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2011年01月21日
年金改革―民主案は税方式なのか
英文はきわめて平易ですが、内容が難しい。
日本語で何度も読み返しましたが、意味がわからない部分が多い。
皆さん、この社会保障制度改革の内容がわかりましたか？
私には理解不能でした＾＾。
はやい話、国民はもっと費用を負担しなさいということでしょう。
税でまかなうといったって、税金は国民が支払っているものです。
まったく同じことではないでしょうか。
（スラチャイ記）
2011/01/21
--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 20
EDITORIAL: Pension system reform
年金改革―民主案は税方式なのか
The government and the ruling Democratic Party of Japan say they want to hold talks with the opposition parties to push integrated tax and social security reform.
「税と社会保障の一体改革」をめざす政府・与党は、野党とも協議を進めたいという。
But such talks are unlikely to take place as long as the DPJ's blueprint for pension reform remains ambiguous.
だが、肝心の民主党の年金改革案があやふやでは、話が始まらないのではないか。
The ruling party has failed to offer a clear-cut reform plan and given half-baked explanations about its vision for the future of the pension system.
原因は民主党がきちんとした案を示さず、中途半端な説明をしてきたことにある。
First of all, the DPJ needs to build solid consensus within the party through debate and make clear its reform plan to the public.
まずは党内の議論を整理して、国民に民主党案とは何なのかを明らかにすることが先決だろう。
The DPJ proposed a new tax-financed system to provide guaranteed minimum monthly pension benefits of 70,000 yen ($840).
これまでに民主党は月額７万円の最低保障年金をつくるとし、その財源は税で賄う「税方式」としてきた。
But Kaoru Yosano, the newly appointed minister of economic and fiscal policy, is advocating a pension program based on the social insurance formula--financed by premiums paid by the people.
Critics have been quick to point out the difference between Yosano's idea and the party's proposal.
これに対し、経済財政相に就任した与謝野馨氏は「社会保険方式」を主張していることから、食い違いが指摘されている。
Prime Minister Naoto Kan and the DPJ should swiftly solve this problem.
菅直人首相と民主党は早急に、この問題を解決すべきである。
Unlike the social insurance formula, in which benefits paid to individual pensioners are affected by their premium payment records, the tax-financed system has the advantage of being free from the problem of people who fail to pay into the system.
税方式には、保険料の納付実績が問われる社会保険方式と違って未納問題が起きないという利点がある。
In 2004, when the coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito ran the government, the Cabinet was hit by a series of revelations about past nonpayment of premiums for the national pension program by ministers.
Kan, who questioned the government over the issue, was forced to resign as DPJ chief after it was revealed that he had also failed to pay premiums for a certain period.
自公政権時代の２００４年、閣僚の未納が相次ぎ発覚し、これを追及した菅氏自身にも未納が見つかり党代表を辞任した。
After that, Kan and DPJ Secretary-General Katsuya Okada started making remarks that indicated the party was seeking to introduce a tax-financed pension program. They said the pension system envisioned by the party would eliminate the problem of nonpayment and ensure that all people would receive benefits.
その後、菅氏や岡田克也・現幹事長は「未納者はいなくなる」「全員がもらえる」と、税方式を前提にした説明をしてきた。
The DPJ's manifesto for the general election in 2009, when the party was led by Yukio Hatoyama, promised to create a pension program to provide guaranteed minimum monthly benefits of 70,000 yen for all people funded by revenue from the consumption tax.
鳩山由紀夫代表のもとで戦った一昨年の総選挙でも、政権公約に「消費税を財源とした最低保障年金を創設し、全ての人が７万円以上の年金を受け取れるようにする」と書いた。
Many voters interpreted this as a proposal of a tax-financed pension system.
これを税方式と理解した人も多いはずだ。
In the "basic principles for the new pension system" announced in June last year, however, the DPJ stressed its intention to maintain the insurance formula. The party said with the principle of "zero cases" of nonpayment or nonparticipation, the system is intended to ensure the collection of premiums so that no people will be left without a pension.
ところが、民主党が昨年６月に示した「新年金制度の基本原則」では「未納・未加入ゼロの原則 保険料の確実な徴収により無年金者をなくす」と、保険方式を強調した。
Then in December, the party's policy research council for fundamental tax and social security reform, headed by DPJ heavyweight Hirohisa Fujii, now deputy chief Cabinet secretary, confirmed the policy shift.
The panel's interim report said the future pension system should be an income-linked social insurance program supplemented by tax-financed guaranteed minimum benefits.
さらに１２月、藤井裕久・現官房副長官が会長をつとめた税と社会保障の抜本改革調査会は「社会保険方式である所得比例年金を基本に、税を財源とする最低保障年金を補足給付する」と「中間整理」に明記した。
This proposal is not fundamentally inconsistent from Yosano's argument that adopting the social insurance method would be the rational approach to pension reform.
これなら「社会保険方式で改革するのが合理的」という与謝野氏と根本的な違いはない。
Under the current system, half of the basic pension benefits paid to all beneficiaries are covered by tax revenue.
The only difference in the DPJ's proposal is that tax-financed guaranteed minimum benefits would be reduced or removed for people entitled to a certain amount or more of benefits.
現行制度は受給者全員について基礎年金の半分を税で賄うが、民主案では、年金が一定額以上の人には税で賄う最低保障部分を減らしたり、払わなかったりするだけだ。
The DPJ's policy shift to the insurance formula after it came to power could be described as pragmatic.
民主党が政権獲得後、保険方式に傾斜したのは現実的な動きともいえる。
That's because tax financing would sharply increase the amount of taxpayer money needed and is likely to require large increases in the consumption and other taxes.
税方式にこだわると必要な財源が膨らみ、消費税などの増税幅が大きくなる可能性が高いからだ。
The change of the proposal should also make it easier for the DPJ to strike a deal with the LDP and New Komeito, which are espousing the insurance approach.
保険方式を是としている自民党や公明党などと協議する上でも有効だ。
The biggest problem with the current system is that a large number of people fail to pay into the system and will eventually find themselves with significantly reduced or no pension after retirement.
現行制度の最大の問題は、未納者が多く発生し、いずれ低年金・無年金になってしまうことだ。
The challenge is how to prevent this by using the limited tax revenue available.
貴重な税財源をどう使ってそれを防ぐのか。
The government and the ruling party must show an outline of its plan to overhaul the pension system as soon as possible to find common ground with the opposition camp and push through the reform.
与野党で一致できる点を見つけ出して改革を進めるには、政府・与党案の骨格を早く示すことが欠かせない。
日本語で何度も読み返しましたが、意味がわからない部分が多い。
皆さん、この社会保障制度改革の内容がわかりましたか？
私には理解不能でした＾＾。
はやい話、国民はもっと費用を負担しなさいということでしょう。
税でまかなうといったって、税金は国民が支払っているものです。
まったく同じことではないでしょうか。
（スラチャイ記）
2011/01/21
--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 20
EDITORIAL: Pension system reform
年金改革―民主案は税方式なのか
The government and the ruling Democratic Party of Japan say they want to hold talks with the opposition parties to push integrated tax and social security reform.
「税と社会保障の一体改革」をめざす政府・与党は、野党とも協議を進めたいという。
But such talks are unlikely to take place as long as the DPJ's blueprint for pension reform remains ambiguous.
だが、肝心の民主党の年金改革案があやふやでは、話が始まらないのではないか。
The ruling party has failed to offer a clear-cut reform plan and given half-baked explanations about its vision for the future of the pension system.
原因は民主党がきちんとした案を示さず、中途半端な説明をしてきたことにある。
First of all, the DPJ needs to build solid consensus within the party through debate and make clear its reform plan to the public.
まずは党内の議論を整理して、国民に民主党案とは何なのかを明らかにすることが先決だろう。
The DPJ proposed a new tax-financed system to provide guaranteed minimum monthly pension benefits of 70,000 yen ($840).
これまでに民主党は月額７万円の最低保障年金をつくるとし、その財源は税で賄う「税方式」としてきた。
But Kaoru Yosano, the newly appointed minister of economic and fiscal policy, is advocating a pension program based on the social insurance formula--financed by premiums paid by the people.
Critics have been quick to point out the difference between Yosano's idea and the party's proposal.
これに対し、経済財政相に就任した与謝野馨氏は「社会保険方式」を主張していることから、食い違いが指摘されている。
Prime Minister Naoto Kan and the DPJ should swiftly solve this problem.
菅直人首相と民主党は早急に、この問題を解決すべきである。
Unlike the social insurance formula, in which benefits paid to individual pensioners are affected by their premium payment records, the tax-financed system has the advantage of being free from the problem of people who fail to pay into the system.
税方式には、保険料の納付実績が問われる社会保険方式と違って未納問題が起きないという利点がある。
In 2004, when the coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito ran the government, the Cabinet was hit by a series of revelations about past nonpayment of premiums for the national pension program by ministers.
Kan, who questioned the government over the issue, was forced to resign as DPJ chief after it was revealed that he had also failed to pay premiums for a certain period.
自公政権時代の２００４年、閣僚の未納が相次ぎ発覚し、これを追及した菅氏自身にも未納が見つかり党代表を辞任した。
After that, Kan and DPJ Secretary-General Katsuya Okada started making remarks that indicated the party was seeking to introduce a tax-financed pension program. They said the pension system envisioned by the party would eliminate the problem of nonpayment and ensure that all people would receive benefits.
その後、菅氏や岡田克也・現幹事長は「未納者はいなくなる」「全員がもらえる」と、税方式を前提にした説明をしてきた。
The DPJ's manifesto for the general election in 2009, when the party was led by Yukio Hatoyama, promised to create a pension program to provide guaranteed minimum monthly benefits of 70,000 yen for all people funded by revenue from the consumption tax.
鳩山由紀夫代表のもとで戦った一昨年の総選挙でも、政権公約に「消費税を財源とした最低保障年金を創設し、全ての人が７万円以上の年金を受け取れるようにする」と書いた。
Many voters interpreted this as a proposal of a tax-financed pension system.
これを税方式と理解した人も多いはずだ。
In the "basic principles for the new pension system" announced in June last year, however, the DPJ stressed its intention to maintain the insurance formula. The party said with the principle of "zero cases" of nonpayment or nonparticipation, the system is intended to ensure the collection of premiums so that no people will be left without a pension.
ところが、民主党が昨年６月に示した「新年金制度の基本原則」では「未納・未加入ゼロの原則 保険料の確実な徴収により無年金者をなくす」と、保険方式を強調した。
Then in December, the party's policy research council for fundamental tax and social security reform, headed by DPJ heavyweight Hirohisa Fujii, now deputy chief Cabinet secretary, confirmed the policy shift.
The panel's interim report said the future pension system should be an income-linked social insurance program supplemented by tax-financed guaranteed minimum benefits.
さらに１２月、藤井裕久・現官房副長官が会長をつとめた税と社会保障の抜本改革調査会は「社会保険方式である所得比例年金を基本に、税を財源とする最低保障年金を補足給付する」と「中間整理」に明記した。
This proposal is not fundamentally inconsistent from Yosano's argument that adopting the social insurance method would be the rational approach to pension reform.
これなら「社会保険方式で改革するのが合理的」という与謝野氏と根本的な違いはない。
Under the current system, half of the basic pension benefits paid to all beneficiaries are covered by tax revenue.
The only difference in the DPJ's proposal is that tax-financed guaranteed minimum benefits would be reduced or removed for people entitled to a certain amount or more of benefits.
現行制度は受給者全員について基礎年金の半分を税で賄うが、民主案では、年金が一定額以上の人には税で賄う最低保障部分を減らしたり、払わなかったりするだけだ。
The DPJ's policy shift to the insurance formula after it came to power could be described as pragmatic.
民主党が政権獲得後、保険方式に傾斜したのは現実的な動きともいえる。
That's because tax financing would sharply increase the amount of taxpayer money needed and is likely to require large increases in the consumption and other taxes.
税方式にこだわると必要な財源が膨らみ、消費税などの増税幅が大きくなる可能性が高いからだ。
The change of the proposal should also make it easier for the DPJ to strike a deal with the LDP and New Komeito, which are espousing the insurance approach.
保険方式を是としている自民党や公明党などと協議する上でも有効だ。
The biggest problem with the current system is that a large number of people fail to pay into the system and will eventually find themselves with significantly reduced or no pension after retirement.
現行制度の最大の問題は、未納者が多く発生し、いずれ低年金・無年金になってしまうことだ。
The challenge is how to prevent this by using the limited tax revenue available.
貴重な税財源をどう使ってそれを防ぐのか。
The government and the ruling party must show an outline of its plan to overhaul the pension system as soon as possible to find common ground with the opposition camp and push through the reform.
与野党で一致できる点を見つけ出して改革を進めるには、政府・与党案の骨格を早く示すことが欠かせない。
2011年01月19日
統一地方選へ―失政のツケ払うのは住民
2011/01/19
--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 18
EDITORIAL: Unified local elections
統一地方選へ―失政のツケ払うのは住民
This spring, voters head to the polls for unified local elections.
この春、統一地方選がある。
On April 10, 13 gubernatorial elections, including the one to choose the chief of the Tokyo metropolitan government, will be held along with polls to elect the assemblies for 44 prefectures, including Osaka. On April 24, mayoral and municipal assembly elections will take place around the nation.
東京都をはじめ１３知事選と、大阪府を含む４４道府県議選などが４月１０日に投開票される。２４日には各地の市区町村長、議員選がある。
Due mainly to changes of election days caused by mergers among cities, towns and villages, the ratio of elections to be held this spring to all local polls will be a record low, falling to the 28-percent range.
Still, more than 1,000 local elections will be conducted nationwide, meaning that most voters will have at least one opportunity to cast ballots.
市町村合併などで選挙日がずれ、統一率は過去最低の２８％台だが、全国で１千を超す選挙がある。
ほとんどの有権者に投票の機会がめぐってくる。
Local politics today are quite different from what they used to be.
いまの地方政治には、かつてない特徴がある。
A growing number of local government chiefs are locking horns with assemblies.
首長と議会が激突する構図が広がっていることだ。
On Monday, it was announced that a referendum on whether to dissolve the Nagoya city council will take place Feb. 6.
折しも、きのう名古屋市議会の解散の是非を問う住民投票が告示された。
Mayor Takashi Kawamura is leading the recall campaign to dissolve the assembly, which rejected his proposal for permanent local tax cuts. He has collected signatures from more than 360,000 voters in the city.
市長が旗を振って３６万人を超す署名を集め、自分の公約の恒久減税を拒んだ議会を解散させようとしている。
On Sunday, a mayoral election was held in the city of Akune, Kagoshima Prefecture. Its citizens, through an earlier referendum, had sacked Mayor Shinichi Takehara, who had long been at loggerheads with the municipal assembly.
