会に公職選挙法改正案を提出し、成立を図る。来夏の参院選からの適用を目指す。
The LDP’s reform plan is exactly what has been called for by the Japan Innovation Party and three other opposition parties, and seeks to create new electoral districts by combining Tottori and Shimane prefectural constituencies and Tokushima and Kochi prefectural constituencies.
改革案は、維新の党など野党４党が主張していたもので、鳥取と島根、徳島と高知を「合区」とする。
It will also change the number of seats allocated to some electoral districts.
選挙区定数の配分も変更し、
As a result, a total of 10 seats will be added to some electoral districts and a total of 10 seats will be cut in other districts, while the total number of seats is maintained at 242 as today.
全体では「１０増１０減」となる。定数２４２は維持する。
As a result, the maximum vote-value disparity of 4.77:1 in the 2013 upper house election is expected to be reduced to 2.97:1.
これにより、「１票の格差」は２０１３年参院選の最大４・７７倍から２・９７倍に縮まるという。
There is a limit to what can be done to correct the gap if that goal is pursued while maintaining the framework of the current electoral system, which combines elections in constituencies and the national proportional representation district. To resolve the vote-value disparity that the Supreme Court ruled to be “in a state of unconstitutionality,” it is unavoidable to merge electoral districts on a limited scale.
選挙区選と全国比例選を組み合わせた現行制度の骨格を維持したままでの格差是正には、限界がある。最高裁が認定した「違憲状態」の解消には、限定的に合区を導入することはやむを得まい。
Discussions on reform of the electoral system by parliamentary groups in the upper house have been in limbo since they were started in 2013. This is because the LDP, the biggest Diet group, has been persistently passive about pressing for drastic reform.
１３年に始まった参院各会派の制度改革論議は、迷走が続いた。最大会派の自民党が、一貫して抜本改革に消極的だったためだ。
The opposition parties have vehemently criticized this stance of the LDP. Even its coalition partner, Komeito, reached an agreement with the Democratic Party of Japan to integrate 20 prefectural constituencies into 10.
野党は強く反発した。与党の公明党さえ民主党と２０県を１０選挙区に統合する合区案で合意した。
Long-term perspective vital
The LDP has finally agreed to accept the combination of constituencies, despite opposition from within the party, probably because it could not overcome the pressure from other parties.
孤立した自民党が党内に不満を抱えながらも合区を容認したのは、こうした各党の圧力に抗し切れなかったからだろう。
Once an accord is reached on combining constituencies as a means of rectifying the vote disparity, it is highly likely that future reforms will also seek to expand the number of merged constituencies. This may make it difficult to return to discussions on introducing a proportional representation bloc election system, as proposed by former upper house President Takeo Nishioka, and a large bloc constituency system.
いったん合区で格差を是正すると、今後の改革も合区の拡大になる可能性が大きい。西岡武夫・元参院議長が提唱したブロック比例案やブロック大選挙区案の議論に後戻りできなくなりかねない。
It is notable that the combined electoral district system has not a few adverse effects.
注意すべきは、合区には弊害が少なくないことだ。
There are fears that the system creates the possibility that no one from underpopulated prefectures can be represented in the upper house. It will make it unavoidable for the LDP and the DPJ to make such adjustments as fielding candidates alternately from adjacent constituencies, and fielding one of the two candidates in a proportional representation election.
人口の少ない方の県から参院に代表を出せなくなる恐れがある。自民党や民主党は、隣接する両県から交互に候補者を擁立したり、もう一方を比例選で処遇したりするなどの調整が欠かせない。
If prefectural administrative units with unique historical and cultural characteristics are shaken up by the adoption of the combined electoral district system, it will weaken the element that lawmakers elected from constituencies represent regional areas.
合区により、固有の歴史や文化を持つ各都道府県の行政単位が揺らげば、選挙区選出議員の地域代表としての側面が弱まろう。
Amid the growing population gap between urban and rural areas, there are concerns that too much emphasis on securing equality in vote values will make it difficult for regional voices to be reflected in national politics.
