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2010年10月08日
ノーベル化学賞 受賞の喜びを次につなげたい
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Oct. 8, 2010)
Joy in Nobel prize should be linked to future
ノーベル化学賞 受賞の喜びを次につなげたい（10月7日付・読売社説）
This is very encouraging news for Japan, which is beset by a sluggish economy and a diplomatic row.
景気低迷や外交問題で悩む日本を、大いに元気づける朗報だ。
It was announced Wednesday that the 2010 Nobel Prize in Chemistry has been awarded to Akira Suzuki, a professor emeritus at Hokkaido University; Ei-ichi Negishi, a chemistry professor at Purdue University; and American researcher Richard Heck.
今年のノーベル化学賞が、北海道大名誉教授の鈴木章博士、米パデュー大特別教授の根岸英一博士と、米国人研究者の３人に贈られることが決まった。
This brings the total number of Japanese Nobel laureates to 18, and the number in chemistry to 7. In both figures, Japan is ahead of the pack in Asia.
日本人のノーベル賞受賞者は１８人を数え、化学賞では、７人となる。アジア地域では群を抜く。
The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences said the winners were honored for their development of chemical methods for efficiently producing pharmaceuticals and liquid crystal substances.
受賞の理由は、医薬品や液晶物質などを効率良く合成するための化学反応法の開発だ。
Crucial tools for industry
The synthesis of organic compounds, in which carbon atoms are linked in complex chains, was at one time extremely difficult. But Negishi and Suzuki found new ways of easily bonding carbon atoms together.
炭素原子が鎖のように複雑につながった有機化合物の合成は、極めて難しかった。根岸、鈴木両博士はこれを容易にする新手法を見つけ出した。
Their methods have already become essential tools in a number of industrial fields, including the production of hypertension and cancer medicines and light-emitting organic compounds.
すでに、高血圧治療薬、抗がん剤、発光する有機化合物の製造など、多くの産業分野で欠かせない手法となっている。
Chemistry is the basis for the synthesis and analysis of materials, and has helped Japan's basic materials industry. This latest award has demonstrated once again Japan's high level of research in this field, and we rejoice in the honor bestowed on Suzuki and Negishi.
化学は、物質の合成や分析などの基礎となるもので、日本の素材産業を支えてきた。今回、その水準の高さを改めて示した。両博士の受賞を大いに喜びたい。
Yet there are worrisome signs emerging as to how long Japan will be able to retain such technical prowess.
ただ、こうした日本の実力をいつまで維持できるか、不安を感じさせる兆候が表れている。
One such indicator is what has been called an inward-looking attitude among young Japanese researchers. An increasing number are studying only at home, rarely going abroad.
その一つが、若手研究者の「内向き志向」だ。ほとんど海外に行かず、国内だけで研究の道を歩む例が増えている。
Only a few young Japanese researchers are pursuing knowledge in the United States, the country considered to be the international center of research.
研究の中心地とも言える米国で修業する若手は少ない。
Of non-American students who receive doctorates at U.S. universities, Chinese students account for about 30 percent and South Koreans for about 10 percent, compared to only about 2 percent for Japanese.
米国の大学で博士号を得る外国人学生の出身国の割合は、中国の約３０％、韓国の約１０％に対して、日本は約２％にとどまる。
If things continue this way, won't Japan be left behind in the fierce international competition in research?
これでは、激烈な世界の研究競争に取り残されないか。
After graduating from Hokkaido University, Suzuki began studying with a prominent chemist in the United States. Negishi went to the United States after graduating from the University of Tokyo and lives there today.
受賞が決まった鈴木博士は北海道大卒業後、米国の著名な化学者の下で研究を始めた。根岸博士も東京大を出た後、米国で修業して今も米国にとどまっている。
Their unwavering diligence abroad led Suzuki and Negishi to the prize.
海外での切磋琢磨(せっさたくま)が受賞につながったと言ってよい。
Foreign opinion worsening
Also worrisome is the fact that international opinion of Japanese universities is declining. One warning bell was sounded last month by global university rankings for this year compiled by a British education magazine on the basis of their achievements in teaching and research.
日本の大学の国際評価が下がり始めているのも気がかりだ。英国の教育専門誌が先月、教育、研究などの実績をもとに発表した今年の「世界大学ランキング」はその警鐘である。
The University of Tokyo, which until last year was the top-ranked institution in Asia, was ranked 26th overall. This was still the highest among Japanese universities, but it was overtaken in Asia by the University of Hong Kong, which was ranked 21st.
日本勢は、最高の東京大が２６位で、昨年までのアジア首位の座を２１位の香港大に奪われた。
Also, the number of Japanese institutions in the top 200 declined from 11 last year to five this year.
上位２００位に入る日本の大学の数も昨年の１１校から５校に減った。
Due to harsh fiscal conditions, the central government's budget for science and technology is shrinking. In stark contrast, Europe and the United States are increasing their public investment in science and technology.
厳しい財政状況の下、国の科学技術予算も減っている。対照的に欧米諸国は、科学技術への公的投資を増している。
The Japanese government and research institutions may need to renew their sense of alarm.
政府や日本の研究機関は、改めて危機感を持たねばなるまい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 7, 2010)
（2010年10月7日01時37分 読売新聞）
Joy in Nobel prize should be linked to future
ノーベル化学賞 受賞の喜びを次につなげたい（10月7日付・読売社説）
This is very encouraging news for Japan, which is beset by a sluggish economy and a diplomatic row.
景気低迷や外交問題で悩む日本を、大いに元気づける朗報だ。
It was announced Wednesday that the 2010 Nobel Prize in Chemistry has been awarded to Akira Suzuki, a professor emeritus at Hokkaido University; Ei-ichi Negishi, a chemistry professor at Purdue University; and American researcher Richard Heck.
今年のノーベル化学賞が、北海道大名誉教授の鈴木章博士、米パデュー大特別教授の根岸英一博士と、米国人研究者の３人に贈られることが決まった。
This brings the total number of Japanese Nobel laureates to 18, and the number in chemistry to 7. In both figures, Japan is ahead of the pack in Asia.
日本人のノーベル賞受賞者は１８人を数え、化学賞では、７人となる。アジア地域では群を抜く。
The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences said the winners were honored for their development of chemical methods for efficiently producing pharmaceuticals and liquid crystal substances.
受賞の理由は、医薬品や液晶物質などを効率良く合成するための化学反応法の開発だ。
Crucial tools for industry
The synthesis of organic compounds, in which carbon atoms are linked in complex chains, was at one time extremely difficult. But Negishi and Suzuki found new ways of easily bonding carbon atoms together.
炭素原子が鎖のように複雑につながった有機化合物の合成は、極めて難しかった。根岸、鈴木両博士はこれを容易にする新手法を見つけ出した。
Their methods have already become essential tools in a number of industrial fields, including the production of hypertension and cancer medicines and light-emitting organic compounds.
すでに、高血圧治療薬、抗がん剤、発光する有機化合物の製造など、多くの産業分野で欠かせない手法となっている。
Chemistry is the basis for the synthesis and analysis of materials, and has helped Japan's basic materials industry. This latest award has demonstrated once again Japan's high level of research in this field, and we rejoice in the honor bestowed on Suzuki and Negishi.
化学は、物質の合成や分析などの基礎となるもので、日本の素材産業を支えてきた。今回、その水準の高さを改めて示した。両博士の受賞を大いに喜びたい。
Yet there are worrisome signs emerging as to how long Japan will be able to retain such technical prowess.
ただ、こうした日本の実力をいつまで維持できるか、不安を感じさせる兆候が表れている。
One such indicator is what has been called an inward-looking attitude among young Japanese researchers. An increasing number are studying only at home, rarely going abroad.
その一つが、若手研究者の「内向き志向」だ。ほとんど海外に行かず、国内だけで研究の道を歩む例が増えている。
Only a few young Japanese researchers are pursuing knowledge in the United States, the country considered to be the international center of research.
研究の中心地とも言える米国で修業する若手は少ない。
Of non-American students who receive doctorates at U.S. universities, Chinese students account for about 30 percent and South Koreans for about 10 percent, compared to only about 2 percent for Japanese.
米国の大学で博士号を得る外国人学生の出身国の割合は、中国の約３０％、韓国の約１０％に対して、日本は約２％にとどまる。
If things continue this way, won't Japan be left behind in the fierce international competition in research?
これでは、激烈な世界の研究競争に取り残されないか。
After graduating from Hokkaido University, Suzuki began studying with a prominent chemist in the United States. Negishi went to the United States after graduating from the University of Tokyo and lives there today.
受賞が決まった鈴木博士は北海道大卒業後、米国の著名な化学者の下で研究を始めた。根岸博士も東京大を出た後、米国で修業して今も米国にとどまっている。
Their unwavering diligence abroad led Suzuki and Negishi to the prize.
海外での切磋琢磨(せっさたくま)が受賞につながったと言ってよい。
Foreign opinion worsening
Also worrisome is the fact that international opinion of Japanese universities is declining. One warning bell was sounded last month by global university rankings for this year compiled by a British education magazine on the basis of their achievements in teaching and research.
日本の大学の国際評価が下がり始めているのも気がかりだ。英国の教育専門誌が先月、教育、研究などの実績をもとに発表した今年の「世界大学ランキング」はその警鐘である。
The University of Tokyo, which until last year was the top-ranked institution in Asia, was ranked 26th overall. This was still the highest among Japanese universities, but it was overtaken in Asia by the University of Hong Kong, which was ranked 21st.
日本勢は、最高の東京大が２６位で、昨年までのアジア首位の座を２１位の香港大に奪われた。
Also, the number of Japanese institutions in the top 200 declined from 11 last year to five this year.
上位２００位に入る日本の大学の数も昨年の１１校から５校に減った。
Due to harsh fiscal conditions, the central government's budget for science and technology is shrinking. In stark contrast, Europe and the United States are increasing their public investment in science and technology.
厳しい財政状況の下、国の科学技術予算も減っている。対照的に欧米諸国は、科学技術への公的投資を増している。
The Japanese government and research institutions may need to renew their sense of alarm.
政府や日本の研究機関は、改めて危機感を持たねばなるまい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 7, 2010)
（2010年10月7日01時37分 読売新聞）
2010年10月07日
日中首脳会談 中国は互恵の前に報復撤回を
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Oct. 7, 2010)
Kan must take firm line on Chinese aggression
日中首脳会談 中国は互恵の前に報復撤回を（10月6日付・読売社説）
Monday's impromptu meeting between Japanese and Chinese leaders is expected to open the door for the two countries to mend their ties, which have been strained since last month's collision between a Chinese trawler and two Japan Coast Guard vessels in Japanese waters near the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea.
日中両首脳の対話が実現したことは、尖閣諸島沖の漁船衝突事件で悪化した両国関係を修復する契機となろう。
Prime Minister Naoto Kan and Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao held talks on the sidelines of the Asia-Europe Meeting in Brussels. The two leaders agreed to resume high-level negotiations and civic exchanges between the two countries, which China unilaterally suspended.