一昨日には、議会との対立が長引いて、住民投票で解職させられた鹿児島県阿久根市長の出直し選挙もあった。
Takehara, who was criticized for ignoring the assembly, was defeated in Sunday's vote. Citizens will deliver their verdict on the city assembly next month when a referendum is held on whether to dissolve it.
議会を無視した前市長は敗れたが、来月には議会解散をめぐる住民投票があり、住民は改めて議会と向き合う。
The developments in Nagoya and Akune represent two extreme examples of a clash between a local government chief and the assembly.
ふたつの事例は「首長ＶＳ．議会」の過激な展開を見せつけている。
In both cases, the mayor acted in a high-handed way and treated the assembly as a nuisance, while the assembly lost the trust of citizens as it sat snug in the comfort of its privileges and apparently stopped acting on behalf of the public.
どちらも底流には、議会を邪魔もの扱いする市長の強引さと、特権にあぐらをかき、民意を代弁しているように見えない議会に対する住民の不信感がある。
Similar criticism of local assemblies has emerged in various parts of the country, and there are signs that many of the candidates for gubernatorial and mayoral elections this spring will promise to cut the numbers of local assembly members and their salaries.
こうした議会批判はあちこちで起きており、統一地方選では議員の定数や報酬の削減を公約する首長候補者が続出しそうな気配すら漂う。
Osaka Governor Toru Hashimoto is also deeply unhappy with the prefectural assembly.
大阪府の橋下徹知事も議会への不満が根強い。
Hashimoto has been campaigning to secure a majority for his own local political party in the prefectural assembly and the city assemblies of Osaka and Sakai.
His truculent stance toward the old-style assembly can be described as a form of "quarrel democracy."
みずからが代表の地域政党で府議会や大阪、堺両市議会の過半数をめざす手法は、旧来の議会に向かって、かかってこいよと言わんばかりの「ケンカ民主主義」といえる。
One question voters will face in the spring elections is how to assess such an approach to politics.
議論で妥協点を探れないなら、選挙で一気に決着をつけるしか道はない。
Politicians in this camp tend to seek voters' decisions in an election when they fail to work out a political compromise through talks.
こんな政治手法をどう評価するのか。それも統一地方選の焦点になる。
What kind of relationship should there be between a local government head and the assembly, which are both elected as representatives of the public?
それぞれ選挙で選ばれる二元代表制のもとで、首長と議会はどんな関係にあるべきなのか。
The political battles in Osaka, Nagoya and Akune offer good case studies that help voters tackle this question.
大阪や名古屋、阿久根での衝突は、「首長ＶＳ．議会」のあり方を考えるための好材料になる。
The role of citizens is a crucial issue in any debate on this topic.
その際に、欠かせない視点が住民の役割だ。
In the past, many local assemblies used to rubber-stamp the local government chief's proposals because residents paid little attention to what their assemblies were doing.
首長の追認機関のような議会が当たり前のようにあったのは、住民の議会に対する関心があまりに低かったからにほかならない。
One big difference between local politics and national politics is that residents have the power to directly fire a local government chief or dissolve a local assembly through a referendum.
地方政治と国政の大きな違いは、自治の現場では住民が直接、首長の解職や議会の解散までも住民投票で決められることだ。
Local governments should operate with tense relationships existing among the local chief, the assembly and the citizens, who can be directly involved in politics.
自治体は本来、首長と議会、住民の直接参加という三つの緊張関係で動かすものなのだ。
Therefore, residents must shoulder the burden if the local government goes bankrupt, as did the city of Yubari, Hokkaido.
だから、北海道夕張市のように財政が破綻（はたん）すれば、負担は住民にのしかかる。
Under the principle of popular sovereignty, residents, who have the right to elect the local government chief and the assembly, must pay the price if those they elect mismanage their local politics.
主権者である住民は投票権を持つとともに、失政のツケを払う責任も背負わされているのだ。
Voters should keep this in mind as they cast their ballots this spring.
この現実を胸に刻んで、首長や議員を選びに行こう。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 18
EDITORIAL: Unified local elections
統一地方選へ―失政のツケ払うのは住民
This spring, voters head to the polls for unified local elections.
この春、統一地方選がある。
On April 10, 13 gubernatorial elections, including the one to choose the chief of the Tokyo metropolitan government, will be held along with polls to elect the assemblies for 44 prefectures, including Osaka. On April 24, mayoral and municipal assembly elections will take place around the nation.
東京都をはじめ１３知事選と、大阪府を含む４４道府県議選などが４月１０日に投開票される。２４日には各地の市区町村長、議員選がある。
Due mainly to changes of election days caused by mergers among cities, towns and villages, the ratio of elections to be held this spring to all local polls will be a record low, falling to the 28-percent range.
Still, more than 1,000 local elections will be conducted nationwide, meaning that most voters will have at least one opportunity to cast ballots.
市町村合併などで選挙日がずれ、統一率は過去最低の２８％台だが、全国で１千を超す選挙がある。
ほとんどの有権者に投票の機会がめぐってくる。
Local politics today are quite different from what they used to be.
いまの地方政治には、かつてない特徴がある。
A growing number of local government chiefs are locking horns with assemblies.
首長と議会が激突する構図が広がっていることだ。
On Monday, it was announced that a referendum on whether to dissolve the Nagoya city council will take place Feb. 6.
折しも、きのう名古屋市議会の解散の是非を問う住民投票が告示された。
Mayor Takashi Kawamura is leading the recall campaign to dissolve the assembly, which rejected his proposal for permanent local tax cuts. He has collected signatures from more than 360,000 voters in the city.
市長が旗を振って３６万人を超す署名を集め、自分の公約の恒久減税を拒んだ議会を解散させようとしている。
On Sunday, a mayoral election was held in the city of Akune, Kagoshima Prefecture. Its citizens, through an earlier referendum, had sacked Mayor Shinichi Takehara, who had long been at loggerheads with the municipal assembly.
一昨日には、議会との対立が長引いて、住民投票で解職させられた鹿児島県阿久根市長の出直し選挙もあった。
Takehara, who was criticized for ignoring the assembly, was defeated in Sunday's vote. Citizens will deliver their verdict on the city assembly next month when a referendum is held on whether to dissolve it.
議会を無視した前市長は敗れたが、来月には議会解散をめぐる住民投票があり、住民は改めて議会と向き合う。
The developments in Nagoya and Akune represent two extreme examples of a clash between a local government chief and the assembly.
ふたつの事例は「首長ＶＳ．議会」の過激な展開を見せつけている。
In both cases, the mayor acted in a high-handed way and treated the assembly as a nuisance, while the assembly lost the trust of citizens as it sat snug in the comfort of its privileges and apparently stopped acting on behalf of the public.
どちらも底流には、議会を邪魔もの扱いする市長の強引さと、特権にあぐらをかき、民意を代弁しているように見えない議会に対する住民の不信感がある。
Similar criticism of local assemblies has emerged in various parts of the country, and there are signs that many of the candidates for gubernatorial and mayoral elections this spring will promise to cut the numbers of local assembly members and their salaries.
こうした議会批判はあちこちで起きており、統一地方選では議員の定数や報酬の削減を公約する首長候補者が続出しそうな気配すら漂う。
Osaka Governor Toru Hashimoto is also deeply unhappy with the prefectural assembly.
大阪府の橋下徹知事も議会への不満が根強い。
Hashimoto has been campaigning to secure a majority for his own local political party in the prefectural assembly and the city assemblies of Osaka and Sakai.
His truculent stance toward the old-style assembly can be described as a form of "quarrel democracy."
みずからが代表の地域政党で府議会や大阪、堺両市議会の過半数をめざす手法は、旧来の議会に向かって、かかってこいよと言わんばかりの「ケンカ民主主義」といえる。
One question voters will face in the spring elections is how to assess such an approach to politics.
議論で妥協点を探れないなら、選挙で一気に決着をつけるしか道はない。
Politicians in this camp tend to seek voters' decisions in an election when they fail to work out a political compromise through talks.
こんな政治手法をどう評価するのか。それも統一地方選の焦点になる。
What kind of relationship should there be between a local government head and the assembly, which are both elected as representatives of the public?
それぞれ選挙で選ばれる二元代表制のもとで、首長と議会はどんな関係にあるべきなのか。
The political battles in Osaka, Nagoya and Akune offer good case studies that help voters tackle this question.
大阪や名古屋、阿久根での衝突は、「首長ＶＳ．議会」のあり方を考えるための好材料になる。
The role of citizens is a crucial issue in any debate on this topic.
その際に、欠かせない視点が住民の役割だ。
In the past, many local assemblies used to rubber-stamp the local government chief's proposals because residents paid little attention to what their assemblies were doing.
首長の追認機関のような議会が当たり前のようにあったのは、住民の議会に対する関心があまりに低かったからにほかならない。
One big difference between local politics and national politics is that residents have the power to directly fire a local government chief or dissolve a local assembly through a referendum.
地方政治と国政の大きな違いは、自治の現場では住民が直接、首長の解職や議会の解散までも住民投票で決められることだ。
Local governments should operate with tense relationships existing among the local chief, the assembly and the citizens, who can be directly involved in politics.
自治体は本来、首長と議会、住民の直接参加という三つの緊張関係で動かすものなのだ。
Therefore, residents must shoulder the burden if the local government goes bankrupt, as did the city of Yubari, Hokkaido.
だから、北海道夕張市のように財政が破綻（はたん）すれば、負担は住民にのしかかる。
Under the principle of popular sovereignty, residents, who have the right to elect the local government chief and the assembly, must pay the price if those they elect mismanage their local politics.
主権者である住民は投票権を持つとともに、失政のツケを払う責任も背負わされているのだ。
Voters should keep this in mind as they cast their ballots this spring.
この現実を胸に刻んで、首長や議員を選びに行こう。
2011年01月16日
政権公約見直し―予算案修正と一体で臨め
2011/01/15
--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 14
EDITORIAL: DPJ's manifesto review
政権公約見直し―予算案修正と一体で臨め
The ruling Democratic Party of Japan decided in a party convention Thursday to revise by summer its manifesto for the 2009 Lower House election.
民主党がきのうの党大会で、夏までに２００９年衆院選のマニフェスト（政権公約）を見直す方針を決めた。
As for the draft budget for next fiscal year, which is based on the manifesto, DPJ Secretary-General Katsuya Okada recently indicated the spending plan should also be subject to change.
この政権公約を土台に編成している新年度予算案についても、同党の岡田克也幹事長が先日、「修正に否定的ではない。
"We are not opposed to a revision (to the draft budget)," Okada said. "The plan drawn up by the government is not final. There should be the possibility for the plan to be changed through debate."
政府が出したものが最終ではなく、議論で変えることはあっていい」と述べている。
We welcome the fact that the government and the DPJ have shown a willingness to change problematic elements in the party's campaign platform and the government's spending blueprint.
問題のある政権公約や予算案について、政府・与党が修正に柔軟な姿勢を示したことを評価したい。
But summer may be too late for the proposed revision to the manifesto.
ただし公約の見直しが夏というのは遅すぎないか。
It is, of course, necessary for the party to hold sufficient debate on the matter. But it doesn't make sense that the draft budget for the new fiscal year, to be deliberated by the Diet during the upcoming regular session, will not reflect any of the changes in the party's manifesto that might be made through the review.
十分な党内論議を積み重ねることはもちろん必要だ。とはいえ、これから開く国会で審議する新年度予算案に、見直しの成果がまったく反映されないのではつじつまが合わなくなる。
If the outlooks of specific programs and projects remain murky, the opposition parties could create problems for the ruling party in enacting the budget.
政策の行方が今後どうなるかわからないという状況のなかで、予算案を通してくれと言われても、野党が理解を示すとは思えない。
A major change to a budget bill during a Diet session is extremely rare. There have been a few cases of minor revisions in the past, but no large-scale amendment to a budget bill, such as changing the budget framework, has ever happened.
国会開会中の本格的な予算案修正は極めて異例である。過去には小規模な修正例が数件あるだけで、枠組みを変えるような大がかりな修正例はない。
However, the ruling camp now needs to demonstrate its commitment to adjusting its policy agenda to the realities by showing a willingness to make such a radical change to its spending plan.
だが今こそ、それも辞さない覚悟を、政府・与党に求めたい。
Amending the budget bill is necessary, but not as a gambit to ensure its passage in the Diet. It is necessary because it is clear that the DPJ's election manifesto, which has served as a basis for budget formulation since the previous administration of former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, needs to be reformed considerably.
予算案修正が必要なのは、単に成立を図るための国会対策の方便としてではない。鳩山政権以来、予算の土台となってきた政権公約は、財源の確保や制度づくりの難しさに照らして、かなり修正が必要なことがはっきりしているからである。
For example, the abolition of expressway tolls, one of the key DPJ election promises, is no longer a reasonable policy goal given the troubles raised by the initiative, such as the negative effects on public transportation services, traffic congestion on expressways and the financing problem.
例えば政権公約の目玉の一つである高速料金の原則無料化は、他の公共交通機関への影響、渋滞や財源の問題があって、もはや最終ゴールにはなりえない。
There is no convincing case for providing funding for a continuation of the "experimental" scrapping of tolls for some expressways under the budget for the fiscal year starting in April.
にもかかわらず新年度予算案に社会実験の継続が盛り込まれるのは、説得力を欠く。
The newly introduced program to prop up the income of farmers with direct cash payments has hampered consolidation of fragmented farmland because all farmers, including small-scale ones, selling rice and other staples are eligible. It has become clear that the program represents an impediment to efforts to improve efficiency in Japanese agriculture. Does the ruling camp intend to keep the program alive without tackling this problem?
農業の戸別所得補償は、零細農家を含めすべての販売農家を対象としたことで農地集約の障害となり、効率化が進まないという欠陥が露呈した。それを放置したまま制度を続けるのか。
Regarding the child allowance program, the government has decided to keep providing 13,000 yen ($157) a month per child--half of the amount the DPJ promised--to households with young children. Does the administration plan to eventually increase the allowance to the promised amount?
子ども手当は、政権公約にうたった額の半分、月１万３千円の給付を続けるが、いずれ満額まで上積みする前提なのか。
Other issues related to the child-allowance initiative need to be addressed, such as whether support should be provided in the form of goods and whether an income cap on eligibility should be introduced.
現物給付に重点を移す道や所得制限導入の是非も論点として残る。
If the futures of these policy measures remain uncertain, the people cannot develop their life plans.
もろもろの政策の行き着く先が見えぬままでは、国民は制度継続を前提に生活設計はできない。
The government should steer its policy agenda in an appropriate direction as soon as possible to prevent any disruption in the people's lives and economic activities.
適切な方向に早くかじを切り直し、国民生活や経済活動が停滞しないようにすべきだ。
That requires the ruling bloc to reconsider its main policy promises ahead of schedule and amend the draft budget flexibly through Diet debate.