都市部と地方の人口格差が広がる中、投票価値の平等に固執し過ぎると、地方の声が国政に反映しにくくなるという懸念がある。
Discussions on the electoral system reform must be held from a long-range perspective.
選挙制度改革では、長期的な視点に立った議論も進めたい。
In an effort to promote differentiation of the upper house from the House of Representatives, and on the premise that the Constitution is revised, it is worth studying the introduction of a system in which personnel with professional expertise and experience will be recommended or appointed as upper house members without going through elections.
衆院と差別化を図るため、憲法改正を前提に、専門的知識・経験を持つ人材を選挙を経ずに、推薦・任命する制度の導入なども検討に値するのではないか。
Discussion should also be deepened on the roles and functions required of the upper house.
参院に求められる役割・機能についても論議を深めるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 10, 2015)
Merged constituencies unavoidable for upper house electoral reform
参院選制度改革 「合区」の導入もやむを得ない
Planned electoral reforms for the House of Councillors represent a major institutional change, as they reexamine the prefecture-based electoral system that the public has been widely familiar with for many years.
長年、国民に広く定着している都道府県単位の選挙区を見直す、大きな制度変更である。
The Liberal Democratic Party has decided on a reform plan for the upper house electoral system that centers on merging thinly populated prefectures with neighboring prefectures to create new constituencies. The ruling party plans to submit a bill to the current Diet session to revise the Public Offices Election Law, and aims to apply the new system from an upper house election next summer.
自民党は、人口の少ない県と隣接県を１選挙区に統合する「合区」の導入を柱とする参院選挙制度改革案を決めた。今国会に公職選挙法改正案を提出し、成立を図る。来夏の参院選からの適用を目指す。
The LDP’s reform plan is exactly what has been called for by the Japan Innovation Party and three other opposition parties, and seeks to create new electoral districts by combining Tottori and Shimane prefectural constituencies and Tokushima and Kochi prefectural constituencies.
改革案は、維新の党など野党４党が主張していたもので、鳥取と島根、徳島と高知を「合区」とする。
It will also change the number of seats allocated to some electoral districts.
選挙区定数の配分も変更し、
As a result, a total of 10 seats will be added to some electoral districts and a total of 10 seats will be cut in other districts, while the total number of seats is maintained at 242 as today.
全体では「１０増１０減」となる。定数２４２は維持する。
As a result, the maximum vote-value disparity of 4.77:1 in the 2013 upper house election is expected to be reduced to 2.97:1.
これにより、「１票の格差」は２０１３年参院選の最大４・７７倍から２・９７倍に縮まるという。
There is a limit to what can be done to correct the gap if that goal is pursued while maintaining the framework of the current electoral system, which combines elections in constituencies and the national proportional representation district. To resolve the vote-value disparity that the Supreme Court ruled to be “in a state of unconstitutionality,” it is unavoidable to merge electoral districts on a limited scale.
選挙区選と全国比例選を組み合わせた現行制度の骨格を維持したままでの格差是正には、限界がある。最高裁が認定した「違憲状態」の解消には、限定的に合区を導入することはやむを得まい。
Discussions on reform of the electoral system by parliamentary groups in the upper house have been in limbo since they were started in 2013. This is because the LDP, the biggest Diet group, has been persistently passive about pressing for drastic reform.
１３年に始まった参院各会派の制度改革論議は、迷走が続いた。最大会派の自民党が、一貫して抜本改革に消極的だったためだ。
The opposition parties have vehemently criticized this stance of the LDP. Even its coalition partner, Komeito, reached an agreement with the Democratic Party of Japan to integrate 20 prefectural constituencies into 10.
野党は強く反発した。与党の公明党さえ民主党と２０県を１０選挙区に統合する合区案で合意した。
Long-term perspective vital
The LDP has finally agreed to accept the combination of constituencies, despite opposition from within the party, probably because it could not overcome the pressure from other parties.
孤立した自民党が党内に不満を抱えながらも合区を容認したのは、こうした各党の圧力に抗し切れなかったからだろう。
Once an accord is reached on combining constituencies as a means of rectifying the vote disparity, it is highly likely that future reforms will also seek to expand the number of merged constituencies. This may make it difficult to return to discussions on introducing a proportional representation bloc election system, as proposed by former upper house President Takeo Nishioka, and a large bloc constituency system.