菅首相と中国の温家宝首相が、ベルギーで開かれたアジア欧州会議（ＡＳＥＭ）首脳会議の合間を利用して会談した。中国が一方的に中止していた日中のハイレベル協議や民間交流について復活させることで合意した。
If Japan-China economic ties cool, it will slow down China's growth, possibly resulting in mounting frustrations in the country. It also will inevitably stagnate the transfer of Japan's environmental and energy-saving technology, which is highly anticipated by China.
日中の経済関係を冷え込ませれば、中国も成長の鈍化を招き、国内不満を高める恐れがある。中国が望む日本の環境・省エネ技術の移転も、停滞が避けられまい。
Moreover, China's hard-nosed diplomacy gave the impression to the international community that the country is aggressive, as France's Le Monde newspaper described it. China apparently decided to go ahead with the unscheduled meeting after concluding that further complicating the Japan-China relationship will cost it a lot.
加えて中国の圧力外交は、国際社会に「粗暴な大国」（仏ル・モンド紙）との印象を与えた。中国側は、日中関係をこれ以上こじらせては失うものが大きいとして、首脳会談に応じたのだろう。
===
China needs Japan
It is also believed that China did not want the current row to adversely affect the scheduled attendance of Chinese President Hu Jintao at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum set to open in Yokohama next month.
来月、横浜で開催されるアジア太平洋経済協力会議（ＡＰＥＣ）への胡錦濤国家主席の出席に影響が及ぶ事態は避けたい、という事情もあったに違いない。
In their meeting, the two leaders confirmed they should return to the "starting point" of promoting a strategic, mutually beneficial relationship. If that is the case, we believe it is China's responsibility to completely retract the retaliatory measures it has taken following the collision incident near the Senkaku Islands.
会談では、戦略的互恵関係を進展させるとの「原点」に戻ることを確認した。それならば中国は、その前提として、今回の衝突事件を受けて行った対日報復措置を完全に撤回するのが筋だろう。
Beijing must release a Japanese employee of Fujita Corp. who has been held since Sept. 20 for allegedly entering a military zone without permission. China has continued to hold him despite releasing three other Japanese employees of the company.
China must also normalize its exports of rare earth minerals to Japan.
拘束を継続する建設会社「フジタ」社員を早期に解放するのは無論、レアアース（希土類）の対日輸出も正常化すべきだ。
The Kan administration must show a resolute stance against China in handling problems concerning Japan's sovereignty and maritime interests, even as it deepens ties with China in trade and other fields.
菅政権は今後、貿易などで中国との関係を深めるとしても、主権や海洋権益の問題では、毅然(きぜん)とした姿勢を示す必要がある。
===
Release collision video
In the wake of the collision incident, Chinese authorities started deploying fisheries patrol boats near the Senkaku Islands around the clock.
中国当局は、漁船衝突事件を機に、尖閣諸島近海に漁業監視船を常駐させるようになった。
Fishing boats in the vanguard, followed by fisheries patrol boats--this is exactly the same as the strategy China has taken in advancing into the South China Sea. We absolutely cannot overlook this.
漁船が“先兵”役を果たし、漁業監視船がこれに続くのは、中国が南シナ海での海洋進出で取った手法だ。到底、看過できない。
The Kan administration must strongly demand China exercise self-restraint. It must also step up monitoring by the JCG.
菅政権は、中国側に強く自制を迫ると同時に、海上保安庁による監視体制を強化すべきだ。
In addition, the government must no longer, out of unnecessary consideration to China, hesitate to release JCG video footage of one of the collisions.
海保が撮影した衝突時のビデオも、中国側への無用な配慮で公開をためらうべきではない。
A recent Yomiuri Shimbun survey showed that about 70 percent of the public viewed Japanese prosecutors' release of the Chinese skipper as inappropriate. Of those, 40 percent said they thought this gave the impression that Japan would cave in when pressured.
読売新聞の世論調査では、中国人船長の釈放を不適切と受け止めている人は７割にのぼり、そのうちの４割が「日本は圧力をかけると譲歩するという印象を与えるから」を理由に挙げた。
More than 80 percent said they felt anxiety over the Democratic Party of Japan's handling of diplomatic affairs.
民主党の外交姿勢に「不安を感じる」と答えた人も、８割を超えている。
Kan must be fully aware that many people in the country are strictly scrutinizing the government, and he must proactively carry out diplomacy that serves the national interests.
菅首相は、国民の多くが厳しい視線を送っていることを強く自覚し、国益に立った外交を積極的に展開しなければならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 6, 2010)
（2010年10月6日01時44分 読売新聞）
Kan must take firm line on Chinese aggression
日中首脳会談 中国は互恵の前に報復撤回を（10月6日付・読売社説）
Monday's impromptu meeting between Japanese and Chinese leaders is expected to open the door for the two countries to mend their ties, which have been strained since last month's collision between a Chinese trawler and two Japan Coast Guard vessels in Japanese waters near the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea.
日中両首脳の対話が実現したことは、尖閣諸島沖の漁船衝突事件で悪化した両国関係を修復する契機となろう。
Prime Minister Naoto Kan and Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao held talks on the sidelines of the Asia-Europe Meeting in Brussels. The two leaders agreed to resume high-level negotiations and civic exchanges between the two countries, which China unilaterally suspended.
菅首相と中国の温家宝首相が、ベルギーで開かれたアジア欧州会議（ＡＳＥＭ）首脳会議の合間を利用して会談した。中国が一方的に中止していた日中のハイレベル協議や民間交流について復活させることで合意した。
If Japan-China economic ties cool, it will slow down China's growth, possibly resulting in mounting frustrations in the country. It also will inevitably stagnate the transfer of Japan's environmental and energy-saving technology, which is highly anticipated by China.
日中の経済関係を冷え込ませれば、中国も成長の鈍化を招き、国内不満を高める恐れがある。中国が望む日本の環境・省エネ技術の移転も、停滞が避けられまい。
Moreover, China's hard-nosed diplomacy gave the impression to the international community that the country is aggressive, as France's Le Monde newspaper described it. China apparently decided to go ahead with the unscheduled meeting after concluding that further complicating the Japan-China relationship will cost it a lot.
加えて中国の圧力外交は、国際社会に「粗暴な大国」（仏ル・モンド紙）との印象を与えた。中国側は、日中関係をこれ以上こじらせては失うものが大きいとして、首脳会談に応じたのだろう。
===
China needs Japan
It is also believed that China did not want the current row to adversely affect the scheduled attendance of Chinese President Hu Jintao at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum set to open in Yokohama next month.
来月、横浜で開催されるアジア太平洋経済協力会議（ＡＰＥＣ）への胡錦濤国家主席の出席に影響が及ぶ事態は避けたい、という事情もあったに違いない。
In their meeting, the two leaders confirmed they should return to the "starting point" of promoting a strategic, mutually beneficial relationship. If that is the case, we believe it is China's responsibility to completely retract the retaliatory measures it has taken following the collision incident near the Senkaku Islands.
会談では、戦略的互恵関係を進展させるとの「原点」に戻ることを確認した。それならば中国は、その前提として、今回の衝突事件を受けて行った対日報復措置を完全に撤回するのが筋だろう。
Beijing must release a Japanese employee of Fujita Corp. who has been held since Sept. 20 for allegedly entering a military zone without permission. China has continued to hold him despite releasing three other Japanese employees of the company.
China must also normalize its exports of rare earth minerals to Japan.
拘束を継続する建設会社「フジタ」社員を早期に解放するのは無論、レアアース（希土類）の対日輸出も正常化すべきだ。
The Kan administration must show a resolute stance against China in handling problems concerning Japan's sovereignty and maritime interests, even as it deepens ties with China in trade and other fields.
菅政権は今後、貿易などで中国との関係を深めるとしても、主権や海洋権益の問題では、毅然(きぜん)とした姿勢を示す必要がある。
===
Release collision video
In the wake of the collision incident, Chinese authorities started deploying fisheries patrol boats near the Senkaku Islands around the clock.
中国当局は、漁船衝突事件を機に、尖閣諸島近海に漁業監視船を常駐させるようになった。
Fishing boats in the vanguard, followed by fisheries patrol boats--this is exactly the same as the strategy China has taken in advancing into the South China Sea. We absolutely cannot overlook this.
漁船が“先兵”役を果たし、漁業監視船がこれに続くのは、中国が南シナ海での海洋進出で取った手法だ。到底、看過できない。
The Kan administration must strongly demand China exercise self-restraint. It must also step up monitoring by the JCG.
菅政権は、中国側に強く自制を迫ると同時に、海上保安庁による監視体制を強化すべきだ。
In addition, the government must no longer, out of unnecessary consideration to China, hesitate to release JCG video footage of one of the collisions.
海保が撮影した衝突時のビデオも、中国側への無用な配慮で公開をためらうべきではない。
A recent Yomiuri Shimbun survey showed that about 70 percent of the public viewed Japanese prosecutors' release of the Chinese skipper as inappropriate. Of those, 40 percent said they thought this gave the impression that Japan would cave in when pressured.
読売新聞の世論調査では、中国人船長の釈放を不適切と受け止めている人は７割にのぼり、そのうちの４割が「日本は圧力をかけると譲歩するという印象を与えるから」を理由に挙げた。
More than 80 percent said they felt anxiety over the Democratic Party of Japan's handling of diplomatic affairs.
民主党の外交姿勢に「不安を感じる」と答えた人も、８割を超えている。
Kan must be fully aware that many people in the country are strictly scrutinizing the government, and he must proactively carry out diplomacy that serves the national interests.
菅首相は、国民の多くが厳しい視線を送っていることを強く自覚し、国益に立った外交を積極的に展開しなければならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 6, 2010)
（2010年10月6日01時44分 読売新聞）
2010年10月06日
アザデガン油田―撤退を新戦略に生かそう
--The Asahi Shimbun, Oct. 4 (2010/10/05)
EDITORIAL: Oil field diplomacy
アザデガン油田―撤退を新戦略に生かそう
A major turning point has come for the government's energy security policy. This policy has been based on the conviction that Japan needs to be actively involved in the development of oil fields overseas in order to secure a stable supply of energy for itself at home.
日本のエネルギー安全保障には開発で主導権を持つ「日の丸油田」が必須、としてきた政策が転機を迎えた。
In a move symbolic of the shift, a government-affiliated Japanese oil company has decided to withdraw altogether from a project to develop the Azadegan oil field in southwestern Iran.
イランのアザデガン油田から日本企業が完全撤退する方針を固めたことはその象徴である。
In 2004, the predecessor of Inpex Corp. acquired a 75-percent stake in the Iranian oil field, which is believed to be one of the biggest in the world, beating out European and Chinese competitors. As suspicions grew that Iran was developing nuclear weapons, however, Japan reduced its stake to 10 percent in 2006 in response to U.S. concerns about the Tehran's nuclear ambitions.