それには主要施策の政権公約だけでも前倒しで見直し、国会論戦を通じて予算案を柔軟に修正すべきである。
Prime Minister Naoto Kan should give the public a detailed explanation about the reasons for the changes and the new directions of the policies.
もちろんその際、菅直人首相は修正理由と新たな政策の方向について、国民に丁寧に説明しなければならない。
The opposition parties, for their part, should not refuse debate on such changes without good reason and make their judgments from the viewpoint of public interest.
野党もいたずらに審議を拒むことなく、国民本位で判断してもらいたい。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 14
EDITORIAL: DPJ's manifesto review
政権公約見直し―予算案修正と一体で臨め
The ruling Democratic Party of Japan decided in a party convention Thursday to revise by summer its manifesto for the 2009 Lower House election.
民主党がきのうの党大会で、夏までに２００９年衆院選のマニフェスト（政権公約）を見直す方針を決めた。
As for the draft budget for next fiscal year, which is based on the manifesto, DPJ Secretary-General Katsuya Okada recently indicated the spending plan should also be subject to change.
この政権公約を土台に編成している新年度予算案についても、同党の岡田克也幹事長が先日、「修正に否定的ではない。
"We are not opposed to a revision (to the draft budget)," Okada said. "The plan drawn up by the government is not final. There should be the possibility for the plan to be changed through debate."
政府が出したものが最終ではなく、議論で変えることはあっていい」と述べている。
We welcome the fact that the government and the DPJ have shown a willingness to change problematic elements in the party's campaign platform and the government's spending blueprint.
問題のある政権公約や予算案について、政府・与党が修正に柔軟な姿勢を示したことを評価したい。
But summer may be too late for the proposed revision to the manifesto.
ただし公約の見直しが夏というのは遅すぎないか。
It is, of course, necessary for the party to hold sufficient debate on the matter. But it doesn't make sense that the draft budget for the new fiscal year, to be deliberated by the Diet during the upcoming regular session, will not reflect any of the changes in the party's manifesto that might be made through the review.
十分な党内論議を積み重ねることはもちろん必要だ。とはいえ、これから開く国会で審議する新年度予算案に、見直しの成果がまったく反映されないのではつじつまが合わなくなる。
If the outlooks of specific programs and projects remain murky, the opposition parties could create problems for the ruling party in enacting the budget.
政策の行方が今後どうなるかわからないという状況のなかで、予算案を通してくれと言われても、野党が理解を示すとは思えない。
A major change to a budget bill during a Diet session is extremely rare. There have been a few cases of minor revisions in the past, but no large-scale amendment to a budget bill, such as changing the budget framework, has ever happened.
国会開会中の本格的な予算案修正は極めて異例である。過去には小規模な修正例が数件あるだけで、枠組みを変えるような大がかりな修正例はない。
However, the ruling camp now needs to demonstrate its commitment to adjusting its policy agenda to the realities by showing a willingness to make such a radical change to its spending plan.
だが今こそ、それも辞さない覚悟を、政府・与党に求めたい。
Amending the budget bill is necessary, but not as a gambit to ensure its passage in the Diet. It is necessary because it is clear that the DPJ's election manifesto, which has served as a basis for budget formulation since the previous administration of former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, needs to be reformed considerably.
予算案修正が必要なのは、単に成立を図るための国会対策の方便としてではない。鳩山政権以来、予算の土台となってきた政権公約は、財源の確保や制度づくりの難しさに照らして、かなり修正が必要なことがはっきりしているからである。
For example, the abolition of expressway tolls, one of the key DPJ election promises, is no longer a reasonable policy goal given the troubles raised by the initiative, such as the negative effects on public transportation services, traffic congestion on expressways and the financing problem.
例えば政権公約の目玉の一つである高速料金の原則無料化は、他の公共交通機関への影響、渋滞や財源の問題があって、もはや最終ゴールにはなりえない。
There is no convincing case for providing funding for a continuation of the "experimental" scrapping of tolls for some expressways under the budget for the fiscal year starting in April.
にもかかわらず新年度予算案に社会実験の継続が盛り込まれるのは、説得力を欠く。
The newly introduced program to prop up the income of farmers with direct cash payments has hampered consolidation of fragmented farmland because all farmers, including small-scale ones, selling rice and other staples are eligible. It has become clear that the program represents an impediment to efforts to improve efficiency in Japanese agriculture. Does the ruling camp intend to keep the program alive without tackling this problem?
農業の戸別所得補償は、零細農家を含めすべての販売農家を対象としたことで農地集約の障害となり、効率化が進まないという欠陥が露呈した。それを放置したまま制度を続けるのか。
Regarding the child allowance program, the government has decided to keep providing 13,000 yen ($157) a month per child--half of the amount the DPJ promised--to households with young children. Does the administration plan to eventually increase the allowance to the promised amount?
子ども手当は、政権公約にうたった額の半分、月１万３千円の給付を続けるが、いずれ満額まで上積みする前提なのか。
Other issues related to the child-allowance initiative need to be addressed, such as whether support should be provided in the form of goods and whether an income cap on eligibility should be introduced.
現物給付に重点を移す道や所得制限導入の是非も論点として残る。
If the futures of these policy measures remain uncertain, the people cannot develop their life plans.
もろもろの政策の行き着く先が見えぬままでは、国民は制度継続を前提に生活設計はできない。
The government should steer its policy agenda in an appropriate direction as soon as possible to prevent any disruption in the people's lives and economic activities.
適切な方向に早くかじを切り直し、国民生活や経済活動が停滞しないようにすべきだ。
That requires the ruling bloc to reconsider its main policy promises ahead of schedule and amend the draft budget flexibly through Diet debate.
それには主要施策の政権公約だけでも前倒しで見直し、国会論戦を通じて予算案を柔軟に修正すべきである。
Prime Minister Naoto Kan should give the public a detailed explanation about the reasons for the changes and the new directions of the policies.
もちろんその際、菅直人首相は修正理由と新たな政策の方向について、国民に丁寧に説明しなければならない。
The opposition parties, for their part, should not refuse debate on such changes without good reason and make their judgments from the viewpoint of public interest.
野党もいたずらに審議を拒むことなく、国民本位で判断してもらいたい。
2011年01月07日
首相年頭会見―本気ならば応援しよう
2011/01/06
--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 5
EDITORIAL: Kan's news conference
首相年頭会見―本気ならば応援しよう
Prime Minister Naoto Kan deserves good marks for his spirit. This time, therefore, he must not swerve or shrink from the determination to achieve the goals he has set.
まずは「その意気や良し」としておこう。今度こそ、ぶれず、ひるまず、掲げた目標をやり遂げてほしい。
In his New Year's news conference Tuesday, Kan clarified three key issues for his administration this year: the so-called Heisei Era opening of Japan keyed to Japan's potential participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade liberalization framework; the integrated reform of the tax system, including the consumption tax and social security; and resolving problems linked to money politics.
菅直人首相が年頭の記者会見で、政権の今年の重点課題を明確にした。
環太平洋パートナーシップ協定（ＴＰＰ）への参加を念頭に置いた「平成の開国」、消費税引き上げを含む税制と社会保障の一体改革、政治とカネの問題へのけじめ――の３点である。
Kan needs to put his wandering administration back on course so it can restore public trust in government through sound party politics. To that end, we share his awareness of the issues in narrowing policy targets to the TPP and consumption tax.
迷走してきた政権運営を立て直し、政党政治への国民の信頼を取り戻す。その足がかりとして、ＴＰＰと消費税に政策目標を絞り込んだ首相の問題意識を私たちは共有する。
To a trading nation like Japan, bolstering free trade is a matter of huge importance in coping with the rapid rise in demand from newly emerging countries. We also hope this will open a window of opportunity for rebuilding the nation's steadily waning agriculture sector.
貿易立国の日本にとって自由貿易の強化は、勃興する新興国の需要を取り込むうえでも、死活的に重要だ。衰退の一途にある農業を再生させる好機にもつなげたい。
At the same time, the budgeting process at the end of last year underscored the unfeasibility of compiling any further budgets without action on the swelling fiscal deficit. To protect the future of social security, the bedrock of the people's peace of mind, continuing to sidestep the problem is not an option.
一方、膨れあがる財政赤字を放置したまま、これ以上予算を組めないことは、昨年末の予算編成で明らかだ。国民の安心の基盤である社会保障を将来にわたって守るためには、もはや負担増から逃げ続けるわけにはいかない。
On each issue, however, there is no shortage of calls for caution and outright opposition, not only within Kan's ruling Democratic Party of Japan, but among the general public, as well.
とはいえ、いずれの課題も、足元の民主党内だけでなく、国民の間にも慎重論、反対論が少なくない。
Kan faces an uphill battle certain to sap the strength of his administration. Having stumbled in reining in the divided Diet, we worry about Kan's determination to resolve these struggles.
政権の体力を消耗する大仕事になろう。ねじれ国会乗り切りもおぼつかない首相に、どこまでの覚悟があるのか心配だ。
During last year's Upper House election campaign, Kan broached the idea of doubling the consumption tax to 10 percent. He quickly withdrew that notion when the prospects for acceptance appeared slim. On the TPP, pressured by dissent from within the DPJ, Kan refrained from committing Japan to the framework at last November's Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum. We hope to see no further vacillation on such major issues.
首相は昨年の参院選で「消費税１０％」を掲げたが、形勢不利とみるや発言を後退させた。ＴＰＰも党内の異論に押され、昨年１１月のアジア太平洋経済協力会議（ＡＰＥＣ）での交渉参加表明を見送った。腰の定まらなさを、これ以上見せられるのは御免である。
Next year, Japan's baby boomer generation will begin to collect public pension benefits. Clearly, no more time can be wasted in securing the fiscal resources to finance social security.
来年からは団塊の世代が年金を受け取る側に回り始める。社会保障の財源確保は待ったなしだ。
For the TPP, the negotiating nations envision an agreement by next November. If Japan lags in getting on board, it will lose leverage for reflecting its opinions in any accord.
ＴＰＰは、関係国が今年１１月の交渉妥結を目指している。日本の参加が遅れれば、主張を反映させる余地は小さくなるだろう。
On all fronts, 2011 promises to be a showdown year. For Kan, there is only one road to travel. He must display unwavering resolve in winning over the opposing faction in the DPJ as well as the opposition parties. He must meticulously explain the issues to the people and take the initiative in consensus-building.
いずれも今年こそが正念場なのである。首相は不退転の決意で、党内の反対派や野党を説得し、国民にも丁寧な説明を尽くして、合意形成の先頭に立たなければいけない。
On integrated reform of social security and taxation, Kan has appealed to the Liberal Democratic Party, New Komeito and other opposition parties to join a nonpartisan dialogue.
社会保障と税制の一体改革について、首相は自民、公明など野党に超党派の議論への参加を呼びかけた。
Regardless of what party holds power, addressing this issue cannot be avoided. Earnest proposals from the administration demand earnest responses from the opposition camp. Prioritizing strategies designed to corner the ruling government by refusing to take part in talks from the outset is intolerable.
いずれの党が政権を担っても避けて通れない課題である。政権の真摯（しんし）な提案には、野党も真摯に応じるべきだ。政権を追い込むといった政略を優先するあまり、話し合い自体を拒むようなことがあってはならない。
The responsibility for furnishing such an environment certainly lies with the prime minister. It was only natural, therefore, for Kan to declare his resolve to deal with the two big policy issues of the TPP and the consumption tax, and the problem of money and politics.
もちろん、その環境を整える責任が首相にはある。首相が二つの政策課題とともに、政治とカネの問題へのけじめを掲げたのは当然だ。
As the first step in that direction, the prime minister must arrange for former DPJ leader Ichiro Ozawa to attend the Lower House ethics panel regarding alleged irregularities in his political funding reports. This should occur before the ordinary Diet session opens.
その第一歩として、通常国会が始まる前に、小沢一郎氏の政治倫理審査会出席を実現する。
For Kan, the time to start getting his resolutions on track is now.
それがすべての出発点である。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 5
EDITORIAL: Kan's news conference
首相年頭会見―本気ならば応援しよう
Prime Minister Naoto Kan deserves good marks for his spirit. This time, therefore, he must not swerve or shrink from the determination to achieve the goals he has set.
まずは「その意気や良し」としておこう。今度こそ、ぶれず、ひるまず、掲げた目標をやり遂げてほしい。
In his New Year's news conference Tuesday, Kan clarified three key issues for his administration this year: the so-called Heisei Era opening of Japan keyed to Japan's potential participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade liberalization framework; the integrated reform of the tax system, including the consumption tax and social security; and resolving problems linked to money politics.
菅直人首相が年頭の記者会見で、政権の今年の重点課題を明確にした。
環太平洋パートナーシップ協定（ＴＰＰ）への参加を念頭に置いた「平成の開国」、消費税引き上げを含む税制と社会保障の一体改革、政治とカネの問題へのけじめ――の３点である。
Kan needs to put his wandering administration back on course so it can restore public trust in government through sound party politics. To that end, we share his awareness of the issues in narrowing policy targets to the TPP and consumption tax.
迷走してきた政権運営を立て直し、政党政治への国民の信頼を取り戻す。その足がかりとして、ＴＰＰと消費税に政策目標を絞り込んだ首相の問題意識を私たちは共有する。
To a trading nation like Japan, bolstering free trade is a matter of huge importance in coping with the rapid rise in demand from newly emerging countries. We also hope this will open a window of opportunity for rebuilding the nation's steadily waning agriculture sector.
貿易立国の日本にとって自由貿易の強化は、勃興する新興国の需要を取り込むうえでも、死活的に重要だ。衰退の一途にある農業を再生させる好機にもつなげたい。
At the same time, the budgeting process at the end of last year underscored the unfeasibility of compiling any further budgets without action on the swelling fiscal deficit. To protect the future of social security, the bedrock of the people's peace of mind, continuing to sidestep the problem is not an option.
一方、膨れあがる財政赤字を放置したまま、これ以上予算を組めないことは、昨年末の予算編成で明らかだ。国民の安心の基盤である社会保障を将来にわたって守るためには、もはや負担増から逃げ続けるわけにはいかない。
On each issue, however, there is no shortage of calls for caution and outright opposition, not only within Kan's ruling Democratic Party of Japan, but among the general public, as well.
とはいえ、いずれの課題も、足元の民主党内だけでなく、国民の間にも慎重論、反対論が少なくない。
Kan faces an uphill battle certain to sap the strength of his administration. Having stumbled in reining in the divided Diet, we worry about Kan's determination to resolve these struggles.
政権の体力を消耗する大仕事になろう。ねじれ国会乗り切りもおぼつかない首相に、どこまでの覚悟があるのか心配だ。
During last year's Upper House election campaign, Kan broached the idea of doubling the consumption tax to 10 percent. He quickly withdrew that notion when the prospects for acceptance appeared slim. On the TPP, pressured by dissent from within the DPJ, Kan refrained from committing Japan to the framework at last November's Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum. We hope to see no further vacillation on such major issues.