いったん合区で格差を是正すると、今後の改革も合区の拡大になる可能性が大きい。西岡武夫・元参院議長が提唱したブロック比例案やブロック大選挙区案の議論に後戻りできなくなりかねない。
It is notable that the combined electoral district system has not a few adverse effects.
注意すべきは、合区には弊害が少なくないことだ。
There are fears that the system creates the possibility that no one from underpopulated prefectures can be represented in the upper house. It will make it unavoidable for the LDP and the DPJ to make such adjustments as fielding candidates alternately from adjacent constituencies, and fielding one of the two candidates in a proportional representation election.
人口の少ない方の県から参院に代表を出せなくなる恐れがある。自民党や民主党は、隣接する両県から交互に候補者を擁立したり、もう一方を比例選で処遇したりするなどの調整が欠かせない。
If prefectural administrative units with unique historical and cultural characteristics are shaken up by the adoption of the combined electoral district system, it will weaken the element that lawmakers elected from constituencies represent regional areas.
合区により、固有の歴史や文化を持つ各都道府県の行政単位が揺らげば、選挙区選出議員の地域代表としての側面が弱まろう。
Amid the growing population gap between urban and rural areas, there are concerns that too much emphasis on securing equality in vote values will make it difficult for regional voices to be reflected in national politics.
都市部と地方の人口格差が広がる中、投票価値の平等に固執し過ぎると、地方の声が国政に反映しにくくなるという懸念がある。
Discussions on the electoral system reform must be held from a long-range perspective.
選挙制度改革では、長期的な視点に立った議論も進めたい。
In an effort to promote differentiation of the upper house from the House of Representatives, and on the premise that the Constitution is revised, it is worth studying the introduction of a system in which personnel with professional expertise and experience will be recommended or appointed as upper house members without going through elections.
衆院と差別化を図るため、憲法改正を前提に、専門的知識・経験を持つ人材を選挙を経ずに、推薦・任命する制度の導入なども検討に値するのではないか。
Discussion should also be deepened on the roles and functions required of the upper house.
参院に求められる役割・機能についても論議を深めるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 10, 2015)
2015年07月12日
ＢＲＩＣＳ会議 中露の国際秩序挑戦が露骨だ
The Yomiuri Shimbun
China, Russia pose blatant challenge to economy, security of world order
ＢＲＩＣＳ会議 中露の国際秩序挑戦が露骨だ
China and Russia have evidently bolstered their ties to challenge both the economic and security dimensions of the current international order led by the United States and Europe.
中国とロシアが一段と共闘し、米欧主導の国際秩序に、経済、安全保障の両面で挑戦する構図が鮮明になった。
The BRICS group − which comprises the five emerging economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa − has put forth a policy of strengthened cooperation after holding a summit meeting in the central Russian city of Ufa.
中露とインド、ブラジル、南アフリカで構成する新興５か国（ＢＲＩＣＳ）が、ロシア中部ウファで首脳会議を開き、協力強化を打ち出した。
Russian President Vladimir Putin, who chaired the meeting, called for the authority of BRICS to be enhanced to boost its influence on the world economy. Chinese President Xi Jinping echoed his view, saying international economic rules must be changed to meet the evolving state of global affairs.
議長役のプーチン露大統領は、ＢＲＩＣＳについて「権威を高め、世界経済への影響力を強める」と強調した。中国の習近平国家主席も、「世界情勢の変化に適応するよう、国際経済のルールを改めなければならない」と応じた。
Their remarks can be said to have plainly revealed China and Russia’s ambitions to change the international financial system revolving around the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund and centering on Japan, Europe and the United States.
世界銀行や国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）など日米欧中心の国際金融システムの変更を目指す中露の野心を、露骨に示したと言えよう。
Launched by the BRICS nations, the New Development Bank is scheduled to start operation as early as December. Along with the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, it apparently serves as a means for China and Russia to promote infrastructure development in emerging and developing countries, thereby increasing their influence over them.