２００４年に欧州勢や中国との競争に勝ち、世界最大級とされるこの油田の権益の７５％を国際石油開発（現国際石油開発帝石）が確保した。その後イランの核兵器開発疑惑で米国に配慮し、０６年に権益を１０％に縮小した。
Now, Tokyo has decided to pull out of the oil drilling project under intensified pressure from Washington, which is stepping up its sanctions against Iran.
今回は制裁を強める米国の要請を受け、全面撤退となった。
The withdrawal from this oil project is an unfortunate but inevitable result of Iran's refusal to take convincing actions to ease international concerns about its nuclear program.
撤退は残念だが、イランの核疑惑が晴れない以上、やむをえない。
The importance of the Azadegan oil field for Japan's energy strategy has significantly decreased.
すでにアザデガン油田の意義は小さくなっていた。
Given declining oil consumption at home and the growing trend toward a low-carbon society, it is important for Japan to make a levelheaded response to the situation and use the lessons from the experience for its future energy strategy.
石油消費が減少に向かっている国内情勢や将来の低炭素社会も考えて冷静に受け止め、今後のエネルギー戦略に生かすべきだ。
Japan's efforts for energy security should now focus on becoming a member of an international network of countries that share information about oil through joint development projects and supply resources to each other.
今後は共同開発などで石油をめぐる情報を確保しつつ、資源を融通し合う国際ネットワークの一員としての資格を得るようにしたい。
This strategy requires Japan to use its energy-related technologies and funds to expand its cooperation with oil-producing countries.
そのためにエネルギー関連技術や資金を活用し、産油国との連携を深めることが必要だ。
It is also important to accelerate efforts to develop a wide variety of energy sources including natural gas and other renewable energies.
天然ガスや自然エネルギーの活用を含む多角的なエネルギー開発を加速させることも大切である。
Only by continuing such efforts, can Japan find an effective way to help ensure that natural resource markets will perform their core functions properly in this age of globalization.
そうした努力を続けてこそ、グローバルな時代の資源市場の機能を維持するために、日本が貢献できる道が見えてくる。
The grim geopolitical realities highlighted by the withdrawal demand that Japan redouble its efforts to revitalize its independent diplomacy in the Middle East.
中東での独自外交の立て直しも、今回の撤退に示された厳しい状況を踏まえて進めたい。
Iran is the fourth-largest oil supplier for Japan, which has maintained a friendly relationship with the country even after the Islamic Revolution in 1979 led to the breakdown of Tehran's diplomatic relations with Washington.
イランは日本にとって第４の原油供給国であり、１９７９年のイスラム革命後に米国とイランが国交断絶した後も、日本は友好関係をつないできた。
But Japan's diplomacy has failed to exert any significant influence on the issue of Iran's nuclear ambitions.
しかし、これまでの日本の外交は、イランの核問題に対して何ら有効な影響力を持ち得なかった。
This summer, the United States lodged no opposition to a Russian state-run nuclear power company's move to start operating a reactor in Iran.
米国は今夏、ロシアの国営原子力企業がイランで原子炉を稼働させることを認めた。
In contrast, the U.S. administration has pressed Japan to abandon its involvement in the oil field development in Iran. This underscores the limitation of Japan's independent diplomacy.
それと対照的に日本に撤退を求めたことは、日本の独自外交の限界の表れでもある。
Most of the rights in the Azadegan oil field that Japan has abandoned have been acquired by Chinese companies.
これまでに日本が放棄したアザデガン油田の権益の大部分は、中国企業が取得した。
The United States, Russia and China, a relatively new diplomatic player in the region, are jockeying for influence in Iran. This diplomatic game is being played out across the Middle East.
イランに対して米国、ロシア、そして新参の中国が影響力でしのぎを削るという構図は、中東全体にもあてはまると考えるべきだろう。
Japan lacks the ability to pursue a national strategy in the Middle East like a major power. The sooner Tokyo acknowledges this reality, the sooner it can figure out what it can do by way of policy in the region.
日本は、中東で大国のように国家戦略を遂行できる力を持っていない。その現実を認識した上で、今後何ができるかを考える必要がある。
It could serve Japan's diplomatic interest to put on a delicate balancing act from time to time to keep some distance in the region from U.S. diplomacy, which tends to be tilted toward strong-arm tactics including the deployment of armed forces.
中東では、軍事力の行使を含め強圧的な対応に陥りがちな米国と、時にはうまく距離をとることも賢い外交ではあるまいか。
Meanwhile, Japan needs to do more to build relations based on mutual trust with oil-producing countries through contributions in such areas as technological aid and social development.
一方で、産油国などには技術援助や社会開発の分野でもっと貢献し、信頼関係を築くことだ。
Japan should not spare any effort to become a country that is needed in the Middle East.
中東に必要とされる国になるための努力を惜しんではならない。
EDITORIAL: Oil field diplomacy
アザデガン油田―撤退を新戦略に生かそう
A major turning point has come for the government's energy security policy. This policy has been based on the conviction that Japan needs to be actively involved in the development of oil fields overseas in order to secure a stable supply of energy for itself at home.
日本のエネルギー安全保障には開発で主導権を持つ「日の丸油田」が必須、としてきた政策が転機を迎えた。
In a move symbolic of the shift, a government-affiliated Japanese oil company has decided to withdraw altogether from a project to develop the Azadegan oil field in southwestern Iran.
イランのアザデガン油田から日本企業が完全撤退する方針を固めたことはその象徴である。
In 2004, the predecessor of Inpex Corp. acquired a 75-percent stake in the Iranian oil field, which is believed to be one of the biggest in the world, beating out European and Chinese competitors. As suspicions grew that Iran was developing nuclear weapons, however, Japan reduced its stake to 10 percent in 2006 in response to U.S. concerns about the Tehran's nuclear ambitions.
２００４年に欧州勢や中国との競争に勝ち、世界最大級とされるこの油田の権益の７５％を国際石油開発（現国際石油開発帝石）が確保した。その後イランの核兵器開発疑惑で米国に配慮し、０６年に権益を１０％に縮小した。
Now, Tokyo has decided to pull out of the oil drilling project under intensified pressure from Washington, which is stepping up its sanctions against Iran.
今回は制裁を強める米国の要請を受け、全面撤退となった。
The withdrawal from this oil project is an unfortunate but inevitable result of Iran's refusal to take convincing actions to ease international concerns about its nuclear program.
撤退は残念だが、イランの核疑惑が晴れない以上、やむをえない。
The importance of the Azadegan oil field for Japan's energy strategy has significantly decreased.
すでにアザデガン油田の意義は小さくなっていた。
Given declining oil consumption at home and the growing trend toward a low-carbon society, it is important for Japan to make a levelheaded response to the situation and use the lessons from the experience for its future energy strategy.
石油消費が減少に向かっている国内情勢や将来の低炭素社会も考えて冷静に受け止め、今後のエネルギー戦略に生かすべきだ。
Japan's efforts for energy security should now focus on becoming a member of an international network of countries that share information about oil through joint development projects and supply resources to each other.
今後は共同開発などで石油をめぐる情報を確保しつつ、資源を融通し合う国際ネットワークの一員としての資格を得るようにしたい。
This strategy requires Japan to use its energy-related technologies and funds to expand its cooperation with oil-producing countries.
そのためにエネルギー関連技術や資金を活用し、産油国との連携を深めることが必要だ。
It is also important to accelerate efforts to develop a wide variety of energy sources including natural gas and other renewable energies.
天然ガスや自然エネルギーの活用を含む多角的なエネルギー開発を加速させることも大切である。
Only by continuing such efforts, can Japan find an effective way to help ensure that natural resource markets will perform their core functions properly in this age of globalization.
そうした努力を続けてこそ、グローバルな時代の資源市場の機能を維持するために、日本が貢献できる道が見えてくる。
The grim geopolitical realities highlighted by the withdrawal demand that Japan redouble its efforts to revitalize its independent diplomacy in the Middle East.
中東での独自外交の立て直しも、今回の撤退に示された厳しい状況を踏まえて進めたい。
Iran is the fourth-largest oil supplier for Japan, which has maintained a friendly relationship with the country even after the Islamic Revolution in 1979 led to the breakdown of Tehran's diplomatic relations with Washington.
イランは日本にとって第４の原油供給国であり、１９７９年のイスラム革命後に米国とイランが国交断絶した後も、日本は友好関係をつないできた。
But Japan's diplomacy has failed to exert any significant influence on the issue of Iran's nuclear ambitions.
しかし、これまでの日本の外交は、イランの核問題に対して何ら有効な影響力を持ち得なかった。
This summer, the United States lodged no opposition to a Russian state-run nuclear power company's move to start operating a reactor in Iran.
米国は今夏、ロシアの国営原子力企業がイランで原子炉を稼働させることを認めた。
In contrast, the U.S. administration has pressed Japan to abandon its involvement in the oil field development in Iran. This underscores the limitation of Japan's independent diplomacy.
それと対照的に日本に撤退を求めたことは、日本の独自外交の限界の表れでもある。
Most of the rights in the Azadegan oil field that Japan has abandoned have been acquired by Chinese companies.
これまでに日本が放棄したアザデガン油田の権益の大部分は、中国企業が取得した。
The United States, Russia and China, a relatively new diplomatic player in the region, are jockeying for influence in Iran. This diplomatic game is being played out across the Middle East.
イランに対して米国、ロシア、そして新参の中国が影響力でしのぎを削るという構図は、中東全体にもあてはまると考えるべきだろう。
Japan lacks the ability to pursue a national strategy in the Middle East like a major power. The sooner Tokyo acknowledges this reality, the sooner it can figure out what it can do by way of policy in the region.
日本は、中東で大国のように国家戦略を遂行できる力を持っていない。その現実を認識した上で、今後何ができるかを考える必要がある。
It could serve Japan's diplomatic interest to put on a delicate balancing act from time to time to keep some distance in the region from U.S. diplomacy, which tends to be tilted toward strong-arm tactics including the deployment of armed forces.
中東では、軍事力の行使を含め強圧的な対応に陥りがちな米国と、時にはうまく距離をとることも賢い外交ではあるまいか。
Meanwhile, Japan needs to do more to build relations based on mutual trust with oil-producing countries through contributions in such areas as technological aid and social development.
一方で、産油国などには技術援助や社会開発の分野でもっと貢献し、信頼関係を築くことだ。
Japan should not spare any effort to become a country that is needed in the Middle East.
中東に必要とされる国になるための努力を惜しんではならない。
2010年10月05日
北朝鮮新体制 挑発への抑止は日米韓連携で
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Oct. 5, 2010)
Stay in step with U.S., ROK to deter N. Korea
北朝鮮新体制 挑発への抑止は日米韓連携で（10月4日付・読売社説）
Despite giving its leadership lineup a face-lift, the North Korean autocracy led by Kim Jong Il has not changed one jot in substance. Japan and other neighboring nations must keep an eagle eye on North Korea's behavior. We must keep our guard up against the secretive country.