首相は昨年の参院選で「消費税１０％」を掲げたが、形勢不利とみるや発言を後退させた。ＴＰＰも党内の異論に押され、昨年１１月のアジア太平洋経済協力会議（ＡＰＥＣ）での交渉参加表明を見送った。腰の定まらなさを、これ以上見せられるのは御免である。
Next year, Japan's baby boomer generation will begin to collect public pension benefits. Clearly, no more time can be wasted in securing the fiscal resources to finance social security.
来年からは団塊の世代が年金を受け取る側に回り始める。社会保障の財源確保は待ったなしだ。
For the TPP, the negotiating nations envision an agreement by next November. If Japan lags in getting on board, it will lose leverage for reflecting its opinions in any accord.
ＴＰＰは、関係国が今年１１月の交渉妥結を目指している。日本の参加が遅れれば、主張を反映させる余地は小さくなるだろう。
On all fronts, 2011 promises to be a showdown year. For Kan, there is only one road to travel. He must display unwavering resolve in winning over the opposing faction in the DPJ as well as the opposition parties. He must meticulously explain the issues to the people and take the initiative in consensus-building.
いずれも今年こそが正念場なのである。首相は不退転の決意で、党内の反対派や野党を説得し、国民にも丁寧な説明を尽くして、合意形成の先頭に立たなければいけない。
On integrated reform of social security and taxation, Kan has appealed to the Liberal Democratic Party, New Komeito and other opposition parties to join a nonpartisan dialogue.
社会保障と税制の一体改革について、首相は自民、公明など野党に超党派の議論への参加を呼びかけた。
Regardless of what party holds power, addressing this issue cannot be avoided. Earnest proposals from the administration demand earnest responses from the opposition camp. Prioritizing strategies designed to corner the ruling government by refusing to take part in talks from the outset is intolerable.
いずれの党が政権を担っても避けて通れない課題である。政権の真摯（しんし）な提案には、野党も真摯に応じるべきだ。政権を追い込むといった政略を優先するあまり、話し合い自体を拒むようなことがあってはならない。
The responsibility for furnishing such an environment certainly lies with the prime minister. It was only natural, therefore, for Kan to declare his resolve to deal with the two big policy issues of the TPP and the consumption tax, and the problem of money and politics.
もちろん、その環境を整える責任が首相にはある。首相が二つの政策課題とともに、政治とカネの問題へのけじめを掲げたのは当然だ。
As the first step in that direction, the prime minister must arrange for former DPJ leader Ichiro Ozawa to attend the Lower House ethics panel regarding alleged irregularities in his political funding reports. This should occur before the ordinary Diet session opens.
その第一歩として、通常国会が始まる前に、小沢一郎氏の政治倫理審査会出席を実現する。
For Kan, the time to start getting his resolutions on track is now.
それがすべての出発点である。
2011年01月06日
Coping with China
2011/01/05
--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 4
EDITORIAL: Coping with China
中国と向き合う―異質論を超えて道を開け
The South Korean island of Daeyeonpyeongdo remained desolate on New Year's Day, with most islanders having relocated temporarily to the mainland city of Incheon and elsewhere following North Korea's artillery assault in November.
北朝鮮による砲撃を受けた韓国の大延坪島（テヨンピョンド）。島民の多くが本土の仁川市などに一時転居して、火が消えたような正月になった。
That was the first time since the signing of the Korean War Armistice Agreement in 1953 that South Korean civilians were killed in a direct attack from North Korea.
約６０年前に朝鮮戦争が休戦となった後、北朝鮮からの直接の軍事攻撃で韓国内の民間人が犠牲になったのは初めてだ。
Naturally, the shock and outrage of the islanders were immense, especially as their island had remained unscathed during the war.
戦争中もこの島では被害がなかったという。島民が受けた衝撃は計りしれないし、怒りは収まらない。
The people of South Korea are also deeply offended by China's stance of continuing to support aberrant North Korea.
韓国では、常軌を逸した北朝鮮を支え続ける中国への不満も大きい。
Beijing did not condemn Pyongyang for the artillery assault, just as it hadn't over the sinking of a South Korean Navy ship last spring. Moreover, China effectively blocked the United Nations Security Council from issuing a declaration to condemn North Korea. The South Korean people's frustration with China is all too understandable.
昨春の哨戒艦沈没事件と同様に、砲撃事件でも、中国政府は北朝鮮を批判しなかった。それどころか、中国が同意せず、国連安全保障理事会は北朝鮮への非難声明を出せなかった。韓国民の中国へのいらだちは当然だ。
On the other hand, South Korea's political community and mass media are now urging the public to get reacquainted with China.
その一方で、「中国を本格的に学び直そう」という提言が、韓国のメディアや政界をにぎわす。
South Korea and China established diplomatic relations in 1992. At the time, China had yet to emerge completely from its isolation after being blasted by the international community over the Tiananmen Square crackdown of 1989.
韓国が、中国と国交を結んだのは１９９２年。このころ、中国は８９年の天安門事件による国際的な孤立から完全には抜け出せていなかった。
Reacquainting with a neighbor
■隣国を改めて学ぶ
Today, nearly 60 percent of foreign students in South Korea are Chinese nationals, while one in three foreign students in China are South Korean. Bilateral exchanges have expanded faster than expected.
今、韓国にいる留学生の６割近くが中国人で、中国で学ぶ外国人学生の３分の１が韓国人というように、交流は予想を超えて幅広くなった。
China has come a long way since 1992, having now become a major power and closing in on the United States. Its military capabilities have grown rapidly, especially at sea. China, in fact, is even transforming East Asia's security environment.
中国も国交樹立時とは様変わりし、米国に迫る大国になった。軍事力は急速に強大になり、なかでも海軍力の増強が目覚ましい。中国は東アジアの安全保障環境さえ変えつつある。
China's relationship with the United States is becoming the most important bilateral relationship for the stability of the world. Yet, it is hard to read Chinese politics and diplomacy.
そして、米中関係は世界の安定に最も重要な二国間関係になりつつある。それなのに、中国の政治や外交は読み切れない。
This is why South Korea feels it must "study" China closely while maintaining its alliance with the United States. The same applies to Japan, as well.
米国との関係を基軸としつつ、中国を深く研究しなければならない理由である。それは日本も同じだ。
China being a communist state, the process of policy-making there reminds us of a black box. But we cannot simply dismiss China as "different" and keep our distance, especially in light of our turbulent relations.
中国は共産党体制で、政策の決定過程はブラックボックスのようだ。しかし、「異質」と決めつけるだけで、手をこまねいているわけにはいかない。
波乱続きの日中関係を振り返ると、なおさらそうだ。
It's a shame, really, because a good relationship between Japan and China should help stabilize China's relationship with the United States and contribute to peace in the Asia-Pacific region.
日中関係の発展は米中関係の安定や、アジア太平洋地域の平和に寄与できるだけに残念だった。
Deng Xiaoping, who led China's open-door reformist policy, once noted to the effect: "The more developed a country becomes, the more humble it must become and learn not to criticize others thoughtlessly. The country must not say or do anything which cannot be handled by its means."
「発展すればするほど謙虚であるべきで、無思慮に他人を批判してはならない。分を越えたことは言わず、分を越えたことはしてはならない」
中国を改革開放に導いたトウ（トウ＝登におおざと）小平氏の言葉だ。
China appears to have abandoned Deng's "taoguangyanghui" (hide one's talents and bide one's time) policy. But Deng also said, "China will never let anyone interfere in its domestic policy, and China will never compromise on that score."
才能を覆い隠し目立たせないというこの「韜光養晦（とうこうようかい）」路線は放棄したとしか見えぬ中国だが、トウ氏は次のようにも述べている。
「内政にはいかなる者の干渉も決して許すことができないし、中国は一切譲歩できない」
One thing is clear: China has faithfully adhered to Deng's guiding principle that "the only truth is development," and it focused on economic development as the ultimate national interest.
とはいえ、中国はこれまで「発展こそ確かな道理」といったトウ氏の教えに忠実に、経済発展に力を入れてきた。経済が最大の国益だったのだ。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 4
EDITORIAL: Coping with China
中国と向き合う―異質論を超えて道を開け
The South Korean island of Daeyeonpyeongdo remained desolate on New Year's Day, with most islanders having relocated temporarily to the mainland city of Incheon and elsewhere following North Korea's artillery assault in November.
北朝鮮による砲撃を受けた韓国の大延坪島（テヨンピョンド）。島民の多くが本土の仁川市などに一時転居して、火が消えたような正月になった。
That was the first time since the signing of the Korean War Armistice Agreement in 1953 that South Korean civilians were killed in a direct attack from North Korea.
約６０年前に朝鮮戦争が休戦となった後、北朝鮮からの直接の軍事攻撃で韓国内の民間人が犠牲になったのは初めてだ。
Naturally, the shock and outrage of the islanders were immense, especially as their island had remained unscathed during the war.
戦争中もこの島では被害がなかったという。島民が受けた衝撃は計りしれないし、怒りは収まらない。
The people of South Korea are also deeply offended by China's stance of continuing to support aberrant North Korea.
韓国では、常軌を逸した北朝鮮を支え続ける中国への不満も大きい。
Beijing did not condemn Pyongyang for the artillery assault, just as it hadn't over the sinking of a South Korean Navy ship last spring. Moreover, China effectively blocked the United Nations Security Council from issuing a declaration to condemn North Korea. The South Korean people's frustration with China is all too understandable.
昨春の哨戒艦沈没事件と同様に、砲撃事件でも、中国政府は北朝鮮を批判しなかった。それどころか、中国が同意せず、国連安全保障理事会は北朝鮮への非難声明を出せなかった。韓国民の中国へのいらだちは当然だ。
On the other hand, South Korea's political community and mass media are now urging the public to get reacquainted with China.
その一方で、「中国を本格的に学び直そう」という提言が、韓国のメディアや政界をにぎわす。
South Korea and China established diplomatic relations in 1992. At the time, China had yet to emerge completely from its isolation after being blasted by the international community over the Tiananmen Square crackdown of 1989.
韓国が、中国と国交を結んだのは１９９２年。このころ、中国は８９年の天安門事件による国際的な孤立から完全には抜け出せていなかった。
Reacquainting with a neighbor
■隣国を改めて学ぶ
Today, nearly 60 percent of foreign students in South Korea are Chinese nationals, while one in three foreign students in China are South Korean. Bilateral exchanges have expanded faster than expected.
今、韓国にいる留学生の６割近くが中国人で、中国で学ぶ外国人学生の３分の１が韓国人というように、交流は予想を超えて幅広くなった。
China has come a long way since 1992, having now become a major power and closing in on the United States. Its military capabilities have grown rapidly, especially at sea. China, in fact, is even transforming East Asia's security environment.
中国も国交樹立時とは様変わりし、米国に迫る大国になった。軍事力は急速に強大になり、なかでも海軍力の増強が目覚ましい。中国は東アジアの安全保障環境さえ変えつつある。
China's relationship with the United States is becoming the most important bilateral relationship for the stability of the world. Yet, it is hard to read Chinese politics and diplomacy.
そして、米中関係は世界の安定に最も重要な二国間関係になりつつある。それなのに、中国の政治や外交は読み切れない。
This is why South Korea feels it must "study" China closely while maintaining its alliance with the United States. The same applies to Japan, as well.
米国との関係を基軸としつつ、中国を深く研究しなければならない理由である。それは日本も同じだ。
China being a communist state, the process of policy-making there reminds us of a black box. But we cannot simply dismiss China as "different" and keep our distance, especially in light of our turbulent relations.
中国は共産党体制で、政策の決定過程はブラックボックスのようだ。しかし、「異質」と決めつけるだけで、手をこまねいているわけにはいかない。
波乱続きの日中関係を振り返ると、なおさらそうだ。
It's a shame, really, because a good relationship between Japan and China should help stabilize China's relationship with the United States and contribute to peace in the Asia-Pacific region.
日中関係の発展は米中関係の安定や、アジア太平洋地域の平和に寄与できるだけに残念だった。
Deng Xiaoping, who led China's open-door reformist policy, once noted to the effect: "The more developed a country becomes, the more humble it must become and learn not to criticize others thoughtlessly. The country must not say or do anything which cannot be handled by its means."
「発展すればするほど謙虚であるべきで、無思慮に他人を批判してはならない。分を越えたことは言わず、分を越えたことはしてはならない」
中国を改革開放に導いたトウ（トウ＝登におおざと）小平氏の言葉だ。
China appears to have abandoned Deng's "taoguangyanghui" (hide one's talents and bide one's time) policy. But Deng also said, "China will never let anyone interfere in its domestic policy, and China will never compromise on that score."
才能を覆い隠し目立たせないというこの「韜光養晦（とうこうようかい）」路線は放棄したとしか見えぬ中国だが、トウ氏は次のようにも述べている。
「内政にはいかなる者の干渉も決して許すことができないし、中国は一切譲歩できない」
One thing is clear: China has faithfully adhered to Deng's guiding principle that "the only truth is development," and it focused on economic development as the ultimate national interest.
とはいえ、中国はこれまで「発展こそ確かな道理」といったトウ氏の教えに忠実に、経済発展に力を入れてきた。経済が最大の国益だったのだ。
2011年01月05日
斜陽の年―興隆、衰退そして再生へ
2010/12/30
--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 29
EDITORIAL: The year of decline
斜陽の年―興隆、衰退そして再生へ
Kanagi, a district in the city of Goshogawara in Aomori Prefecture, is the birthplace of novelist Osamu Dazai (1909-1948). It can be reached in 90 minutes after switching from the Tohoku Shinkansen bullet train from Tokyo to local lines at the recently opened Shin-Aomori Station.
全通したばかりの東北新幹線で新青森駅へ。さらに在来線と津軽鉄道を乗り継ぐ。うまくいって１時間半ほどで五所川原市金木（かなぎ）町に着く。太宰治のふるさとである。
Dazai was born into a family of wealthy landowners. He grew up in a stately, semi-Western-style mansion surrounded by four-meter-high brick walls. The estate was sold off after World War II, but has been preserved as a museum-cum-monument to Dazai. It is called Shayo-kan after one of his most representative works, "Shayo" (The Setting Sun).
太宰の生家は津軽の大地主だった。高さ４メートルのれんが塀で囲まれた和洋折衷の重厚な建物は、戦後人手に渡り、斜陽館として保存されている。
Japan was "reset" and had to start over from scratch after its defeat in World War II. That was 65 years ago, but people today are feeling a pervasive sense of decline. It is as if we were all standing, paralyzed, in front of the snow-covered Shayo-kan.