年末にも運営を開始するＢＲＩＣＳの「新開発銀行」を、アジアインフラ投資銀行（ＡＩＩＢ）とともに駆使して、新興国や途上国の社会資本整備を進め、影響力を一層強めたいのだろう。
It is not acceptable that the joint declaration issued after the summit stated, “We condemn unilateral military interventions and economic sanctions in violation of international law.”
容認できないのは、首脳会議の共同宣言が、「国際法に違反する一方的な軍事介入や制裁を非難する」と明記したことである。
Russia has persistently engaged in military interventions by supporting pro-Russia separatist militants in eastern Ukraine. Such being the case, Russia is hardly qualified to condemn sanctions imposed on it by the United States and Europe.
ウクライナ東部で親露派武装集団を支援し、「軍事介入」を続けているのはロシア自身だ。そのロシアに、米欧の対露制裁を非難する資格はあるまい。
Conflicting interests
The joint declaration also stated, “We express our commitment to resolutely reject the continued attempts to misrepresent the results of World War II.” This strongly reflected China’s intention to check Japan over the issue of historical perceptions ahead of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s statement to mark the 70th anniversary of the war’s end.
共同宣言はまた、「第２次世界大戦の結果を改ざんする試みは認めない」と表明した。安倍首相の戦後７０年談話を念頭に、歴史問題で日本を牽制けんせいしたい中国の思惑を色濃く反映したものだ。
China has been executing a plan to build military facilities on reclaimed land over reefs in the South China Sea, a move bound to destabilize the postwar security order. Unless China and Russia alter such hard-line policies, the international community will not cease its criticism of the two countries.
中国は南シナ海で埋め立てた岩礁の軍事基地化を進め、戦後の安全保障体制を不安定化させている。中露がこうした強硬路線を改めない限り、国際社会の批判が収まることはない。
Following the BRICS meeting, a summit meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was held in the same Russian city. The group comprises China, Russia and four Central Asian countries, including Kazakhstan.
ＢＲＩＣＳに続き、中露とカザフスタンなど中央アジア４か国でつくる上海協力機構（ＳＣＯ）も首脳会議を開いた。
China is believed to be utilizing the SCO framework to smoothly realize its “Silk Road” initiative, which calls for a huge economic zone to be built along what was once the Silk Road.
中国には、かつてのシルクロード沿いに巨大経済圏を構築する「シルクロード構想」を円滑に推進するため、ＳＣＯの枠組みを利用する狙いがあるとみられる。
But in Central Asia, China’s interests conflict with those of Russia, which leads the Eurasian Economic Union. Putin and Xi affirmed that the two countries would promote cooperation by integrating the two economic-zone plans. But the fact remains that the presence of China, as the world’s No. 2 economic power, overwhelms that of Russia.
ただ、中央アジアで「ユーラシア経済同盟」を主導するロシアとは、利害が衝突する。中露首脳は両経済圏構想を統合し、協力を進めることを確認したが、世界第２の経済力を背景に、中国の存在感はロシアを圧倒している。
Amid mutual distrust, China and Russia have emphasized the importance of working together. In cooperation with the United States and other nations, Japan needs to closely watch the moves of these two countries.
互いに不信感を抱えつつも、協調関係をアピールする中露の動向を、日本は米国などと連携し、注視する必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 11, 2015)
China, Russia pose blatant challenge to economy, security of world order
ＢＲＩＣＳ会議 中露の国際秩序挑戦が露骨だ
China and Russia have evidently bolstered their ties to challenge both the economic and security dimensions of the current international order led by the United States and Europe.
中国とロシアが一段と共闘し、米欧主導の国際秩序に、経済、安全保障の両面で挑戦する構図が鮮明になった。
The BRICS group − which comprises the five emerging economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa − has put forth a policy of strengthened cooperation after holding a summit meeting in the central Russian city of Ufa.
中露とインド、ブラジル、南アフリカで構成する新興５か国（ＢＲＩＣＳ）が、ロシア中部ウファで首脳会議を開き、協力強化を打ち出した。
Russian President Vladimir Putin, who chaired the meeting, called for the authority of BRICS to be enhanced to boost its influence on the world economy. Chinese President Xi Jinping echoed his view, saying international economic rules must be changed to meet the evolving state of global affairs.