人事刷新で衣替えはしても、北朝鮮の金正日独裁体制の中身は何ら変わっていない。日本はじめ周辺国は、今後の動向を一層注視し、警戒を怠ってはならない。
The new leadership of the Workers' Party of Korea clearly shows the party congress held last week--the first in 44 years--was aimed at extending the life of the current regime.
北朝鮮が発表した党指導部人事の全容を見れば、４４年ぶりの党代表者会の狙いが、現体制の延命にあったことは明らかだ。
The first election in 30 years of members of the party's Central Committee was held, and the committee held a general meeting for the first time in 17 years to elect Politburo and Secretariat members.
党中央委員を選挙したのは３０年ぶりのことだ。１７年ぶりに党中央委員会総会を開いて、政治局や書記局のメンバーも選出した。
The average age of members of the Politburo, the party's supreme organ, is nearly 80. Installing party elders in lofty party positions is intended to make them compete in showing their allegiance to Kim Jong Il, the party's secretary general. This could be a key to stabilizing the regime. Kim also shrewdly installed his right-hand men from his generation in key positions.
党最高幹部の政治局員の平均年齢は８０歳近い。高齢の長老たちを手厚く処遇することで、金正日総書記への忠誠を競わせる。それが、体制を安定させる秘訣(ひけつ)なのだろう。総書記は要所には、ぬかりなく同年代の腹心を配した。
===
Kim Jong Un unveiled
In the days leading up to the Congress, all eyes had been on Kim's third son, Kim Jong Un, who was anointed a general in the Korean People's Army and a vice chairman of the party's Central Military Commission, even though he is just 27.
注目された総書記の三男、金正恩氏は、軍の大将という肩書を与えられ、２７歳の若さで、いきなり党中央軍事委員会の副委員長に抜擢(ばってき)された。
Awarding Kim Jong Un these posts represents his de facto appointment as Kim Jong Il's successor. Nevertheless, his appointment as a Politburo and Secretariat member was put off. His tender age might be the reason for that.
だが、事実上の後継指名にもかかわらず、正恩氏の政治局入りと書記就任は見送られた。若すぎるという理由からかもしれない。
Details and images of Kim Jong Un had been closely guarded. After his appointments were announced, North Korea made video images of him public for the first time. Kim Jong Un bears a strong resemblance to his late grandfather Kim Il Sung, who has been deified as North Korea's "eternal leader." Kim Jong Il is seeking to rebuild the party and set the stage for the third generation of hereditary succession on the coattails of his father.
秘密のベールに包まれていたその姿も、初めて公開された。風貌(ふうぼう)は、「永遠の主席」と神格化されている祖父の故金日成主席にそっくりだ。金総書記は、初代の威光を背景に党を立て直し、権力の３代世襲を図ろうとしている。
As North Korea goes through a period of power transition, there are concerns it could resort to military adventurism to demonstrate Kim Jong Un's presence as a military leader both at home and abroad.
権力移行期にある北朝鮮が、軍指導者の正恩氏の存在感を内外に示すために、冒険主義に走らないか。警戒すべきはこの点だ。
===
Military provocation feared
A South Korean naval ship was sunk in March, and Seoul has concluded the sinking was caused by a North Korean torpedo.
３月には、韓国政府が、北朝鮮による魚雷攻撃による、と結論づけた韓国海軍哨戒艦の沈没事件が起きている。
In the latest personnel reshuffle, Ri Yong Ho, the army chief of staff, marked his extraordinary rise by being named to the Politburo presidium and a vice chairman of the party's Central Military Commission. This suggests North Korea could resort to similar provocations to display its military power.
今回の人事で、李英●・軍総参謀長が破格の昇進を遂げ、政治局常務委員と中央軍事委員会副委員長の要職に起用された。軍の実績を誇示しようと、同様の挑発行動に出る可能性があろう。（●は、金ヘンに「高」）
There is concern that Kim Jong Il's regime, which has been unable to overcome severe economic shortcomings, will instead play to its military strengths, such as by conducting a third nuclear test or test-firing a ballistic missile, to fortify party solidarity and gain leverage in talks with Washington. In fact, a North Korean delegate to the United Nations recently reasserted his country should reinforce its nuclear deterrent.
経済の窮状を打開できない金正日体制が、求心力の回復や対米交渉をにらみ、３度目の核実験や、弾道ミサイル発射など、軍事的な成果を狙う懸念もある。事実、国連で北朝鮮代表は、核抑止力を強化する姿勢を改めて強調した。
Japan needs to exchange more information and devise pragmatic measures with the United States and South Korea concerning the future moves of North Korea.
今後の北朝鮮の動向をめぐり、日本は、米国や韓国との間で、情報交換や実効性ある対策作りを進めていく必要がある。
Unity among its neighbors could be the prime deterrent to any North Korean recklessness. Cooperation with Beijing is important, but Japan cannot rely on China right now. The most urgent task is to bolster cooperation between Japan, the United States and South Korea.
対北朝鮮抑止のかぎとなるのは周辺国の結束だ。中国と協調することは重要だが、いま、それをあてにすることはできない。日米韓の連携強化こそ最優先課題だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 4, 2010)
（2010年10月4日01時03分 読売新聞）
Stay in step with U.S., ROK to deter N. Korea
北朝鮮新体制 挑発への抑止は日米韓連携で（10月4日付・読売社説）
Despite giving its leadership lineup a face-lift, the North Korean autocracy led by Kim Jong Il has not changed one jot in substance. Japan and other neighboring nations must keep an eagle eye on North Korea's behavior. We must keep our guard up against the secretive country.
人事刷新で衣替えはしても、北朝鮮の金正日独裁体制の中身は何ら変わっていない。日本はじめ周辺国は、今後の動向を一層注視し、警戒を怠ってはならない。
The new leadership of the Workers' Party of Korea clearly shows the party congress held last week--the first in 44 years--was aimed at extending the life of the current regime.
北朝鮮が発表した党指導部人事の全容を見れば、４４年ぶりの党代表者会の狙いが、現体制の延命にあったことは明らかだ。
The first election in 30 years of members of the party's Central Committee was held, and the committee held a general meeting for the first time in 17 years to elect Politburo and Secretariat members.
党中央委員を選挙したのは３０年ぶりのことだ。１７年ぶりに党中央委員会総会を開いて、政治局や書記局のメンバーも選出した。
The average age of members of the Politburo, the party's supreme organ, is nearly 80. Installing party elders in lofty party positions is intended to make them compete in showing their allegiance to Kim Jong Il, the party's secretary general. This could be a key to stabilizing the regime. Kim also shrewdly installed his right-hand men from his generation in key positions.
党最高幹部の政治局員の平均年齢は８０歳近い。高齢の長老たちを手厚く処遇することで、金正日総書記への忠誠を競わせる。それが、体制を安定させる秘訣(ひけつ)なのだろう。総書記は要所には、ぬかりなく同年代の腹心を配した。
===
Kim Jong Un unveiled
In the days leading up to the Congress, all eyes had been on Kim's third son, Kim Jong Un, who was anointed a general in the Korean People's Army and a vice chairman of the party's Central Military Commission, even though he is just 27.
注目された総書記の三男、金正恩氏は、軍の大将という肩書を与えられ、２７歳の若さで、いきなり党中央軍事委員会の副委員長に抜擢(ばってき)された。
Awarding Kim Jong Un these posts represents his de facto appointment as Kim Jong Il's successor. Nevertheless, his appointment as a Politburo and Secretariat member was put off. His tender age might be the reason for that.
だが、事実上の後継指名にもかかわらず、正恩氏の政治局入りと書記就任は見送られた。若すぎるという理由からかもしれない。
Details and images of Kim Jong Un had been closely guarded. After his appointments were announced, North Korea made video images of him public for the first time. Kim Jong Un bears a strong resemblance to his late grandfather Kim Il Sung, who has been deified as North Korea's "eternal leader." Kim Jong Il is seeking to rebuild the party and set the stage for the third generation of hereditary succession on the coattails of his father.
秘密のベールに包まれていたその姿も、初めて公開された。風貌(ふうぼう)は、「永遠の主席」と神格化されている祖父の故金日成主席にそっくりだ。金総書記は、初代の威光を背景に党を立て直し、権力の３代世襲を図ろうとしている。
As North Korea goes through a period of power transition, there are concerns it could resort to military adventurism to demonstrate Kim Jong Un's presence as a military leader both at home and abroad.
権力移行期にある北朝鮮が、軍指導者の正恩氏の存在感を内外に示すために、冒険主義に走らないか。警戒すべきはこの点だ。
===
Military provocation feared
A South Korean naval ship was sunk in March, and Seoul has concluded the sinking was caused by a North Korean torpedo.
３月には、韓国政府が、北朝鮮による魚雷攻撃による、と結論づけた韓国海軍哨戒艦の沈没事件が起きている。
In the latest personnel reshuffle, Ri Yong Ho, the army chief of staff, marked his extraordinary rise by being named to the Politburo presidium and a vice chairman of the party's Central Military Commission. This suggests North Korea could resort to similar provocations to display its military power.
今回の人事で、李英●・軍総参謀長が破格の昇進を遂げ、政治局常務委員と中央軍事委員会副委員長の要職に起用された。軍の実績を誇示しようと、同様の挑発行動に出る可能性があろう。（●は、金ヘンに「高」）
There is concern that Kim Jong Il's regime, which has been unable to overcome severe economic shortcomings, will instead play to its military strengths, such as by conducting a third nuclear test or test-firing a ballistic missile, to fortify party solidarity and gain leverage in talks with Washington. In fact, a North Korean delegate to the United Nations recently reasserted his country should reinforce its nuclear deterrent.
経済の窮状を打開できない金正日体制が、求心力の回復や対米交渉をにらみ、３度目の核実験や、弾道ミサイル発射など、軍事的な成果を狙う懸念もある。事実、国連で北朝鮮代表は、核抑止力を強化する姿勢を改めて強調した。
Japan needs to exchange more information and devise pragmatic measures with the United States and South Korea concerning the future moves of North Korea.
今後の北朝鮮の動向をめぐり、日本は、米国や韓国との間で、情報交換や実効性ある対策作りを進めていく必要がある。
Unity among its neighbors could be the prime deterrent to any North Korean recklessness. Cooperation with Beijing is important, but Japan cannot rely on China right now. The most urgent task is to bolster cooperation between Japan, the United States and South Korea.
対北朝鮮抑止のかぎとなるのは周辺国の結束だ。中国と協調することは重要だが、いま、それをあてにすることはできない。日米韓の連携強化こそ最優先課題だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 4, 2010)
（2010年10月4日01時03分 読売新聞）
2010年10月04日
所信表明演説 「有言実行」に見合う成果を
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Oct. 4, 2010)
'True-to-its-word' Cabinet must be worthy of name
所信表明演説 「有言実行」に見合う成果を（10月3日付・読売社説）
If Prime Minister Naoto Kan is going to use the phrase "true-to-its-word Cabinet" as a slogan, he must make solid policy achievements commensurate with his words.