敗戦は日本をいったんゼロにリセットした。それから６５年後の今年、日本を覆うのは、やり場のない斜陽の感覚である。雪に覆われた巨大な館の前でみな立ちすくんでいるかのようだ。
Dizzying rise and fall
■目まぐるしい盛衰
Let's say Japan was a newborn baby in 1945. When it was 11 years old, "the immediate postwar era" was declared over. Finishing elementary education that year, the youngster grew strong and healthy, and was only 19 years old when it debuted in the international community with the successful 1964 Tokyo Olympics. And as a vigorous young adult of 25, it went on to host the Expo '70 in Osaka.
１９４５年にゼロ歳の日本ちゃんが生まれたとしよう。１１歳で「もはや戦後ではない」と初等教育を終え、若々しく成長し、１９歳で早くも五輪を成功させ国際デビューする。伸び盛りの２５歳の時には万博も開いた。
Japan's growth slowed somewhat during the oil shock years, but by the time it was in its 30s, the entire population of 100 million felt comfortable enough with their lives to consider themselves middle-class. At age 40, Japan topped the world in net overseas assets. This aroused criticism that Japan was making too much money, which led to the Plaza Accord of 1985 that drastically raised the yen's exchange value against the U.S. dollar and induced the asset-inflated bubble economy.
石油ショックなどがあって成長の速度は落ちたが、３０代になると一億総中流を自任した。４０歳で対外純資産が世界１位になった。さすがにもうけすぎだと言われて、プラザ合意で為替レートが一変しバブルが始まる。
The Cold War ended when Japan was in its mid-40s, and the bubble burst soon after. At 50, Japan was hit by the Great Hanshin Earthquake and terrorist attacks by the doomsday cult Aum Shinrikyo. From around that time, Japan began to experience health problems, and even the potent but potentially lethal drug of "reforms" prescribed by then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi didn't help.
At 65 today, Japan is still too young to be wasting away. But it has certainly lived quite an eventful life in a relatively short time.
４０代半ばのころ東西冷戦が終わり、その後バブルが崩壊する。５０歳の時に阪神大震災とオウム事件に遭った。そのころから病気がちになり、小泉改革の劇薬も効かず６５歳の今にいたる。このまま老衰するわけでもあるまいが、人の一生に等しい短い時間で目まぐるしい盛衰を経験しつつある。
In terms of gross domestic product, Japan is believed to have fallen to third in the world after China this year. Japan Airlines Corp., whose corporate logo once symbolized hope for people dreaming of traveling abroad, went bankrupt. University students planning to join the work force upon graduation are stuck in a barren "ultra-ice age." This year also brought into light the existence of many "paper centenarians" who are either long dead or whose whereabouts are unknown.
And for the 13th consecutive year, Japan will very likely have more than 30,000 suicides during 2010.
今年おそらく国内総生産で世界２位の座を中国に譲った。鶴のマークが海外への希望の象徴だった日本航空は破綻（はたん）した。大学生の就職は超氷河期。所在不明の高齢者は続出し、自殺者は１３年連続で３万人を超えそうだ。
The Democratic Party of Japan, which came into power in a historic regime change that enthralled many voters, has since muddled and stumbled along so badly that it has become, most ironically, a telling reminder of where the nation stands today.
国民の期待を背負って政権に就いたはずの民主党の迷走は、日本の立ち位置を皮肉な形で示してくれた。
Across the Pacific, U.S. President Barack Obama, who won the 2008 presidential election on his campaign message of "change," is now struggling under the crippling weight of Big Business and conservatism. And China is not curbing its ambitions for military capabilities commensurate with its growing economy, nor has it succeeded in controlling domestic discontent resulting from widening social disparities.
変化を掲げたオバマ米大統領は、巨大資本の呪縛や保守派の攻勢で身動きがとれない。中国は拡大する経済に見合った軍事力への渇望や、広がる格差が生む動揺を抑え切れていない。
The dwindling population
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2010年12月29日
遺骨が問う戦後―過去に向き合い続ける
英語版の記事で英文の翻訳抜けがありました。
翻訳抜けの箇所を（ ）で示しておきます。
（スラチャイ）
2010/12/28
--The Asahi Shimbun Dec. 27
EDITORIAL: Search for war remains
遺骨が問う戦後―過去に向き合い続ける
The search for the remains of Japanese soldiers who died in the Pacific War is gaining momentum.
太平洋戦争の戦没者の遺骨収集事業が、動きだしている。
"We will check each and every grain of sand," Prime Minister Naoto Kan said after digging into the volcanic ash and soil of Iwo Jima, a fierce battleground between Japan and the United States.
「一粒一粒の砂まで確かめる」。先日、日米激戦の地、硫黄島で火山灰まじりの土を掘り返した菅直人首相は、こう誓った。
The remains of 13,000 Japanese soldiers have yet to be found on this island, but the prime minister's special task force has located a group burial ground based on information from American documents. A full-fledged excavation project is to begin.
この島では日本兵１万３千人分の遺骨が見つかっていないが、官邸の特命チームが米国資料をもとに集団埋葬地を特定。これから発掘作業が本格化する。
Kan stressed, "The country has a responsibility to bring the remains back home," and implied that he is eager to expand the search program to other battle zones.
首相は「遺骨帰還は国の責務」と強調し、他の戦域での収集の拡充にも意欲を見せた。
About 2.4 million Japanese died in Okinawa and in foreign lands during the war. The 65th year after the war is drawing to a close, yet the remains of only 1.26 million have returned home.
沖縄や海外での戦没者は計２４０万人。戦後６５年が暮れつつあるというのに、戻ってきた遺骨は１２６万柱にとどまっている。
Actually, there is no law that says "the country has a responsibility" to retrieve the remains. When the war ended, what is now the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare took over the unfinished administerial business of the Japanese military, and the ministry has conducted the search as part of an assistance program for families of the war dead.
実は、遺骨収集を「国の責務」と定めた法律はない。旧軍の残務整理を引き継いだ厚生労働省が、戦没者遺族の援護の一環で続けてきた。
For a while after the war, it was difficult to set foot on lands the Japanese military had once invaded. It was not until the late 1960s, after reparation payments to those governments had made progress, that official government teams could make repeated trips to those lands in search of the remains.
敗戦後しばらく、侵略した地に足を踏み入れるのは難しかった。政府が率いる遺骨収集団が盛んに赴くようになったのは、各国への賠償が進んだ１９６０年代末のこと。
Former war comrades would serve as guides for the families of the fallen as they made their way into the jungles. The rescue of Shoichi Yokoi, a Japanese soldier who had held out in Guam until 1972, gave the project momentum.
戦友が道案内し、遺族が肉親の最期を思いながら、密林にわけ入る。７２年、グアム島の残留兵横井庄一さん救出で関心が高まり、遺骨収集は一気に進んだという。
With Japan entering the Heisei Era starting in 1989, veterans and families have grown older. With fewer leads on possible locations of the remains, the project dwindled down.
平成に入り、戦友や遺族は高齢となった。遺骨のありそうな場所の情報は減り、事業は先細りになる。
Starting four years ago, parts of the recovery project were commissioned to private groups, but there have been rumors that some of the bones that an NPO had collected in the Philippines might include those of local people. Some have suggested perhaps it was time to draw the project to a close.
４年前からは一部で民間団体への委託が始まったが、フィリピンではＮＰＯ法人が集めた骨に現地の人のものが混ざっている疑いが指摘されている。そろそろ幕引きを、という声も出ていた。
Kan had shown interest in this matter since his days in the opposition. We would like to believe that his involvement is not for the sake of his administration's popularity, but that he is truly committed to the recovery project in the numerous former battlegrounds.
菅首相は、野党時代からこの問題に関心を持ってきた。思いつきの政権浮揚策ではなく、本気で各地での収集に取り組もうとしていると信じたい。
If so, is it not time to consider moving beyond the usual framework of assisting the families and paying tribute to the deceased?
だとしたら、従来の遺族援護や慰霊といった枠組みを越え、遺骨収集のあり方を考え直すときではないか。
In the future, the recovery project should involve more young people, including student volunteers.
（収集の正確さや効率を期すのは当然だ。） 今後の担い手は学生ボランティアなど、若い人にも広げるべきだろう。
Perhaps the recovery project can be continued as a process of contemplation and soul-searching; a process for us to think and question why people were mobilized by the state and had to die in such places, only to be left there. It can be turned into an opportunity for us to learn the horrors of war, to learn from the mistakes of the past, and discover means of reconciliation.
国家に動員された人たちが、なぜこんな所で命を落とし、放置されねばならなかったのか。戦争の悲惨さと、反省を学び、和解の手がかりとする。そんな営みとして続けられないか。
For example, of the 520,000 Japanese casualties of war in the Philippines, the remains of 370,000 have returned home. But when we search for the remains of Japanese soldiers, we must not forget that more than 1 million Philippine civilians were killed.
たとえば５２万人が戦死したフィリピンには、３７万人分の遺骨が残る。しかしあの戦争では、１００万人を超すフィリピン民間人が犠牲になっている。日本兵の最期を捜すときには、そのことを忘れてはなるまい。
In China and North Korea, the search for remains, let alone their recovery, is still difficult. The remains include those of the soldiers who were originally from lands Japan colonized. Seoul is demanding Tokyo return the remains of those forcibly taken to Japan.
中国や国交のない北朝鮮では、いまだに遺骨調査さえ難しい。兵士には旧植民地出身者も含まれる。韓国政府からは、日本各地に強制連行された人の骨を返せと、求められてもいる。
The bones are silent, but from the dark they continue to question how Japan dealt with the aftermath of war. The important thing is to constantly face up to the past.
物言わぬ骨たちが、暗闇からこの国の戦後処理を問うている。大切なのは過去に向き合い続ける姿勢である。
翻訳抜けの箇所を（ ）で示しておきます。
（スラチャイ）
2010/12/28
--The Asahi Shimbun Dec. 27
EDITORIAL: Search for war remains
遺骨が問う戦後―過去に向き合い続ける
The search for the remains of Japanese soldiers who died in the Pacific War is gaining momentum.
太平洋戦争の戦没者の遺骨収集事業が、動きだしている。
"We will check each and every grain of sand," Prime Minister Naoto Kan said after digging into the volcanic ash and soil of Iwo Jima, a fierce battleground between Japan and the United States.
「一粒一粒の砂まで確かめる」。先日、日米激戦の地、硫黄島で火山灰まじりの土を掘り返した菅直人首相は、こう誓った。
The remains of 13,000 Japanese soldiers have yet to be found on this island, but the prime minister's special task force has located a group burial ground based on information from American documents. A full-fledged excavation project is to begin.
この島では日本兵１万３千人分の遺骨が見つかっていないが、官邸の特命チームが米国資料をもとに集団埋葬地を特定。これから発掘作業が本格化する。
Kan stressed, "The country has a responsibility to bring the remains back home," and implied that he is eager to expand the search program to other battle zones.
首相は「遺骨帰還は国の責務」と強調し、他の戦域での収集の拡充にも意欲を見せた。
About 2.4 million Japanese died in Okinawa and in foreign lands during the war. The 65th year after the war is drawing to a close, yet the remains of only 1.26 million have returned home.
沖縄や海外での戦没者は計２４０万人。戦後６５年が暮れつつあるというのに、戻ってきた遺骨は１２６万柱にとどまっている。
Actually, there is no law that says "the country has a responsibility" to retrieve the remains. When the war ended, what is now the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare took over the unfinished administerial business of the Japanese military, and the ministry has conducted the search as part of an assistance program for families of the war dead.
実は、遺骨収集を「国の責務」と定めた法律はない。旧軍の残務整理を引き継いだ厚生労働省が、戦没者遺族の援護の一環で続けてきた。
For a while after the war, it was difficult to set foot on lands the Japanese military had once invaded. It was not until the late 1960s, after reparation payments to those governments had made progress, that official government teams could make repeated trips to those lands in search of the remains.
敗戦後しばらく、侵略した地に足を踏み入れるのは難しかった。政府が率いる遺骨収集団が盛んに赴くようになったのは、各国への賠償が進んだ１９６０年代末のこと。
Former war comrades would serve as guides for the families of the fallen as they made their way into the jungles. The rescue of Shoichi Yokoi, a Japanese soldier who had held out in Guam until 1972, gave the project momentum.
戦友が道案内し、遺族が肉親の最期を思いながら、密林にわけ入る。７２年、グアム島の残留兵横井庄一さん救出で関心が高まり、遺骨収集は一気に進んだという。
With Japan entering the Heisei Era starting in 1989, veterans and families have grown older. With fewer leads on possible locations of the remains, the project dwindled down.
平成に入り、戦友や遺族は高齢となった。遺骨のありそうな場所の情報は減り、事業は先細りになる。
Starting four years ago, parts of the recovery project were commissioned to private groups, but there have been rumors that some of the bones that an NPO had collected in the Philippines might include those of local people. Some have suggested perhaps it was time to draw the project to a close.
４年前からは一部で民間団体への委託が始まったが、フィリピンではＮＰＯ法人が集めた骨に現地の人のものが混ざっている疑いが指摘されている。そろそろ幕引きを、という声も出ていた。
Kan had shown interest in this matter since his days in the opposition. We would like to believe that his involvement is not for the sake of his administration's popularity, but that he is truly committed to the recovery project in the numerous former battlegrounds.
菅首相は、野党時代からこの問題に関心を持ってきた。思いつきの政権浮揚策ではなく、本気で各地での収集に取り組もうとしていると信じたい。
If so, is it not time to consider moving beyond the usual framework of assisting the families and paying tribute to the deceased?
だとしたら、従来の遺族援護や慰霊といった枠組みを越え、遺骨収集のあり方を考え直すときではないか。
In the future, the recovery project should involve more young people, including student volunteers.
（収集の正確さや効率を期すのは当然だ。） 今後の担い手は学生ボランティアなど、若い人にも広げるべきだろう。
Perhaps the recovery project can be continued as a process of contemplation and soul-searching; a process for us to think and question why people were mobilized by the state and had to die in such places, only to be left there. It can be turned into an opportunity for us to learn the horrors of war, to learn from the mistakes of the past, and discover means of reconciliation.
国家に動員された人たちが、なぜこんな所で命を落とし、放置されねばならなかったのか。戦争の悲惨さと、反省を学び、和解の手がかりとする。そんな営みとして続けられないか。
For example, of the 520,000 Japanese casualties of war in the Philippines, the remains of 370,000 have returned home. But when we search for the remains of Japanese soldiers, we must not forget that more than 1 million Philippine civilians were killed.
たとえば５２万人が戦死したフィリピンには、３７万人分の遺骨が残る。しかしあの戦争では、１００万人を超すフィリピン民間人が犠牲になっている。日本兵の最期を捜すときには、そのことを忘れてはなるまい。
In China and North Korea, the search for remains, let alone their recovery, is still difficult. The remains include those of the soldiers who were originally from lands Japan colonized. Seoul is demanding Tokyo return the remains of those forcibly taken to Japan.