議長役のプーチン露大統領は、ＢＲＩＣＳについて「権威を高め、世界経済への影響力を強める」と強調した。中国の習近平国家主席も、「世界情勢の変化に適応するよう、国際経済のルールを改めなければならない」と応じた。
Their remarks can be said to have plainly revealed China and Russia’s ambitions to change the international financial system revolving around the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund and centering on Japan, Europe and the United States.
世界銀行や国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）など日米欧中心の国際金融システムの変更を目指す中露の野心を、露骨に示したと言えよう。
Launched by the BRICS nations, the New Development Bank is scheduled to start operation as early as December. Along with the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, it apparently serves as a means for China and Russia to promote infrastructure development in emerging and developing countries, thereby increasing their influence over them.
年末にも運営を開始するＢＲＩＣＳの「新開発銀行」を、アジアインフラ投資銀行（ＡＩＩＢ）とともに駆使して、新興国や途上国の社会資本整備を進め、影響力を一層強めたいのだろう。
It is not acceptable that the joint declaration issued after the summit stated, “We condemn unilateral military interventions and economic sanctions in violation of international law.”
容認できないのは、首脳会議の共同宣言が、「国際法に違反する一方的な軍事介入や制裁を非難する」と明記したことである。
Russia has persistently engaged in military interventions by supporting pro-Russia separatist militants in eastern Ukraine. Such being the case, Russia is hardly qualified to condemn sanctions imposed on it by the United States and Europe.
ウクライナ東部で親露派武装集団を支援し、「軍事介入」を続けているのはロシア自身だ。そのロシアに、米欧の対露制裁を非難する資格はあるまい。
Conflicting interests
The joint declaration also stated, “We express our commitment to resolutely reject the continued attempts to misrepresent the results of World War II.” This strongly reflected China’s intention to check Japan over the issue of historical perceptions ahead of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s statement to mark the 70th anniversary of the war’s end.
共同宣言はまた、「第２次世界大戦の結果を改ざんする試みは認めない」と表明した。安倍首相の戦後７０年談話を念頭に、歴史問題で日本を牽制けんせいしたい中国の思惑を色濃く反映したものだ。
China has been executing a plan to build military facilities on reclaimed land over reefs in the South China Sea, a move bound to destabilize the postwar security order. Unless China and Russia alter such hard-line policies, the international community will not cease its criticism of the two countries.
中国は南シナ海で埋め立てた岩礁の軍事基地化を進め、戦後の安全保障体制を不安定化させている。中露がこうした強硬路線を改めない限り、国際社会の批判が収まることはない。
Following the BRICS meeting, a summit meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was held in the same Russian city. The group comprises China, Russia and four Central Asian countries, including Kazakhstan.
ＢＲＩＣＳに続き、中露とカザフスタンなど中央アジア４か国でつくる上海協力機構（ＳＣＯ）も首脳会議を開いた。
China is believed to be utilizing the SCO framework to smoothly realize its “Silk Road” initiative, which calls for a huge economic zone to be built along what was once the Silk Road.
中国には、かつてのシルクロード沿いに巨大経済圏を構築する「シルクロード構想」を円滑に推進するため、ＳＣＯの枠組みを利用する狙いがあるとみられる。
But in Central Asia, China’s interests conflict with those of Russia, which leads the Eurasian Economic Union. Putin and Xi affirmed that the two countries would promote cooperation by integrating the two economic-zone plans. But the fact remains that the presence of China, as the world’s No. 2 economic power, overwhelms that of Russia.
ただ、中央アジアで「ユーラシア経済同盟」を主導するロシアとは、利害が衝突する。中露首脳は両経済圏構想を統合し、協力を進めることを確認したが、世界第２の経済力を背景に、中国の存在感はロシアを圧倒している。
Amid mutual distrust, China and Russia have emphasized the importance of working together. In cooperation with the United States and other nations, Japan needs to closely watch the moves of these two countries.
互いに不信感を抱えつつも、協調関係をアピールする中露の動向を、日本は米国などと連携し、注視する必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 11, 2015)