菅首相は、「有言実行内閣」を標榜(ひょうぼう)する以上、その言葉に見合う、確かな政策面の成果を上げることが求められよう。
On Friday, Kan delivered a policy speech for the second time since he became prime minister in June. In it, he highlighted five important policy agendas--achieving economic growth, putting public finances on a sound footing, reforming social security, advancing reform of regional sovereignty and implementing proactive diplomacy--and pledged to steadily carry them out.
菅首相が、６月の就任以来、２回目の所信表明演説を行った。重要政策課題として、経済成長、財政健全化、社会保障改革、地域主権改革、主体的な外交の５項目を挙げ、それぞれを着実に実行する考えを表明した。
Kan's latest policy speech was a declaration that his administration will no longer postpone implementing important policies, and an expression of his resolve to settle issues put off during the two lost decades after the collapse of the bubble economy, rather than hand them down to the next generation.
首相は、今回の演説を「先送り一掃宣言」と位置づけ、バブル崩壊後の「失われた２０年」の間、先送りされてきた課題を、次世代に遺(のこ)さず解決する決意とされる。
Kan's message is clear, but he has yet to indicate a specific path for tackling such issues in the current divided Diet, where the passage of any legislation must have the cooperation of opposition parties.
そのメッセージこそ明確だが、野党の協力なしでは法案が成立しない衆参ねじれ国会で、いかに課題を実行するのか、具体的道筋は見えてこない。
Also, the specifics of Kan's many policies appear to be the same as those already in existence and are therefore unsatisfactory.
政策内容も従来と同じものが多く、物足りない。
===
Admit errors in manifesto
Kan again proposed talks between the ruling and opposition parties over a draft supplementary budget, achieving fiscal soundness and social security reform.
首相は、補正予算案や財政健全化、社会保障改革をめぐる与野党協議を改めて提案した。
"Let us work together to build politics in which sovereignty truly lies with the people," Kan said. However, the situation is not so easy that such a call alone can solicit cooperation from opposition parties.
「真の国民主権の政治に向け、共に頑張りましょう」と野党に呼びかけた。だが、これだけで野党の協力が得られるほど甘い状況にはない。
Regarding the Democratic Party of Japan's manifesto, which opposition parties are demanding be reviewed, Kan did not say much besides: "We will continue to make a sincere effort to fulfill the campaign pledges," and "In cases where budgetary constraints make it difficult to implement policies as originally stated in our manifesto, I will seek to come up with measures...that are acceptable to the Japanese people by candidly explaining to them the situation."
野党が見直しを求める民主党の政権公約について、首相は「誠実に取り組む」「実現が困難な場合は、国民に率直に説明し、納得できる施策に仕上げる」と語るにとどまった。これでは不十分だ。
However, this is insufficient.
Kan needs to tackle drastic reform of the manifesto by admitting that campaign promises for which there is not sufficient funding, such as the child-rearing allowance, were a mistake and apologize to the public.
子ども手当など、財源の裏付けを欠いた政権公約の過ちを認め、国民に謝罪して、抜本的な見直しに取り組む必要がある。
Kan spoke of the need to conduct "active, proactive diplomacy" to secure this country's peace and prosperity. His understanding of the issue is correct, but Kan's handling of foreign policy appears unsure.
菅首相は、日本の平和と繁栄を確保するため、「主体的で能動的な外交」を展開する必要性を訴えた。その問題意識は正しいが、菅外交の取り組みは心もとない。
The government has continued to postpone coordination with local governments over the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corp.'s Futenma Air Station in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture, which has kept relations between Tokyo and Washington from improving.
米軍普天間飛行場の移設問題では、地元調整を先送りし続け、日米関係の改善は進んでいない。
===
Kan's meaning unclear
The Kan administration came under fire for leaving to prosecutors an important decision about releasing the captain of a Chinese fishing boat after his trawler collided with Japan Coast Guard vessels off the Senkaku Islands last month. The administration also has delayed the dispatch of the Ground Self-Defense Force to Sudan to engage in peacekeeping operations there.
尖閣諸島沖の中国漁船衝突事件では、船長釈放という重要な政治判断を検察当局に委ねたと批判されている。スーダンでの国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）にも、陸上自衛隊の部隊派遣を見送った。
Kan said, "All of our citizens need to regard this as a problem that affects them directly, and we need to work together as a nation to develop an active foreign policy."
However, his explanation is not enough, and it is difficult to understand what he really means by saying that. It is important for the public to be interested in this country's foreign policy, but Kan's remark could give the impression that the government is dodging its responsibility.
首相が「国民一人ひとりが自分の問題として捉(とら)え、国民全体で考える外交」を主張したのも、説明不足で、真意が分かりづらい。国民が外交に関心を持つのは大切だが、政府が責任逃れをしているような印象を与えかねない。
A series of important international meetings are scheduled from this week to mid-November, including the Asia-Europe Meeting, the East Asia Summit, Group of 20 summit meeting and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. Kan should do his utmost to reconstruct Japan's diplomacy on his own responsibility.
今週から来月中旬にかけて、アジア欧州会議、東アジア首脳会議、Ｇ２０（世界２０か国・地域）、アジア太平洋経済協力会議と、重要な国際会議が続く。菅首相は、自らの責任で、日本外交の立て直しに全力で取り組む必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 3, 2010)
（2010年10月3日01時19分 読売新聞）
'True-to-its-word' Cabinet must be worthy of name
所信表明演説 「有言実行」に見合う成果を（10月3日付・読売社説）
If Prime Minister Naoto Kan is going to use the phrase "true-to-its-word Cabinet" as a slogan, he must make solid policy achievements commensurate with his words.
菅首相は、「有言実行内閣」を標榜(ひょうぼう)する以上、その言葉に見合う、確かな政策面の成果を上げることが求められよう。
On Friday, Kan delivered a policy speech for the second time since he became prime minister in June. In it, he highlighted five important policy agendas--achieving economic growth, putting public finances on a sound footing, reforming social security, advancing reform of regional sovereignty and implementing proactive diplomacy--and pledged to steadily carry them out.
菅首相が、６月の就任以来、２回目の所信表明演説を行った。重要政策課題として、経済成長、財政健全化、社会保障改革、地域主権改革、主体的な外交の５項目を挙げ、それぞれを着実に実行する考えを表明した。
Kan's latest policy speech was a declaration that his administration will no longer postpone implementing important policies, and an expression of his resolve to settle issues put off during the two lost decades after the collapse of the bubble economy, rather than hand them down to the next generation.
首相は、今回の演説を「先送り一掃宣言」と位置づけ、バブル崩壊後の「失われた２０年」の間、先送りされてきた課題を、次世代に遺(のこ)さず解決する決意とされる。
Kan's message is clear, but he has yet to indicate a specific path for tackling such issues in the current divided Diet, where the passage of any legislation must have the cooperation of opposition parties.
そのメッセージこそ明確だが、野党の協力なしでは法案が成立しない衆参ねじれ国会で、いかに課題を実行するのか、具体的道筋は見えてこない。
Also, the specifics of Kan's many policies appear to be the same as those already in existence and are therefore unsatisfactory.
政策内容も従来と同じものが多く、物足りない。
===
Admit errors in manifesto
Kan again proposed talks between the ruling and opposition parties over a draft supplementary budget, achieving fiscal soundness and social security reform.
首相は、補正予算案や財政健全化、社会保障改革をめぐる与野党協議を改めて提案した。
"Let us work together to build politics in which sovereignty truly lies with the people," Kan said. However, the situation is not so easy that such a call alone can solicit cooperation from opposition parties.
「真の国民主権の政治に向け、共に頑張りましょう」と野党に呼びかけた。だが、これだけで野党の協力が得られるほど甘い状況にはない。
Regarding the Democratic Party of Japan's manifesto, which opposition parties are demanding be reviewed, Kan did not say much besides: "We will continue to make a sincere effort to fulfill the campaign pledges," and "In cases where budgetary constraints make it difficult to implement policies as originally stated in our manifesto, I will seek to come up with measures...that are acceptable to the Japanese people by candidly explaining to them the situation."
野党が見直しを求める民主党の政権公約について、首相は「誠実に取り組む」「実現が困難な場合は、国民に率直に説明し、納得できる施策に仕上げる」と語るにとどまった。これでは不十分だ。
However, this is insufficient.
Kan needs to tackle drastic reform of the manifesto by admitting that campaign promises for which there is not sufficient funding, such as the child-rearing allowance, were a mistake and apologize to the public.
子ども手当など、財源の裏付けを欠いた政権公約の過ちを認め、国民に謝罪して、抜本的な見直しに取り組む必要がある。
Kan spoke of the need to conduct "active, proactive diplomacy" to secure this country's peace and prosperity. His understanding of the issue is correct, but Kan's handling of foreign policy appears unsure.
菅首相は、日本の平和と繁栄を確保するため、「主体的で能動的な外交」を展開する必要性を訴えた。その問題意識は正しいが、菅外交の取り組みは心もとない。
The government has continued to postpone coordination with local governments over the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corp.'s Futenma Air Station in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture, which has kept relations between Tokyo and Washington from improving.
米軍普天間飛行場の移設問題では、地元調整を先送りし続け、日米関係の改善は進んでいない。
===
Kan's meaning unclear
The Kan administration came under fire for leaving to prosecutors an important decision about releasing the captain of a Chinese fishing boat after his trawler collided with Japan Coast Guard vessels off the Senkaku Islands last month. The administration also has delayed the dispatch of the Ground Self-Defense Force to Sudan to engage in peacekeeping operations there.
尖閣諸島沖の中国漁船衝突事件では、船長釈放という重要な政治判断を検察当局に委ねたと批判されている。スーダンでの国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）にも、陸上自衛隊の部隊派遣を見送った。
Kan said, "All of our citizens need to regard this as a problem that affects them directly, and we need to work together as a nation to develop an active foreign policy."
However, his explanation is not enough, and it is difficult to understand what he really means by saying that. It is important for the public to be interested in this country's foreign policy, but Kan's remark could give the impression that the government is dodging its responsibility.
首相が「国民一人ひとりが自分の問題として捉(とら)え、国民全体で考える外交」を主張したのも、説明不足で、真意が分かりづらい。国民が外交に関心を持つのは大切だが、政府が責任逃れをしているような印象を与えかねない。
A series of important international meetings are scheduled from this week to mid-November, including the Asia-Europe Meeting, the East Asia Summit, Group of 20 summit meeting and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. Kan should do his utmost to reconstruct Japan's diplomacy on his own responsibility.