中国や国交のない北朝鮮では、いまだに遺骨調査さえ難しい。兵士には旧植民地出身者も含まれる。韓国政府からは、日本各地に強制連行された人の骨を返せと、求められてもいる。
The bones are silent, but from the dark they continue to question how Japan dealt with the aftermath of war. The important thing is to constantly face up to the past.
物言わぬ骨たちが、暗闇からこの国の戦後処理を問うている。大切なのは過去に向き合い続ける姿勢である。
2010年12月27日
新核軍縮条約―多国間の削減へ踏み出せ
2010/12/25
--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 24
EDITORIAL: New nuclear disarmament treaty
新核軍縮条約―多国間の削減へ踏み出せ
A new nuclear disarmament treaty aimed at reducing U.S. and Russian strategic nuclear weapons has taken a major step toward validation. The U.S. Senate, which had been reluctant to pass and ratify it, finally approved it eight months after it was signed.
米ロの戦略核兵器を減らす新核軍縮条約が、発効へと大きく前進した。批准承認を渋っていた米議会上院が、条約調印から８カ月たってようやく可決にたどりついた。
With no prospects for the treaty to take effect, U.S. President Barack Obama's initiative for "a world without nuclear weapons" could have lost its footing. It is significant that the Senate approved it at the last moment and did not allow the initiative aimed at abolishing nuclear weapons to fall apart.
発効のめどがたたないままだと、オバマ大統領が打ち出した「核のない世界」への構想が根本から揺らぎかねなかった。土俵際で踏みとどまって、核ゼロに向かう構想を崩壊させなかったことの意義は大きい。
The development should provide momentum for the United States to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty that President Obama mentioned in his April 2009 "Prague speech" and to strike a treaty on banning production of weapons-grade fissionable materials. Nuclear powers are also urged to step up their efforts for disarmament without delay.
これを弾みにして、昨年４月の「プラハ演説」で示した包括的核実験禁止条約（ＣＴＢＴ）の米国での批准、兵器用核分裂性物質の生産禁止に関する条約交渉の開始、核保有国によるさらなる軍縮などを、一刻も早く前進させるべきである。
In particular, we wish to make a request on future nuclear disarmament.
とくに、今後の核軍縮について注文をつけておきたい。
The United States and Russia are required to reduce the number of strategic nuclear warheads to 1,550 or fewer within seven years from the time the treaty takes effect. But even this figure means the two countries would still possess enormous capability to destroy civilization.
米ロは、新条約の発効から７年以内に、戦略核弾頭を双方１５５０発以下まで減らす。だがこの数でさえ、過剰な殺戮（さつりく）能力が残ることに変わりない。
Instead of seven years, the countries should hasten negotiations for the treaty to cut the number of nuclear warheads to 1,000 or fewer. If possible, the next nuclear disarmament treaty should take effect before the next Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty review conference slated for 2015.
文明破壊の危険から脱するために、この期限を待たずに１千発以下に減らす条約交渉を急ぐべきだ。できれば、２０１５年にある次回の核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）再検討会議までに、次の核軍縮条約を発効させたい。
It is also important to sound out consultations with nuclear powers other than the United States and Russia.
米ロ以外の核保有国との協議をさぐることも大事だ。
China has maintained the stance that the United States and Russia should take the lead in nuclear disarmament.
中国は「米ロ核軍縮が先だ」との立場をとり続けてきた。
However, if prospects for each of the two countries to possess 1,000 nuclear warheads or fewer become likely, even China would no longer be able to escape the disarmament administration. Rather, it should positively propose multilateral consultations.
だが、米ロ双方の１千発以下の時代が見えてくれば、もはや中国も核軍備管理から逃げられない。むしろ積極的に多国間の協議について提案すべきだろう。
In particular, in Asia, the United States, China and related countries need to discuss how the regional arms control and security framework ought to be so as not to trigger an arms race in conventional forces.
とくにアジアでは、核軍縮が通常戦力の軍拡を引き起こすことがないように、地域的な軍備管理、安全保障の枠組みのあり方を米中や関係国で協議していく必要がある。
As a country that suffered atomic bombings, Japan has an important role to appeal to other countries and present a new initiative. We must also not forget that it would also benefit Japan's own security.
それを呼びかけ、新たな構想を示すのは、被爆国である日本の重要な役割だろう。それが日本の安全保障に資することも忘れてはならない。
For the new treaty to take effect, ratification by Russia is indispensable. Russia's nuclear missiles are rapidly aging. Without the treaty, the cost of renewing them will weigh heavily on the country. In that sense, the treaty is also reasonable for Russia and should be ratified as soon as possible.
今回の新条約の発効には、ロシアの批准が欠かせない。条約がなければ、急速に老朽化が進む核ミサイルの更新費用が大きな財政負担になる。ロシアにも理にかなう条約だ。早期に批准すべきである。
Former U.S. secretaries of state and defense of the former Republican administration have expressed their support for the new treaty one after another. Despite such circumstances, the approval had been put off because there is strong reluctance within the Republican Party to help Obama score a point.
新条約には米国の共和党政権期の元国務長官、元国防長官たちが相次いで支持を表明してきた。それなのに承認が先延ばしされたのは、共和党内にオバマ大統領の得点になることに協力したくない空気が強いからだ。
Unless Washington advances nuclear disarmament, its position to call for the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons would weaken and directly affect the security of the United States and its allies.
核軍縮を進めぬ限り、核不拡散を主張する米国の足場は弱まる。それは、米国や同盟国の安全保障問題に直結する。
The Republican Party's stance of dragging nuclear disarmament due to its partisan interests makes light of the will of many countries that aim at "a world without nuclear weapons" under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. We strongly urge the Republican Party to reflect on its behavior.
党派的な利害で足を引っ張る共和党の姿勢は、ＮＰＴの下で「核のない世界」に向かう多くの国の意思を軽視するものだ。強く反省を促したい。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 24
EDITORIAL: New nuclear disarmament treaty
新核軍縮条約―多国間の削減へ踏み出せ
A new nuclear disarmament treaty aimed at reducing U.S. and Russian strategic nuclear weapons has taken a major step toward validation. The U.S. Senate, which had been reluctant to pass and ratify it, finally approved it eight months after it was signed.
米ロの戦略核兵器を減らす新核軍縮条約が、発効へと大きく前進した。批准承認を渋っていた米議会上院が、条約調印から８カ月たってようやく可決にたどりついた。
With no prospects for the treaty to take effect, U.S. President Barack Obama's initiative for "a world without nuclear weapons" could have lost its footing. It is significant that the Senate approved it at the last moment and did not allow the initiative aimed at abolishing nuclear weapons to fall apart.
発効のめどがたたないままだと、オバマ大統領が打ち出した「核のない世界」への構想が根本から揺らぎかねなかった。土俵際で踏みとどまって、核ゼロに向かう構想を崩壊させなかったことの意義は大きい。
The development should provide momentum for the United States to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty that President Obama mentioned in his April 2009 "Prague speech" and to strike a treaty on banning production of weapons-grade fissionable materials. Nuclear powers are also urged to step up their efforts for disarmament without delay.
これを弾みにして、昨年４月の「プラハ演説」で示した包括的核実験禁止条約（ＣＴＢＴ）の米国での批准、兵器用核分裂性物質の生産禁止に関する条約交渉の開始、核保有国によるさらなる軍縮などを、一刻も早く前進させるべきである。
In particular, we wish to make a request on future nuclear disarmament.
とくに、今後の核軍縮について注文をつけておきたい。
The United States and Russia are required to reduce the number of strategic nuclear warheads to 1,550 or fewer within seven years from the time the treaty takes effect. But even this figure means the two countries would still possess enormous capability to destroy civilization.
米ロは、新条約の発効から７年以内に、戦略核弾頭を双方１５５０発以下まで減らす。だがこの数でさえ、過剰な殺戮（さつりく）能力が残ることに変わりない。
Instead of seven years, the countries should hasten negotiations for the treaty to cut the number of nuclear warheads to 1,000 or fewer. If possible, the next nuclear disarmament treaty should take effect before the next Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty review conference slated for 2015.
文明破壊の危険から脱するために、この期限を待たずに１千発以下に減らす条約交渉を急ぐべきだ。できれば、２０１５年にある次回の核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）再検討会議までに、次の核軍縮条約を発効させたい。
It is also important to sound out consultations with nuclear powers other than the United States and Russia.
米ロ以外の核保有国との協議をさぐることも大事だ。
China has maintained the stance that the United States and Russia should take the lead in nuclear disarmament.
中国は「米ロ核軍縮が先だ」との立場をとり続けてきた。
However, if prospects for each of the two countries to possess 1,000 nuclear warheads or fewer become likely, even China would no longer be able to escape the disarmament administration. Rather, it should positively propose multilateral consultations.
だが、米ロ双方の１千発以下の時代が見えてくれば、もはや中国も核軍備管理から逃げられない。むしろ積極的に多国間の協議について提案すべきだろう。
In particular, in Asia, the United States, China and related countries need to discuss how the regional arms control and security framework ought to be so as not to trigger an arms race in conventional forces.
とくにアジアでは、核軍縮が通常戦力の軍拡を引き起こすことがないように、地域的な軍備管理、安全保障の枠組みのあり方を米中や関係国で協議していく必要がある。
As a country that suffered atomic bombings, Japan has an important role to appeal to other countries and present a new initiative. We must also not forget that it would also benefit Japan's own security.
それを呼びかけ、新たな構想を示すのは、被爆国である日本の重要な役割だろう。それが日本の安全保障に資することも忘れてはならない。
For the new treaty to take effect, ratification by Russia is indispensable. Russia's nuclear missiles are rapidly aging. Without the treaty, the cost of renewing them will weigh heavily on the country. In that sense, the treaty is also reasonable for Russia and should be ratified as soon as possible.
今回の新条約の発効には、ロシアの批准が欠かせない。条約がなければ、急速に老朽化が進む核ミサイルの更新費用が大きな財政負担になる。ロシアにも理にかなう条約だ。早期に批准すべきである。
Former U.S. secretaries of state and defense of the former Republican administration have expressed their support for the new treaty one after another. Despite such circumstances, the approval had been put off because there is strong reluctance within the Republican Party to help Obama score a point.
新条約には米国の共和党政権期の元国務長官、元国防長官たちが相次いで支持を表明してきた。それなのに承認が先延ばしされたのは、共和党内にオバマ大統領の得点になることに協力したくない空気が強いからだ。
Unless Washington advances nuclear disarmament, its position to call for the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons would weaken and directly affect the security of the United States and its allies.
核軍縮を進めぬ限り、核不拡散を主張する米国の足場は弱まる。それは、米国や同盟国の安全保障問題に直結する。
The Republican Party's stance of dragging nuclear disarmament due to its partisan interests makes light of the will of many countries that aim at "a world without nuclear weapons" under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. We strongly urge the Republican Party to reflect on its behavior.
党派的な利害で足を引っ張る共和党の姿勢は、ＮＰＴの下で「核のない世界」に向かう多くの国の意思を軽視するものだ。強く反省を促したい。
2010年12月22日
Japanese rice and TPP
2010/12/21
--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 20
EDITORIAL: Japanese rice and TPP
ＴＰＰと農業―衰退モデル脱却の好機だ
Prime Minister Naoto Kan's decision to consider Japan's participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement has provoked acrimony over whether to protect Japan's export industries or its agriculture.
守るべきは輸出産業か、それとも国内農業か。菅直人首相が表明した「環太平洋パートナーシップ協定」（ＴＰＰ）への参加検討の方針が、そんな対立を生んでいる。
But this is not an either-or issue.
だがこれは、二者択一の問題ではない。
The TPP is a multilateral pact to create a free trade zone by eliminating tariffs between the member countries. Nine countries, including the United States, are negotiating the agreement.
関税撤廃で自由貿易圏をつくろうという構想がＴＰＰである。米国など９カ国が推進している。
Joining the TPP offers a great opportunity for Japan to catch up with some rival trade powers in the race to strike free trade agreements (FTAs).
日本にとって、そこに参加することは自由貿易協定（ＦＴＡ）戦略の出遅れを一気に取り戻すチャンスである。
Japan should try to figure out a way to ensure the long-term viability of its agriculture without missing out on this opportunity.
そうする中で農業との両立をさぐるのが筋だ。
Agricultural reform is key
■改革こそ両立の道
When South Korea's free trade agreements with the United States and Europe come into force next year, Japanese export industries will find themselves at a serious disadvantage against their South Korean rivals.
韓国が米欧とのＦＴＡを来年発効させれば、日本の輸出産業は韓国企業に比べて不利になる。
Japan's participation in the TPP pact would offset the negative effects. It would also help ease the pressure on Japanese companies to shift operations overseas.
ＴＰＰ参加はその不利を打ち消す。日本企業の海外移転圧力を和らげる効果もある。
As a resource-poor country, Japan has no choice but to stake its survival on trade. But food security is also vital for safeguarding the well-being of the people. Japan cannot give up either trade or agriculture.
資源に乏しい日本は通商国家として生きるしか道はない。さりとて国民生活を守るには食糧の安全保障も重要だ。いずれも切り捨てられない。
The key to solving this knotty question is agricultural reform.
難問を解くカギは農業改革にある。
The farm ministry and agricultural cooperatives argue that Japan's participation in the TPP would deliver a devastating blow by bringing down its crucial protective wall--high tariffs. But Japanese agriculture should try to secure its survival and improve its future prospects through reform.
農林水産省や農協は、ＴＰＰ参加で高関税という防護壁を失えば、「国内農業は壊滅的打撃を受ける」と主張する。だが、改革による生き残りと再生への道を歩むべきではないか。
Since long before the TPP issue came to the fore, Japanese agriculture has been in urgent need of reform. The average age of farmers in Japan is 66, and there is a serious shortage of young people willing to pursue a career in agriculture. Japanese agriculture could collapse in 10 years or so.
ＴＰＰ問題が浮上するずっと前から、農業は改革の必要に迫られてきた。働き手が平均６６歳と高齢化し、後継者不足も深刻で、あと１０年もすれば国内農業は自壊しかねない。
One of the main factors putting Japanese agriculture in its current miserable state is the so-called acreage reduction program, which has been the main pillar of Japan's agricultural policy. It is the government's program to maintain rice prices through production adjustments, and it involves reducing the amount of land devoted to rice cultivation in response to declining demand for rice.
こうなった要因の一つが農政の基軸だった減反政策だ。米価維持のためにコメの需要減に合わせて水田の作付面積を減らす官製の生産調整策である。
Seven trillion yen ($83.5 billion) of taxpayer money has been spent for the program in 40 years, but the average income of farmers has halved in the past two decades.
４０年間で総額７兆円の税金が投じられたが農業所得は２０年前から半減した。
Its greatest harm is that it has hampered the efforts of well-motivated full-time farmers to become financially independent through ingenuity and expansion of their operations.
減反の最大の罪は、創意工夫と大規模化で自立しようと努力する主業農家の足を引っ張ってきたことだ。
Food security under threat
■危うい食糧確保
Under the program, annual production quotas are decided on the basis of actual rice sales in the previous year.
減反政策ではコメの販売実績によって翌年の生産枠が決まる。
The new program to prop up the income of farmers with direct cash payments, which was introduced this year by the government led by the Democratic Party of Japan as its key policy initiative, is making things worse.
Under the program, the amounts of cash that farmers receive are based on their production quotas. This has prompted agricultural cooperatives across the nation to try to increase rice sales by cutting prices in efforts to secure larger output quotas, thereby accelerating the falls of rice prices.
しかも今年から始まった民主党政権の目玉政策、農家への戸別所得補償制度では枠が大きいほど補償額も増える。このため各地の農協がコメを安売りしてでも枠の拡大を競うようになり、米価の下落に拍車をかけている。
The situation is tougher for full-time farmers than for part-time farmers who get much of their income outside of farming.
こうなると、主な所得が他にある兼業農家より、農業で稼いでいる主業農家の方が苦しくなる。
The income support program is hindering consolidation of farming land and promoting the division of land into smaller lots.
戸別所得補償が農地の集約を阻害し、細切れ化を促すという弊害も出てきた。
Since the program covers all farmers selling rice, small farmers who were on the way out of the business are now rushing to terminate the lease of their farmland to others to receive cash from the government.
すべての販売農家を対象にしたために、退出するはずの零細農家も補償を得ようと、貸していた農地の「貸しはがし」に走る傾向がある。
This is making it even more difficult to promote cost reduction through expanding the scale of farming.
これでは日本の農業の大規模化によるコスト削減はままならない。
Japan is struggling to curb rice production to prevent a glut. But the global outlook for the future of agriculture is quite different.
コメ余りを避けようと、政策的に生産を抑えこむのに四苦八苦する日本だが、世界に目を転ずると、別の光景が広がる。
The world population is projected to grow to 9.1 billion in 2050 from the current 6.9 billion. Steadily growing demand for grain is certain to remain on a sharp upward trajectory in the coming years.
現在６９億人の世界人口は２０５０年に９１億人まで増える。増加の一途をたどる穀物需要は、今後もまちがいなく膨張する。
Fortunately, the kind of acute food shortage predicted by the British economist Thomas Malthus in his "An Essay on the Principle of Population" has not become reality, at least so far.
経済学者マルサスが「人口論」で予言した深刻な食糧不安は、幸いこれまでは無用の心配だった。
That's because cultivated acreage has been increased steadily while technological innovations for fertilizers and other means have raised production per unit area.
耕地面積を広げ、肥料などの技術革新で単位収量を増やせたからだ。
But what about the future? Even small changes in the supply-demand balance often cause sharp rises and falls in the grain markets. It is not rare either for food-exporting countries to cause international concerns about food supplies by trying to ensure sufficient supplies at home.
これからはどうか。穀物市況はわずかな需給の変化でも激変する。輸出国が自国供給を優先して、国際不安を呼ぶことも珍しくない。
Three years ago, India and China imposed restrictions on their grain exports. This past summer, Russia temporarily halted its wheat exports, creating a stir among importing countries.
３年前にはインド、中国などの穀物輸出制限、今夏もロシアが小麦の一時輸出停止で輸入国に波紋を広げた。
Many industrialized countries have been raising their grain production capacity in response to concerns about food shortages. That has been possible because of their export-promotion policies.
多くの先進国は食糧不安に備え、穀物生産力を高めてきた。それを可能にしたのは農産物の輸出政策である。
Germany, for instance, has achieved complete self-sufficiency in wheat and dairy products and is exporting the surpluses.
たとえばドイツは小麦や乳製品で完全自給を超過する分を輸出している。
Japan has not taken that approach and has been cutting down its output. As a result, Japan's food self-sufficiency ratio has fallen to 40 percent from nearly 80 percent half a century ago.
日本はその道を選ばず生産量を減らし、半世紀前に８０％近くあった自給率はいま４０％だ。
A breed-improvement project to increase rice production has long been a taboo at agricultural experimental stations across the nation. This is an agricultural policy that is bucking the global trend.
全国各地の農業試験所では、コメの収量を増やすための品種改良はずっと御法度だった。世界の潮流とかけ離れた政策である。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 20
EDITORIAL: Japanese rice and TPP
ＴＰＰと農業―衰退モデル脱却の好機だ
Prime Minister Naoto Kan's decision to consider Japan's participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement has provoked acrimony over whether to protect Japan's export industries or its agriculture.
守るべきは輸出産業か、それとも国内農業か。菅直人首相が表明した「環太平洋パートナーシップ協定」（ＴＰＰ）への参加検討の方針が、そんな対立を生んでいる。
But this is not an either-or issue.
だがこれは、二者択一の問題ではない。
The TPP is a multilateral pact to create a free trade zone by eliminating tariffs between the member countries. Nine countries, including the United States, are negotiating the agreement.
関税撤廃で自由貿易圏をつくろうという構想がＴＰＰである。米国など９カ国が推進している。
Joining the TPP offers a great opportunity for Japan to catch up with some rival trade powers in the race to strike free trade agreements (FTAs).
日本にとって、そこに参加することは自由貿易協定（ＦＴＡ）戦略の出遅れを一気に取り戻すチャンスである。
Japan should try to figure out a way to ensure the long-term viability of its agriculture without missing out on this opportunity.
そうする中で農業との両立をさぐるのが筋だ。
Agricultural reform is key
■改革こそ両立の道
When South Korea's free trade agreements with the United States and Europe come into force next year, Japanese export industries will find themselves at a serious disadvantage against their South Korean rivals.
韓国が米欧とのＦＴＡを来年発効させれば、日本の輸出産業は韓国企業に比べて不利になる。
Japan's participation in the TPP pact would offset the negative effects. It would also help ease the pressure on Japanese companies to shift operations overseas.
ＴＰＰ参加はその不利を打ち消す。日本企業の海外移転圧力を和らげる効果もある。
As a resource-poor country, Japan has no choice but to stake its survival on trade. But food security is also vital for safeguarding the well-being of the people. Japan cannot give up either trade or agriculture.
資源に乏しい日本は通商国家として生きるしか道はない。さりとて国民生活を守るには食糧の安全保障も重要だ。いずれも切り捨てられない。
The key to solving this knotty question is agricultural reform.
難問を解くカギは農業改革にある。
The farm ministry and agricultural cooperatives argue that Japan's participation in the TPP would deliver a devastating blow by bringing down its crucial protective wall--high tariffs. But Japanese agriculture should try to secure its survival and improve its future prospects through reform.
農林水産省や農協は、ＴＰＰ参加で高関税という防護壁を失えば、「国内農業は壊滅的打撃を受ける」と主張する。だが、改革による生き残りと再生への道を歩むべきではないか。
Since long before the TPP issue came to the fore, Japanese agriculture has been in urgent need of reform. The average age of farmers in Japan is 66, and there is a serious shortage of young people willing to pursue a career in agriculture. Japanese agriculture could collapse in 10 years or so.
ＴＰＰ問題が浮上するずっと前から、農業は改革の必要に迫られてきた。働き手が平均６６歳と高齢化し、後継者不足も深刻で、あと１０年もすれば国内農業は自壊しかねない。
One of the main factors putting Japanese agriculture in its current miserable state is the so-called acreage reduction program, which has been the main pillar of Japan's agricultural policy. It is the government's program to maintain rice prices through production adjustments, and it involves reducing the amount of land devoted to rice cultivation in response to declining demand for rice.
こうなった要因の一つが農政の基軸だった減反政策だ。米価維持のためにコメの需要減に合わせて水田の作付面積を減らす官製の生産調整策である。
Seven trillion yen ($83.5 billion) of taxpayer money has been spent for the program in 40 years, but the average income of farmers has halved in the past two decades.
４０年間で総額７兆円の税金が投じられたが農業所得は２０年前から半減した。
Its greatest harm is that it has hampered the efforts of well-motivated full-time farmers to become financially independent through ingenuity and expansion of their operations.
減反の最大の罪は、創意工夫と大規模化で自立しようと努力する主業農家の足を引っ張ってきたことだ。
Food security under threat
■危うい食糧確保
Under the program, annual production quotas are decided on the basis of actual rice sales in the previous year.
減反政策ではコメの販売実績によって翌年の生産枠が決まる。
The new program to prop up the income of farmers with direct cash payments, which was introduced this year by the government led by the Democratic Party of Japan as its key policy initiative, is making things worse.
Under the program, the amounts of cash that farmers receive are based on their production quotas. This has prompted agricultural cooperatives across the nation to try to increase rice sales by cutting prices in efforts to secure larger output quotas, thereby accelerating the falls of rice prices.
しかも今年から始まった民主党政権の目玉政策、農家への戸別所得補償制度では枠が大きいほど補償額も増える。このため各地の農協がコメを安売りしてでも枠の拡大を競うようになり、米価の下落に拍車をかけている。
The situation is tougher for full-time farmers than for part-time farmers who get much of their income outside of farming.
こうなると、主な所得が他にある兼業農家より、農業で稼いでいる主業農家の方が苦しくなる。
The income support program is hindering consolidation of farming land and promoting the division of land into smaller lots.
戸別所得補償が農地の集約を阻害し、細切れ化を促すという弊害も出てきた。
Since the program covers all farmers selling rice, small farmers who were on the way out of the business are now rushing to terminate the lease of their farmland to others to receive cash from the government.
すべての販売農家を対象にしたために、退出するはずの零細農家も補償を得ようと、貸していた農地の「貸しはがし」に走る傾向がある。
This is making it even more difficult to promote cost reduction through expanding the scale of farming.
これでは日本の農業の大規模化によるコスト削減はままならない。
Japan is struggling to curb rice production to prevent a glut. But the global outlook for the future of agriculture is quite different.
コメ余りを避けようと、政策的に生産を抑えこむのに四苦八苦する日本だが、世界に目を転ずると、別の光景が広がる。
The world population is projected to grow to 9.1 billion in 2050 from the current 6.9 billion. Steadily growing demand for grain is certain to remain on a sharp upward trajectory in the coming years.
現在６９億人の世界人口は２０５０年に９１億人まで増える。増加の一途をたどる穀物需要は、今後もまちがいなく膨張する。
Fortunately, the kind of acute food shortage predicted by the British economist Thomas Malthus in his "An Essay on the Principle of Population" has not become reality, at least so far.
経済学者マルサスが「人口論」で予言した深刻な食糧不安は、幸いこれまでは無用の心配だった。
That's because cultivated acreage has been increased steadily while technological innovations for fertilizers and other means have raised production per unit area.
耕地面積を広げ、肥料などの技術革新で単位収量を増やせたからだ。
But what about the future? Even small changes in the supply-demand balance often cause sharp rises and falls in the grain markets. It is not rare either for food-exporting countries to cause international concerns about food supplies by trying to ensure sufficient supplies at home.
これからはどうか。穀物市況はわずかな需給の変化でも激変する。輸出国が自国供給を優先して、国際不安を呼ぶことも珍しくない。
Three years ago, India and China imposed restrictions on their grain exports. This past summer, Russia temporarily halted its wheat exports, creating a stir among importing countries.
３年前にはインド、中国などの穀物輸出制限、今夏もロシアが小麦の一時輸出停止で輸入国に波紋を広げた。
Many industrialized countries have been raising their grain production capacity in response to concerns about food shortages. That has been possible because of their export-promotion policies.
多くの先進国は食糧不安に備え、穀物生産力を高めてきた。それを可能にしたのは農産物の輸出政策である。
Germany, for instance, has achieved complete self-sufficiency in wheat and dairy products and is exporting the surpluses.
たとえばドイツは小麦や乳製品で完全自給を超過する分を輸出している。
Japan has not taken that approach and has been cutting down its output. As a result, Japan's food self-sufficiency ratio has fallen to 40 percent from nearly 80 percent half a century ago.
日本はその道を選ばず生産量を減らし、半世紀前に８０％近くあった自給率はいま４０％だ。
A breed-improvement project to increase rice production has long been a taboo at agricultural experimental stations across the nation. This is an agricultural policy that is bucking the global trend.
全国各地の農業試験所では、コメの収量を増やすための品種改良はずっと御法度だった。世界の潮流とかけ離れた政策である。
2010年12月21日
新防衛大綱 機動性ある自衛隊へ転換急げ
敗戦から６５年、もうそろそろ時効ではないでしょうか。
日本の国を守るのはやはり日本人じゃないとおかしな話です。
自民党だったら恐らく今回ような改定は難しかったのではないでしょうか。
批判も見受けられますがスラチャイは、当然の流れだと考えます。
むしろ遅すぎた感があります。
（スラチャイ記）
New thinking welcome on defense strategies
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Dec. 20, 2010)
新防衛大綱 機動性ある自衛隊へ転換急げ（12月19日付・読売社説）
The security environment around Japan is growing ominous. To secure peace and safety for the nation under such circumstances, it is necessary to eliminate the remnants of Cold War strategies and construct a more flexible and resilient defense system.
我が国周辺の安全保障情勢は厳しさを増している。その中で日本の平和と安全を確保するには、冷戦期の残滓(ざんし)を排し、より機動的で柔軟性ある防衛体制を構築する必要がある。
The government has decided on new National Defense Program Guidelines, the first revisions in six years and the third overall since the guidelines were originally worked out in 1976.
政府が、新しい「防衛計画の大綱」を決定した。１９７６年に防衛大綱が策定されて以来、６年ぶり３回目の改定である。
The new guidelines call for a paradigm shift from the 1976 emphasis on "fundamental defense" to the modern concept of "dynamic defense capability."
新大綱は、７６年大綱が掲げた防衛力整備の基本指針の「基盤的防衛力構想」を、「動的防衛力」に転換する方針を打ち出した。
◆冷戦の残滓排除が重要◆
The fundamental defense concept calls for possessing the minimum defense forces necessary for an independent country. The concept has been used as grounds for deploying the Self-Defense Forces evenly over the country, a strategic vestige of the Cold War period.
基盤的防衛力とは、独立国として必要最小限の防衛力を保有するという概念だ。冷戦時代から残る「全国均等な部隊配置」の根拠となってきた。
The dynamic defense capability concept, on the other hand, emphasizes having the capabilities to respond to a variety of threats and contingencies.
これに対し、動的防衛力は、多様な脅威や事態に機動的に対処する能力を重視している。
The diverse activities of today's SDF include dealing with missiles and new threats such as terrorism, and taking part in international peacekeeping operations.
自衛隊の任務は、ミサイル、テロなど新たな脅威への対応や、国際平和協力活動への参加など、多様化している。
The days are gone when the SDF could remain a passive organization. Possessing up-to-date tanks, ships and planes alone is not sufficient for deterrent power to work.