今週から来月中旬にかけて、アジア欧州会議、東アジア首脳会議、Ｇ２０（世界２０か国・地域）、アジア太平洋経済協力会議と、重要な国際会議が続く。菅首相は、自らの責任で、日本外交の立て直しに全力で取り組む必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 3, 2010)
（2010年10月3日01時19分 読売新聞）
2010年10月03日
Northern Territories
--The Asahi Shimbun, Oct. 12010/10/02
EDITORIAL: Northern Territories
北方領土―訪問は不毛な対立深める
As if to take advantage of Japan's confrontation with China over sovereignty of the Senkaku Islands, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev has said he intends to visit the Northern Territories soon.
尖閣諸島の領有をめぐって中国との緊張が高まる日本外交の足元を、見透かしたようなロシアの動きだ。
メドベージェフ大統領が「北方領土を近く必ず訪問する」と表明した。
Unlike the situation in the Senkaku Islands dispute, Tokyo and Moscow agreed in the 1993 Tokyo Declaration and other official documents to aim at settling the Northern Territories issue through negotiation. This is why successive Russian leaders have avoided making a visit.
尖閣と違って北方領土は、１９９３年の東京宣言をはじめとする公式文書で、両国政府が交渉で解決を目指すと確認している。だからこそロシアの歴代指導者も、訪問を避けてきた。
Russia has recently been emphasizing its claim that, as a result of World War II, ownership of the Northern Territories was transferred to the Soviet Union. The latest move is apparently aimed at highlighting Russia's effective control over the islands and undermining the position of Japan, which regards them as an integral part of the country. But such high-handed methods will render negotiations futile.
今回の動きには、「第２次世界大戦の結果、帰属が我々に移った」との主張を強めるロシアが実効支配の現状を強調し、四島を固有の領土とする日本の立場を揺るがす狙いがうかがえる。だが、強引なやりかたは交渉を不毛なものにするだけである。
It was natural for Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara to convey Japan's apprehension to the Russian side, saying the visit could seriously undermine Japan-Russia relations. Japan should continue to strongly urge Russia to avoid the visit.
「日ロ関係に重大な支障が生じる」と前原誠司外相が、ロシア側に懸念を伝えたのは当然だ。引き続き、強く訪問中止を働きかけるべきだ。
The Russian side has recently moved toward a more hard-line approach to territorial problems. First, it conducted a military exercise this summer with 1,500 troops on Etorofu Island, which is part of the Northern Territories.
このところ、ロシア側には領土問題で強硬な動きが目立つ。まず夏には、北方領土の択捉島で兵士１５００人が軍事演習をした。
It has also designated Sept. 2, the date on which Japan signed the instrument of surrender to the Allied Forces in 1945, the memorial day of the end of World War II. Most recently, Medvedev issued a joint statement with his Chinese counterpart, Hu Jintao, emphasizing their commitment to territorial integrity during a visit to China earlier this week.
さらに日本が連合国への降伏文書に署名した９月２日を「第２次大戦終結記念日」に制定した。続いて今週、中国を訪問していた大統領が胡錦濤国家主席と、領土保全の原則的立場を保持するとの共同声明を出した。
In effect, the two countries were applying pressure on Japan by confirming the legitimacy of their respective claims to the Senkaku Islands and the Northern Territories.
尖閣や北方領土で主張の正当性を確認しあって日本に圧力をかけるような内容だ。
Russia may have become impatient with Japan, seeing that Tokyo's stance on the territorial problem had remained unchanged after the change of government from the Liberal Democratic Party to the Democratic Party of Japan. But we do not believe these moves will serve Russia's long-term interests.
日本の政権が自民党から民主党に代わっても、領土問題で立場が変わらないのに業をにやしたのかもしれない。しかし、こうした動きがロシアの長期的な利益にかなうとは思えない。
The Russian economy, which relies heavily on oil, natural gas and other resources, suffered a serious blow in the global financial crisis that hit two years ago. For this reason, the Russian administration is pursuing a policy of building good relations with Europe, the United States and Japan, with the aim of modernizing its economy by attracting technology and investment from these countries.
石油や天然ガスなどの資源に大きく依存するロシアの経済は、２年前の金融危機で大きな打撃を受けた。このためロシア政権は、経済の「現代化」を目指し、技術や投資の受け入れ先としての欧米や日本と良好な関係を築く政策に乗り出していた。
Russia is also trying to strengthen cooperation with countries in the Asia-Pacific region to support development in Siberia and the Far East, which are lagging behind other regions. That is why it plans to take part in the East Asia Summit and will host the summit meeting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum in 2012 in Vladivostok in the Russian Far East.
またロシアは、開発の遅れたシベリアや極東地区の底上げのために、アジア・太平洋諸国との協力強化に努めている。今後は東アジアサミットに参加し、２０１２年に極東のウラジオストクでアジア太平洋経済協力会議の首脳会議を主催するのもそのためだ。
In these circumstances, the Russian side should think hard about how much it could lose if it continues to be at loggerheads with Japan over territorial claims, at a time when it should instead be cooperating with Japan in the region.
それなのに、地域で積極的に協力しあうべき日本と領土問題でもめ続ける損失の大きさを、ロシア側はよく考えるべきだ。
The DPJ administration also faces some urgent decisions.
民主党政権にも課題がある。
Former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama proposed the concept of an East Asian community. But he stepped down without showing how to position Japan-Russia relations within that framework. Prime Minister Naoto Kan has met with Medvedev only briefly on one occasion. Meanwhile, Chinese and Russian leaders have met as often as five times since the beginning of this year.
鳩山由紀夫前首相は、東アジア共同体構想を唱えたが、その中で日ロ関係をどう位置づけるかを示す間もなく退陣した。菅直人首相も、メドベージェフ大統領との会談は顔合わせ程度の一度きりだ。中ロの首脳会談は今年だけで５度を数える。
Japan needs to rebuild its East Asia policy and must address how it intends to deal with Russia.
ロシアを含む日本の東アジア政策の立て直しが必要である。
EDITORIAL: Northern Territories
北方領土―訪問は不毛な対立深める
As if to take advantage of Japan's confrontation with China over sovereignty of the Senkaku Islands, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev has said he intends to visit the Northern Territories soon.
尖閣諸島の領有をめぐって中国との緊張が高まる日本外交の足元を、見透かしたようなロシアの動きだ。
メドベージェフ大統領が「北方領土を近く必ず訪問する」と表明した。
Unlike the situation in the Senkaku Islands dispute, Tokyo and Moscow agreed in the 1993 Tokyo Declaration and other official documents to aim at settling the Northern Territories issue through negotiation. This is why successive Russian leaders have avoided making a visit.
尖閣と違って北方領土は、１９９３年の東京宣言をはじめとする公式文書で、両国政府が交渉で解決を目指すと確認している。だからこそロシアの歴代指導者も、訪問を避けてきた。
Russia has recently been emphasizing its claim that, as a result of World War II, ownership of the Northern Territories was transferred to the Soviet Union. The latest move is apparently aimed at highlighting Russia's effective control over the islands and undermining the position of Japan, which regards them as an integral part of the country. But such high-handed methods will render negotiations futile.
今回の動きには、「第２次世界大戦の結果、帰属が我々に移った」との主張を強めるロシアが実効支配の現状を強調し、四島を固有の領土とする日本の立場を揺るがす狙いがうかがえる。だが、強引なやりかたは交渉を不毛なものにするだけである。
It was natural for Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara to convey Japan's apprehension to the Russian side, saying the visit could seriously undermine Japan-Russia relations. Japan should continue to strongly urge Russia to avoid the visit.
「日ロ関係に重大な支障が生じる」と前原誠司外相が、ロシア側に懸念を伝えたのは当然だ。引き続き、強く訪問中止を働きかけるべきだ。
The Russian side has recently moved toward a more hard-line approach to territorial problems. First, it conducted a military exercise this summer with 1,500 troops on Etorofu Island, which is part of the Northern Territories.
このところ、ロシア側には領土問題で強硬な動きが目立つ。まず夏には、北方領土の択捉島で兵士１５００人が軍事演習をした。
It has also designated Sept. 2, the date on which Japan signed the instrument of surrender to the Allied Forces in 1945, the memorial day of the end of World War II. Most recently, Medvedev issued a joint statement with his Chinese counterpart, Hu Jintao, emphasizing their commitment to territorial integrity during a visit to China earlier this week.
さらに日本が連合国への降伏文書に署名した９月２日を「第２次大戦終結記念日」に制定した。続いて今週、中国を訪問していた大統領が胡錦濤国家主席と、領土保全の原則的立場を保持するとの共同声明を出した。
In effect, the two countries were applying pressure on Japan by confirming the legitimacy of their respective claims to the Senkaku Islands and the Northern Territories.
尖閣や北方領土で主張の正当性を確認しあって日本に圧力をかけるような内容だ。
Russia may have become impatient with Japan, seeing that Tokyo's stance on the territorial problem had remained unchanged after the change of government from the Liberal Democratic Party to the Democratic Party of Japan. But we do not believe these moves will serve Russia's long-term interests.
日本の政権が自民党から民主党に代わっても、領土問題で立場が変わらないのに業をにやしたのかもしれない。しかし、こうした動きがロシアの長期的な利益にかなうとは思えない。
The Russian economy, which relies heavily on oil, natural gas and other resources, suffered a serious blow in the global financial crisis that hit two years ago. For this reason, the Russian administration is pursuing a policy of building good relations with Europe, the United States and Japan, with the aim of modernizing its economy by attracting technology and investment from these countries.
石油や天然ガスなどの資源に大きく依存するロシアの経済は、２年前の金融危機で大きな打撃を受けた。このためロシア政権は、経済の「現代化」を目指し、技術や投資の受け入れ先としての欧米や日本と良好な関係を築く政策に乗り出していた。
Russia is also trying to strengthen cooperation with countries in the Asia-Pacific region to support development in Siberia and the Far East, which are lagging behind other regions. That is why it plans to take part in the East Asia Summit and will host the summit meeting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum in 2012 in Vladivostok in the Russian Far East.
またロシアは、開発の遅れたシベリアや極東地区の底上げのために、アジア・太平洋諸国との協力強化に努めている。今後は東アジアサミットに参加し、２０１２年に極東のウラジオストクでアジア太平洋経済協力会議の首脳会議を主催するのもそのためだ。
In these circumstances, the Russian side should think hard about how much it could lose if it continues to be at loggerheads with Japan over territorial claims, at a time when it should instead be cooperating with Japan in the region.
それなのに、地域で積極的に協力しあうべき日本と領土問題でもめ続ける損失の大きさを、ロシア側はよく考えるべきだ。
The DPJ administration also faces some urgent decisions.
民主党政権にも課題がある。
Former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama proposed the concept of an East Asian community. But he stepped down without showing how to position Japan-Russia relations within that framework. Prime Minister Naoto Kan has met with Medvedev only briefly on one occasion. Meanwhile, Chinese and Russian leaders have met as often as five times since the beginning of this year.
鳩山由紀夫前首相は、東アジア共同体構想を唱えたが、その中で日ロ関係をどう位置づけるかを示す間もなく退陣した。菅直人首相も、メドベージェフ大統領との会談は顔合わせ程度の一度きりだ。中ロの首脳会談は今年だけで５度を数える。
Japan needs to rebuild its East Asia policy and must address how it intends to deal with Russia.
ロシアを含む日本の東アジア政策の立て直しが必要である。
2010年10月02日
Russia on the prowl for northern territories
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Oct. 2, 2010)
Russia on the prowl for northern territories
中露共同声明 「領土」を意識した対日圧力（10月1日付・読売社説）
The recent joint statement issued by Russia and China appears to be an attempt by Moscow to discourage Japan from further advancing its territorial claims. Russia--a nation with which Japan has had a long-standing dispute over four Russian-held islands off eastern Hokkaido--has chosen to keep step with Beijing, which claims sovereignty over the Senkaku Islands in Okinawa Prefecture.
日本との間で北方領土問題を抱えるロシアが、尖閣諸島の領有権を主張する中国と歩調を合わせて、日本をけん制したのだろう。
During talks in Beijing on Monday, the top Chinese and Russian leaders inked a joint statement marking the 65th anniversary of the end of World War II.
北京で９月２７日に行われた中露首脳会談で、「第２次世界大戦終結６５周年に関する共同声明」が調印された。
The document stated that both the Soviet Union and China had fought "aggressors" in the war. It pointed the finger of blame at Japan and Germany, saying Russia and China would not "tolerate any attempts to rewrite the history of the great war and glorify the Nazis and militaristic elements."
声明は第２次大戦でソ連と中国がともに「侵略者」と戦った歴史を自賛した上で、「大戦の歴史を改ざんし、ナチスと軍国主義分子を美化するたくらみを許さない」と日本やドイツを指弾した。
It is extremely unusual for any nations to issue a joint statement on their historical perceptions of World War II, especially 65 years after hostilities ended.
先の大戦への歴史認識を戦後６５年も経て、共同声明として公表することは極めて異例である。
The statement also said that "China highly esteems the Soviet Army's role in staging a war of liberation in China's northeastern region."
声明ではまた、「中国は、中国東北地方の解放戦役で果たしたソ連軍の役割を、高く評価する」としている。
Living in the past
Why does China think so highly of the Soviet Union's unlawful invasion of such territories as Manchuria (currently northeastern China)--which was home to the puppet state established in the region by prewar Japan--after it revoked the Russo-Japanese Treaty of Neutrality to enter the war immediately before its end?
終戦直前にソ連が日ソ中立条約を破って参戦し、満州（現中国東北部）などに侵攻した不法行為を中国はなぜ高く評価するのか。
The statement also said the historical significance of engagement in World War II by China and the Soviet Union "cemented the foundation" of their current "strategic partnership for mutual cooperation."
声明は、第２次大戦で中ソがともに戦った歴史が、現在の中露の「戦略的協力パートナーシップの基礎を固めた」とも指摘した。
The document makes no mention of the deep antagonism between the two countries from the 1960s to the '80s.
１９６０〜８０年代にかけて深刻な中ソ対立が続いた事実には、一切触れていない。
Russia had previously designated Sept. 2 as the date it would celebrate the end of the war. This date marks the Soviet "victory over Japan," given that our nation signed a document on its surrender to the Allied powers on Sept. 2, 1945. This appears to indicate that Russia's pride as a major power in the contemporary world is based on its status as a World War II victor.
ロシアは、先に日本が第２次大戦の降伏文書に調印した９月２日を事実上の「対日戦勝記念日」に定めた。大国の誇りの拠(よ)り所である戦勝国意識の反映だろう。
There is no doubt that Russia's designation of Sept. 2 as the war-victory anniversary was intended to strongly deter Japan's demand for the return of the northern territories to Japanese rule.
同時に、日本の北方領土返還要求を強くけん制したものであることは間違いない。
Japan's protest justified
After his trip to China, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev visited Kamchatka in the Russian Far East. メドべージェフ露大統領は今回の訪中後に、極東ロシア・カムチャツカ地方を訪問した。
Medvedev told reporters that the northern territories were "a very important part of our country. I'll visit them in the near future without fail." Medvedev's statement signified a strong desire to ensure that a Russian head of state visits the northern territories for the first time. No Soviet leader visited the territories.
大統領は記者団に対し、北方領土について「わが国の重要な地域だ。近い将来、必ず訪問する」と述べ、旧ソ連時代を通じ、国家元首による初めての北方領土訪問に強い意欲を示した。
This is another attempt by Russia to block Japanese moves to seek the reversion of the territories while also projecting Medvedev as "a strong leader."
これも、日本の北方領土返還の動きを封じるとともに、「強い指導者」をアピールする狙いがあると見られている。
Medvedev's remarks prompted Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara to immediately summon Russian Ambassador to Japan Mikhail Bely to his ministry's head office, where he protested the China-Russia joint statement. "I have no choice but to question Russia's true motive [behind the statement]," Maehara reportedly told Bely.
前原外相は直ちに駐日ロシア大使を呼び、中露共同声明について「ロシアの真意を疑わざるを得ない」と抗議した。
Maehara also warned the Russian ambassador that a visit to the northern territories by Medvedev would "seriously hinder Japan-Russia relations." The foreign minister had every reason to send this message.
さらに、大統領が北方領土を訪問すれば、「日露関係に重大な支障が生じる」と警告した。当然の対応である。
All indications are that Russia is attempting to pressure Japan, hoping to turn the situation in its favor. Moscow apparently senses that the Japan-U.S. alliance has been shaken since the Democratic Party of Japan came into power last year, while Tokyo's relations with Beijing are deteriorating. The administration of Prime Minister Naoto Kan must turn around its approach to foreign relations as quickly as possible.
民主党政権下で日米同盟が揺らぐ一方で、日中関係が悪化していることをにらみ、ロシアが日本側に圧力をかけている。菅政権の外交立て直しが急務だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 1, 2010)
（2010年10月1日01時28分 読売新聞）
Russia on the prowl for northern territories
中露共同声明 「領土」を意識した対日圧力（10月1日付・読売社説）
The recent joint statement issued by Russia and China appears to be an attempt by Moscow to discourage Japan from further advancing its territorial claims. Russia--a nation with which Japan has had a long-standing dispute over four Russian-held islands off eastern Hokkaido--has chosen to keep step with Beijing, which claims sovereignty over the Senkaku Islands in Okinawa Prefecture.
日本との間で北方領土問題を抱えるロシアが、尖閣諸島の領有権を主張する中国と歩調を合わせて、日本をけん制したのだろう。
During talks in Beijing on Monday, the top Chinese and Russian leaders inked a joint statement marking the 65th anniversary of the end of World War II.
北京で９月２７日に行われた中露首脳会談で、「第２次世界大戦終結６５周年に関する共同声明」が調印された。
The document stated that both the Soviet Union and China had fought "aggressors" in the war. It pointed the finger of blame at Japan and Germany, saying Russia and China would not "tolerate any attempts to rewrite the history of the great war and glorify the Nazis and militaristic elements."
声明は第２次大戦でソ連と中国がともに「侵略者」と戦った歴史を自賛した上で、「大戦の歴史を改ざんし、ナチスと軍国主義分子を美化するたくらみを許さない」と日本やドイツを指弾した。
It is extremely unusual for any nations to issue a joint statement on their historical perceptions of World War II, especially 65 years after hostilities ended.
先の大戦への歴史認識を戦後６５年も経て、共同声明として公表することは極めて異例である。
The statement also said that "China highly esteems the Soviet Army's role in staging a war of liberation in China's northeastern region."
声明ではまた、「中国は、中国東北地方の解放戦役で果たしたソ連軍の役割を、高く評価する」としている。
Living in the past
Why does China think so highly of the Soviet Union's unlawful invasion of such territories as Manchuria (currently northeastern China)--which was home to the puppet state established in the region by prewar Japan--after it revoked the Russo-Japanese Treaty of Neutrality to enter the war immediately before its end?
終戦直前にソ連が日ソ中立条約を破って参戦し、満州（現中国東北部）などに侵攻した不法行為を中国はなぜ高く評価するのか。
The statement also said the historical significance of engagement in World War II by China and the Soviet Union "cemented the foundation" of their current "strategic partnership for mutual cooperation."
声明は、第２次大戦で中ソがともに戦った歴史が、現在の中露の「戦略的協力パートナーシップの基礎を固めた」とも指摘した。
The document makes no mention of the deep antagonism between the two countries from the 1960s to the '80s.
１９６０〜８０年代にかけて深刻な中ソ対立が続いた事実には、一切触れていない。
Russia had previously designated Sept. 2 as the date it would celebrate the end of the war. This date marks the Soviet "victory over Japan," given that our nation signed a document on its surrender to the Allied powers on Sept. 2, 1945. This appears to indicate that Russia's pride as a major power in the contemporary world is based on its status as a World War II victor.
ロシアは、先に日本が第２次大戦の降伏文書に調印した９月２日を事実上の「対日戦勝記念日」に定めた。大国の誇りの拠(よ)り所である戦勝国意識の反映だろう。
There is no doubt that Russia's designation of Sept. 2 as the war-victory anniversary was intended to strongly deter Japan's demand for the return of the northern territories to Japanese rule.
同時に、日本の北方領土返還要求を強くけん制したものであることは間違いない。
Japan's protest justified
After his trip to China, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev visited Kamchatka in the Russian Far East. メドべージェフ露大統領は今回の訪中後に、極東ロシア・カムチャツカ地方を訪問した。
Medvedev told reporters that the northern territories were "a very important part of our country. I'll visit them in the near future without fail." Medvedev's statement signified a strong desire to ensure that a Russian head of state visits the northern territories for the first time. No Soviet leader visited the territories.
大統領は記者団に対し、北方領土について「わが国の重要な地域だ。近い将来、必ず訪問する」と述べ、旧ソ連時代を通じ、国家元首による初めての北方領土訪問に強い意欲を示した。
This is another attempt by Russia to block Japanese moves to seek the reversion of the territories while also projecting Medvedev as "a strong leader."
これも、日本の北方領土返還の動きを封じるとともに、「強い指導者」をアピールする狙いがあると見られている。
Medvedev's remarks prompted Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara to immediately summon Russian Ambassador to Japan Mikhail Bely to his ministry's head office, where he protested the China-Russia joint statement. "I have no choice but to question Russia's true motive [behind the statement]," Maehara reportedly told Bely.
前原外相は直ちに駐日ロシア大使を呼び、中露共同声明について「ロシアの真意を疑わざるを得ない」と抗議した。
Maehara also warned the Russian ambassador that a visit to the northern territories by Medvedev would "seriously hinder Japan-Russia relations." The foreign minister had every reason to send this message.
さらに、大統領が北方領土を訪問すれば、「日露関係に重大な支障が生じる」と警告した。当然の対応である。
All indications are that Russia is attempting to pressure Japan, hoping to turn the situation in its favor. Moscow apparently senses that the Japan-U.S. alliance has been shaken since the Democratic Party of Japan came into power last year, while Tokyo's relations with Beijing are deteriorating. The administration of Prime Minister Naoto Kan must turn around its approach to foreign relations as quickly as possible.