自衛隊に極力何もさせず、抑制的な組織にとどめておけば良かった時代は、遠く去った。最新鋭の戦車や艦船、航空機も、保有しているだけでは、抑止力は十分機能しない。
Deterrence can work only when the SDF is seen deploying its units to perform various duties. Adoption of such a dynamic defense capability as the concept of the new defense guidelines would be an appropriate policy switch in the dramatically changing security landscape we face today.
自衛隊が様々な任務をこなし、部隊を動かすことを通じて抑止力を働かせる。そうした動的防衛力の採用は、大きな時代の変化に即した適切な政策転換と言える。
China a 'major concern'
The new guidelines refer to China's rapidly increasing defense spending, the stepped-up activities of its naval and air forces and the lack of transparency in its military buildup programs, which the guidelines mention as a "matter of concern for the region and the international community."
新大綱は、中国の国防費の増加や海空軍の活動活発化、透明性の不足について、「地域・国際社会の懸念事項」と明記した。
China's military emergence is conspicuous. China's publicly announced plan to build aircraft carriers has changed the military balance in the East China Sea. It has been actively ramping up moves to expand its maritime interests, thereby intensifying friction with Southeast Asian nations.
中国の台頭は著しい。空母保有を公言し、東シナ海の軍事バランスが変化しつつある。海洋権益拡大を図る動きも激しく、東南アジア諸国との軋轢(あつれき)が増している。
Under such circumstances, it is natural that the new guidelines include beefing up island defenses, such as in the Nansei Islands, which include Okinawa Prefecture and part of Kagoshima Prefecture. It is essential to go ahead with a plan to deploy Ground Self-Defense Force units on Yonagunijima, Japan's western most island.
こうした中、新大綱が南西諸島など島嶼(とうしょ)防衛の強化を打ち出したのは当然だ。与那国島への陸上自衛隊の部隊配置などを着実に進める必要がある。
Referring to North Korea, the guidelines say that country remains "an urgent and serious destabilizing factor." Given that the reclusive communist state conducted two nuclear tests, test-fired ballistic missiles, torpedoed a South Korean warship and shelled the South Korean island of Yeonpyeong, it is indispensable for Japan to bolster military ties with the United States and South Korea.
北朝鮮については、アジア地域の「喫緊かつ重大な不安定要因」と記述した。２度の核実験や、弾道ミサイル発射、韓国艦船や延坪(ヨンピョン)島(ド)への攻撃を踏まえれば、日本は、米韓両国との軍事面の連携を強化することが肝要だ。
A new five-year midterm defense buildup program, which was approved by the Cabinet Friday together with the new guidelines, sets the defense budget ceiling for fiscal 2011-15 at about 23.49 trillion yen. In other words, the annual defense budget over the five years will be set at the same level as that of the current fiscal year. This is a significant step as it ends an eight-year period of consecutive annual declines in defense spending.
新大綱と同時に閣議決定された次期中期防衛力整備計画は、２０１１〜１５年度の防衛予算の総額上限を約２３兆４９００億円と定めた。１０年度予算をほぼ維持するもので、８年連続の漸減に歯止めをかけた意義は大きい。
◆陸自定員削減は不十分◆
For years, Japan has been alone in reducing its defense budget while its neighbors China, Russia, South Korea and North Korea, as well as the United States, have been increasing their military spending. This has been a serious problem.
米国、中国、ロシア、韓国、北朝鮮など周辺国が近年、そろって国防費を大幅に伸ばす中で、日本だけが防衛費を減らし続けてきたことは、深刻な問題だった。
Policies imperfectly balanced
The government must clearly distinguish areas to be enhanced from those to be trimmed if it is to develop a truly effective defense system on a limited budget.
限られた予算の中で、真に実効性ある防衛体制を整えるには、増強する分野と削減する分野のメリハリが欠かせない。
A focal issue in the guidelines was the fixed strength of GSDF personnel. The guidelines say the current 155,000 GSDF members should be reduced by 1,000. But this is hardly sufficient.
新大綱の焦点となった陸自の編成定数は、現行の１５万５０００人から１０００人の削減にとどまった。極めて不十分である。
If the balance of the SDF had been considered in a comprehensive manner, more GSDF personnel would have been cut in addition to the reduction in tanks and artillery that has been decided upon in the guidelines. At the same time, the fixed strength of personnel in the Air and Maritime Self-Defense Forces and the number of their vessels and aircraft should have been increased.
自衛隊全体のバランスを考えれば、今回実現した陸自の戦車・火砲の大幅な削減に加え、陸自定員を一層削減し、海上、航空両自衛隊の定員や艦船・航空機の増強などに回すべきだった。
With such measures, the new concept of dynamic defense capability in the guidelines would have been defined more clearly. We expect the government to address this in drafting budgets for fiscal 2011 and thereafter.
そうしてこそ、「動的防衛力」という新概念がより明確になったはずだ。１１年度以降の予算編成での是正を求めたい。
Prime Minister Naoto Kan's government put off clearly calling for a review of the nation's three principles on arms exports in the guidelines because it has asked the Social Democratic Party, a former coalition partner, for cooperation in the Diet and thus has given consideration to the smaller party's policy of opposing any relaxation of the principles prohibiting arms deals with virtually any other countries. We think the government's decision was regrettable.
武器輸出３原則の見直しは、菅政権が国会運営で協力を求めている社民党に配慮するため、新大綱への明記を見送ってしまった。残念な判断である。
Meanwhile, it is praiseworthy that the guidelines have left room for future review. The guidelines said that Japan should study measures to keep up with changes in a global environment where joint international development and production of military equipment has become routine among advanced countries. We hope such measures will be studied as soon as possible.
一方で、国際共同開発・生産が「先進国で主流になっている」と指摘し、具体策の検討を盛り込んだのは、将来の見直しの余地を残したものと評価できる。早期に実現してもらいたい。
The government should also actively proceed with a review, mentioned in the guidelines, of the five conditions placed on SDF participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations.
新大綱が言及した国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）参加５原則の見直しも、積極的に進めるべきだ。
The record of GSDF participation in such operations is still short. Tight limits imposed on weapons use, which have always been an impediment to dispatching GSDF troops abroad, should be relaxed immediately in accordance with international standards.
陸自のＰＫＯ参加実績はまだ少ない。海外派遣の際、常に障害となる武器使用権限を国際標準並みに拡大することが急務である。
日本の国を守るのはやはり日本人じゃないとおかしな話です。
自民党だったら恐らく今回ような改定は難しかったのではないでしょうか。
批判も見受けられますがスラチャイは、当然の流れだと考えます。
むしろ遅すぎた感があります。
（スラチャイ記）
New thinking welcome on defense strategies
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Dec. 20, 2010)
新防衛大綱 機動性ある自衛隊へ転換急げ（12月19日付・読売社説）
The security environment around Japan is growing ominous. To secure peace and safety for the nation under such circumstances, it is necessary to eliminate the remnants of Cold War strategies and construct a more flexible and resilient defense system.
我が国周辺の安全保障情勢は厳しさを増している。その中で日本の平和と安全を確保するには、冷戦期の残滓(ざんし)を排し、より機動的で柔軟性ある防衛体制を構築する必要がある。
The government has decided on new National Defense Program Guidelines, the first revisions in six years and the third overall since the guidelines were originally worked out in 1976.
政府が、新しい「防衛計画の大綱」を決定した。１９７６年に防衛大綱が策定されて以来、６年ぶり３回目の改定である。
The new guidelines call for a paradigm shift from the 1976 emphasis on "fundamental defense" to the modern concept of "dynamic defense capability."
新大綱は、７６年大綱が掲げた防衛力整備の基本指針の「基盤的防衛力構想」を、「動的防衛力」に転換する方針を打ち出した。
◆冷戦の残滓排除が重要◆
The fundamental defense concept calls for possessing the minimum defense forces necessary for an independent country. The concept has been used as grounds for deploying the Self-Defense Forces evenly over the country, a strategic vestige of the Cold War period.
基盤的防衛力とは、独立国として必要最小限の防衛力を保有するという概念だ。冷戦時代から残る「全国均等な部隊配置」の根拠となってきた。
The dynamic defense capability concept, on the other hand, emphasizes having the capabilities to respond to a variety of threats and contingencies.
これに対し、動的防衛力は、多様な脅威や事態に機動的に対処する能力を重視している。
The diverse activities of today's SDF include dealing with missiles and new threats such as terrorism, and taking part in international peacekeeping operations.
自衛隊の任務は、ミサイル、テロなど新たな脅威への対応や、国際平和協力活動への参加など、多様化している。
The days are gone when the SDF could remain a passive organization. Possessing up-to-date tanks, ships and planes alone is not sufficient for deterrent power to work.
自衛隊に極力何もさせず、抑制的な組織にとどめておけば良かった時代は、遠く去った。最新鋭の戦車や艦船、航空機も、保有しているだけでは、抑止力は十分機能しない。
Deterrence can work only when the SDF is seen deploying its units to perform various duties. Adoption of such a dynamic defense capability as the concept of the new defense guidelines would be an appropriate policy switch in the dramatically changing security landscape we face today.
自衛隊が様々な任務をこなし、部隊を動かすことを通じて抑止力を働かせる。そうした動的防衛力の採用は、大きな時代の変化に即した適切な政策転換と言える。
China a 'major concern'
The new guidelines refer to China's rapidly increasing defense spending, the stepped-up activities of its naval and air forces and the lack of transparency in its military buildup programs, which the guidelines mention as a "matter of concern for the region and the international community."
新大綱は、中国の国防費の増加や海空軍の活動活発化、透明性の不足について、「地域・国際社会の懸念事項」と明記した。
China's military emergence is conspicuous. China's publicly announced plan to build aircraft carriers has changed the military balance in the East China Sea. It has been actively ramping up moves to expand its maritime interests, thereby intensifying friction with Southeast Asian nations.
中国の台頭は著しい。空母保有を公言し、東シナ海の軍事バランスが変化しつつある。海洋権益拡大を図る動きも激しく、東南アジア諸国との軋轢(あつれき)が増している。
Under such circumstances, it is natural that the new guidelines include beefing up island defenses, such as in the Nansei Islands, which include Okinawa Prefecture and part of Kagoshima Prefecture. It is essential to go ahead with a plan to deploy Ground Self-Defense Force units on Yonagunijima, Japan's western most island.
こうした中、新大綱が南西諸島など島嶼(とうしょ)防衛の強化を打ち出したのは当然だ。与那国島への陸上自衛隊の部隊配置などを着実に進める必要がある。
Referring to North Korea, the guidelines say that country remains "an urgent and serious destabilizing factor." Given that the reclusive communist state conducted two nuclear tests, test-fired ballistic missiles, torpedoed a South Korean warship and shelled the South Korean island of Yeonpyeong, it is indispensable for Japan to bolster military ties with the United States and South Korea.
北朝鮮については、アジア地域の「喫緊かつ重大な不安定要因」と記述した。２度の核実験や、弾道ミサイル発射、韓国艦船や延坪(ヨンピョン)島(ド)への攻撃を踏まえれば、日本は、米韓両国との軍事面の連携を強化することが肝要だ。
A new five-year midterm defense buildup program, which was approved by the Cabinet Friday together with the new guidelines, sets the defense budget ceiling for fiscal 2011-15 at about 23.49 trillion yen. In other words, the annual defense budget over the five years will be set at the same level as that of the current fiscal year. This is a significant step as it ends an eight-year period of consecutive annual declines in defense spending.
新大綱と同時に閣議決定された次期中期防衛力整備計画は、２０１１〜１５年度の防衛予算の総額上限を約２３兆４９００億円と定めた。１０年度予算をほぼ維持するもので、８年連続の漸減に歯止めをかけた意義は大きい。
◆陸自定員削減は不十分◆
For years, Japan has been alone in reducing its defense budget while its neighbors China, Russia, South Korea and North Korea, as well as the United States, have been increasing their military spending. This has been a serious problem.
米国、中国、ロシア、韓国、北朝鮮など周辺国が近年、そろって国防費を大幅に伸ばす中で、日本だけが防衛費を減らし続けてきたことは、深刻な問題だった。
Policies imperfectly balanced
The government must clearly distinguish areas to be enhanced from those to be trimmed if it is to develop a truly effective defense system on a limited budget.
限られた予算の中で、真に実効性ある防衛体制を整えるには、増強する分野と削減する分野のメリハリが欠かせない。
A focal issue in the guidelines was the fixed strength of GSDF personnel. The guidelines say the current 155,000 GSDF members should be reduced by 1,000. But this is hardly sufficient.
新大綱の焦点となった陸自の編成定数は、現行の１５万５０００人から１０００人の削減にとどまった。極めて不十分である。
If the balance of the SDF had been considered in a comprehensive manner, more GSDF personnel would have been cut in addition to the reduction in tanks and artillery that has been decided upon in the guidelines. At the same time, the fixed strength of personnel in the Air and Maritime Self-Defense Forces and the number of their vessels and aircraft should have been increased.
自衛隊全体のバランスを考えれば、今回実現した陸自の戦車・火砲の大幅な削減に加え、陸自定員を一層削減し、海上、航空両自衛隊の定員や艦船・航空機の増強などに回すべきだった。
With such measures, the new concept of dynamic defense capability in the guidelines would have been defined more clearly. We expect the government to address this in drafting budgets for fiscal 2011 and thereafter.
そうしてこそ、「動的防衛力」という新概念がより明確になったはずだ。１１年度以降の予算編成での是正を求めたい。
Prime Minister Naoto Kan's government put off clearly calling for a review of the nation's three principles on arms exports in the guidelines because it has asked the Social Democratic Party, a former coalition partner, for cooperation in the Diet and thus has given consideration to the smaller party's policy of opposing any relaxation of the principles prohibiting arms deals with virtually any other countries. We think the government's decision was regrettable.
武器輸出３原則の見直しは、菅政権が国会運営で協力を求めている社民党に配慮するため、新大綱への明記を見送ってしまった。残念な判断である。
Meanwhile, it is praiseworthy that the guidelines have left room for future review. The guidelines said that Japan should study measures to keep up with changes in a global environment where joint international development and production of military equipment has become routine among advanced countries. We hope such measures will be studied as soon as possible.
一方で、国際共同開発・生産が「先進国で主流になっている」と指摘し、具体策の検討を盛り込んだのは、将来の見直しの余地を残したものと評価できる。早期に実現してもらいたい。
The government should also actively proceed with a review, mentioned in the guidelines, of the five conditions placed on SDF participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations.
新大綱が言及した国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）参加５原則の見直しも、積極的に進めるべきだ。
The record of GSDF participation in such operations is still short. Tight limits imposed on weapons use, which have always been an impediment to dispatching GSDF troops abroad, should be relaxed immediately in accordance with international standards.
陸自のＰＫＯ参加実績はまだ少ない。海外派遣の際、常に障害となる武器使用権限を国際標準並みに拡大することが急務である。