民主党政権下で日米同盟が揺らぐ一方で、日中関係が悪化していることをにらみ、ロシアが日本側に圧力をかけている。菅政権の外交立て直しが急務だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Oct. 1, 2010)
（2010年10月1日01時28分 読売新聞）
2010年10月01日
Release video to prove Japan was in the right
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Oct. 1, 2010)
Release video to prove Japan was in the right
衝突ビデオ開示 正当性示すためにも不可欠だ（9月30日付・読売社説）
The government has indicated it will submit to the Diet video footage of the recent collision between a Chinese trawler and a Japan Coast Guard vessel near the Senkaku Islands.
尖閣諸島沖の中国漁船衝突事件で、政府は巡視船上から海上保安官が撮影したビデオを国会に提出する方針を固めた。
The footage, taken by a JCG officer aboard the patrol vessel Mizuki, reportedly shows the Chinese vessel sailing parallel to the JCG vessel, then veering toward the Mizuki by turning to port, and colliding with the JCG vessel's starboard side.
ビデオには、巡視船と並走していた中国漁船が左側にかじを切って近づき、巡視船の右舷に体当たりする映像が鮮明に残っているという。
This would be conclusive evidence that will show the international community how vicious and dangerous the criminal activities of the trawler were, and how misplaced China's demands for an apology and compensation from Japan are.
悪質で危険な犯罪行為であることや、日本に謝罪・賠償を求める中国側主張の誤りを国際世論に訴える決定的証拠となろう。
The Naha District Public Prosecutors Office is holding the video as material evidence to build a case against the trawler's captain, who was arrested after the collision.
ビデオは、逮捕した中国人船長を立件するための捜査資料として那覇地検が保管している。
Article 47 of the Criminal Procedure Code prohibits investigation materials from being released before a trial. Even if such materials are to be released in exceptional circumstances, they should be made public only when investigative authorities believe it would be in the public interest and appropriate, according to a provisory clause of the code.
刑事訴訟法４７条は、そうした資料の公判前の公開を禁じており、例外的な公開も、捜査当局が公益上の必要性などを認め、公開相当と判断した場合に限られると但(ただ)し書きに規定されている。
Theoretically, a request from the legislative body to release the footage based on a Diet member's right to investigate state affairs would constitute public interest. Yet releasing the material will not be ruled necessary if it is considered to be the result of undue political interference in the judicature.
学説上は、国会から国政調査権に基づく要請があった場合などに公益性が認められるが、政治による不当な司法干渉と見なされれば公開の必要性は否定される。
Submission precedent
There is a precedent in submitting to the Diet material set to be used in a trial. In 1976, a list of "high-ranking government officials suspected of corruption" in connection with the Lockheed bribery scandal was submitted to the Lockheed Select Committee of both Diet chambers after negotiations between the ruling and opposition parties.
捜査資料の国会提出は１９７６年、ロッキード事件に絡む「灰色高官」リストが与野党の折衝の末、両院の調査特別委員会・秘密理事会に提出された例がある。
If the House of Representatives Budget Committee or a similar body passes a resolution calling for the video to be submitted to the Diet, the government plans to call on judicial and prosecution authorities to hand over the tape as this would be in the public interest.
政府は今回、衆院予算委員会での決議などがあれば、法務・検察当局に公益性をアピールして国会提出の判断を求める方針だ。
The Chinese captain has been released and returned home, making it unlikely his case will be brought to trial. Of course, the rights of people involved in this case must be protected and undue influence on the trial must be legally prevented. However, we think submitting the video to the Diet is the right thing to do.
船長はすでに釈放されて帰国し、公判の可能性は薄い。事件関係者の権利や裁判への不当な影響を防ぐという法の趣旨に照らしても、ビデオの国会提出は公益性が認められる妥当な措置だろう。
Don't expect about-face
Releasing the footage is unlikely to cause China to make an about-face and immediately concede the skipper and his crew acted illegally or change its hard-line stance toward Japan. On the contrary, China might hit back by claiming the video is fabricated.
ビデオによって、直ちに中国側が船長らの犯罪行為を認め、日本への強硬態度を転換させることは予想しにくい。逆に「ビデオは捏造(ねつぞう)だ」といった反論も出よう。
But if the malicious actions of the Chinese trawler within Japanese territorial waters are revealed for all to see, we think the international community will realize that Japan has acted lawfully.
しかし、日本領海内での中国漁船の悪質行為が示されれば、日本の対応に対する国際社会の理解が深まることが期待できる。
In 2001, a North Korean spy ship and JCG patrol vessels exchanged fire in the East China Sea southwest of Kyushu. The spy ship then blew itself up and sank. The JCG made footage of the incident available to the news media only two days later.
２００１年、九州南西海域で北朝鮮の工作船と海保の巡視船が銃撃戦になり、工作船が自爆・沈没した事件の際は、海保は２日後、ビデオを報道機関に公開した。
The JCG was said to be initially willing to release video of the trawler collision. But after the government discussed the skipper's arrest, the footage was kept under wraps to avoid angering Beijing.
今回の衝突事件でも、海保は当初、ビデオ公開に前向きだったが、船長の逮捕について政府内で協議する際、中国側を刺激したくないとの政治的配慮が働いた結果、見送られたという。
Some observers have suggested this decision weakened Japan's position. To prove to audiences at home and abroad that Japan acted legitimately, the footage must be submitted to the Diet.
そのことが結果的に、日本の立場を弱くしたという指摘もある。日本の正当性を改めて内外に示すためにも、ビデオの国会提出は不可欠であろう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 30, 2010)
（2010年9月30日01時31分 読売新聞）
Release video to prove Japan was in the right
衝突ビデオ開示 正当性示すためにも不可欠だ（9月30日付・読売社説）
The government has indicated it will submit to the Diet video footage of the recent collision between a Chinese trawler and a Japan Coast Guard vessel near the Senkaku Islands.
尖閣諸島沖の中国漁船衝突事件で、政府は巡視船上から海上保安官が撮影したビデオを国会に提出する方針を固めた。
The footage, taken by a JCG officer aboard the patrol vessel Mizuki, reportedly shows the Chinese vessel sailing parallel to the JCG vessel, then veering toward the Mizuki by turning to port, and colliding with the JCG vessel's starboard side.
ビデオには、巡視船と並走していた中国漁船が左側にかじを切って近づき、巡視船の右舷に体当たりする映像が鮮明に残っているという。
This would be conclusive evidence that will show the international community how vicious and dangerous the criminal activities of the trawler were, and how misplaced China's demands for an apology and compensation from Japan are.
悪質で危険な犯罪行為であることや、日本に謝罪・賠償を求める中国側主張の誤りを国際世論に訴える決定的証拠となろう。
The Naha District Public Prosecutors Office is holding the video as material evidence to build a case against the trawler's captain, who was arrested after the collision.
ビデオは、逮捕した中国人船長を立件するための捜査資料として那覇地検が保管している。
Article 47 of the Criminal Procedure Code prohibits investigation materials from being released before a trial. Even if such materials are to be released in exceptional circumstances, they should be made public only when investigative authorities believe it would be in the public interest and appropriate, according to a provisory clause of the code.
刑事訴訟法４７条は、そうした資料の公判前の公開を禁じており、例外的な公開も、捜査当局が公益上の必要性などを認め、公開相当と判断した場合に限られると但(ただ)し書きに規定されている。
Theoretically, a request from the legislative body to release the footage based on a Diet member's right to investigate state affairs would constitute public interest. Yet releasing the material will not be ruled necessary if it is considered to be the result of undue political interference in the judicature.
学説上は、国会から国政調査権に基づく要請があった場合などに公益性が認められるが、政治による不当な司法干渉と見なされれば公開の必要性は否定される。
Submission precedent
There is a precedent in submitting to the Diet material set to be used in a trial. In 1976, a list of "high-ranking government officials suspected of corruption" in connection with the Lockheed bribery scandal was submitted to the Lockheed Select Committee of both Diet chambers after negotiations between the ruling and opposition parties.
捜査資料の国会提出は１９７６年、ロッキード事件に絡む「灰色高官」リストが与野党の折衝の末、両院の調査特別委員会・秘密理事会に提出された例がある。
If the House of Representatives Budget Committee or a similar body passes a resolution calling for the video to be submitted to the Diet, the government plans to call on judicial and prosecution authorities to hand over the tape as this would be in the public interest.
政府は今回、衆院予算委員会での決議などがあれば、法務・検察当局に公益性をアピールして国会提出の判断を求める方針だ。
The Chinese captain has been released and returned home, making it unlikely his case will be brought to trial. Of course, the rights of people involved in this case must be protected and undue influence on the trial must be legally prevented. However, we think submitting the video to the Diet is the right thing to do.
船長はすでに釈放されて帰国し、公判の可能性は薄い。事件関係者の権利や裁判への不当な影響を防ぐという法の趣旨に照らしても、ビデオの国会提出は公益性が認められる妥当な措置だろう。
Don't expect about-face
Releasing the footage is unlikely to cause China to make an about-face and immediately concede the skipper and his crew acted illegally or change its hard-line stance toward Japan. On the contrary, China might hit back by claiming the video is fabricated.
ビデオによって、直ちに中国側が船長らの犯罪行為を認め、日本への強硬態度を転換させることは予想しにくい。逆に「ビデオは捏造(ねつぞう)だ」といった反論も出よう。
But if the malicious actions of the Chinese trawler within Japanese territorial waters are revealed for all to see, we think the international community will realize that Japan has acted lawfully.
しかし、日本領海内での中国漁船の悪質行為が示されれば、日本の対応に対する国際社会の理解が深まることが期待できる。
In 2001, a North Korean spy ship and JCG patrol vessels exchanged fire in the East China Sea southwest of Kyushu. The spy ship then blew itself up and sank. The JCG made footage of the incident available to the news media only two days later.
２００１年、九州南西海域で北朝鮮の工作船と海保の巡視船が銃撃戦になり、工作船が自爆・沈没した事件の際は、海保は２日後、ビデオを報道機関に公開した。
The JCG was said to be initially willing to release video of the trawler collision. But after the government discussed the skipper's arrest, the footage was kept under wraps to avoid angering Beijing.
今回の衝突事件でも、海保は当初、ビデオ公開に前向きだったが、船長の逮捕について政府内で協議する際、中国側を刺激したくないとの政治的配慮が働いた結果、見送られたという。
Some observers have suggested this decision weakened Japan's position. To prove to audiences at home and abroad that Japan acted legitimately, the footage must be submitted to the Diet.
そのことが結果的に、日本の立場を弱くしたという指摘もある。日本の正当性を改めて内外に示すためにも、ビデオの国会提出は不可欠であろう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 30, 2010)
（2010年9月30日01時31分 読売新聞）