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2015年01月29日
社説:日本人人質殺害 許せない冷血の所業だ
January 26, 2015(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: Japanese hostage situation utterly brutal
社説:日本人人質殺害 許せない冷血の所業だ
◇後藤さんの無事解放を
A photograph of what is purportedly the body of Haruna Yukawa, a hostage of what is believed to be the extremist Islamic State group, was released on the Internet on Jan. 24. The image is utterly brutal.
冷血の所業と言うしかない。イスラム過激派「イスラム国」とみられる組織の人質として殺害予告を受けていた湯川遥菜さんの遺体とされる写真が２４日、インターネット上で公開された。
The militant group's other Japanese hostage, Kenji Goto, is seen holding the photograph, as a recording of his voice is played, saying, "Abe, you killed Haruna (Yukawa)."
もう一人の人質、後藤健二さんが遺体の写真を手に持って、「安倍（晋三首相）がハルナ（湯川さん）を殺した」との声明を読み上げ、新たな取引を日本政府に提示したのである。
According to the recording, Islamic State has changed the conditions for Goto's release. It is no longer demanding $200 million, but rather the release of a woman facing the death penalty in Jordan.
Islamic State is striking fear into the hearts of the Japanese people with a gory photo of the body and mocking Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's announcement to provide $200 million in non-military aid to Middle East countries fighting the militant group. It is now sitting back and watching Japan's response, waiting for the opportunity to get its "imprisoned sister" back. It is unforgivable. It is barbaric and insidious.
許せない、という言葉がこみ上げてくる。残酷で狡猾（こうかつ）である。むごたらしい遺体の写真で日本人を恐怖に陥れるとともに、中東で「イスラム国」と戦う国々に２億ドルの非軍事支援を表明した安倍首相をあざ笑い、日本の対応を高みの見物で見守りながら、虎視眈々（たんたん）と仲間（死刑囚）を奪還しようとしているのだ。
The death-row inmate was arrested for her involvement in terrorist bombings in the Jordanian capital of Amman in 2005. Because of the many casualties that resulted from the incident, she is not someone Jordanian authorities are willing to release easily. In addition, Jordan is part of a coalition of countries engaged in military operations against Islamic State, and there have been strong calls for the release of a Jordanian air force pilot who was captured by the Islamic State group when his plane went down during a mission.
この死刑囚は２００５年、ヨルダンの首都アンマンの同時テロに関与して捕まった。多数の死傷者が出た事件だけに簡単には釈放できない人物だろう。それに加えてヨルダンは「イスラム国」と戦う有志国連合の一員であり、作戦中に墜落して「イスラム国」に拘束された空軍兵士の解放を求める声が強い。
To agree to a swap of Goto and the death-row inmate before bringing back a soldier from its own military forces would be an extremely difficult decision for Jordan. At the same time, the Abe administration's promise not to give in to terrorism while placing the utmost priority on human life is a challenging one to keep, and negotiations for Goto's release are expected to present serious challenges.
自国兵士を差し置いて後藤さんと女性死刑囚の交換解放に応じるのは、ヨルダンにとって苦しい選択だろう。安倍政権も「人命を最優先しつつテロリストには屈しない」という姿勢を貫く難しさがあり、解放交渉は難航必至の情勢だ。
There is also the risk that the kidnappers may change their minds and suddenly cut off hostage negotiations. The actual status of the negotiations is unknown. Under such circumstances, the government must take a realistic approach, making full use of all opportunities and personal networks toward the hostage's release.
しかも、誘拐組織の気が変われば直ちに交渉が打ち切られる危うさもある。交渉の実態も明らかにされていない。こうした状況下では、政府はあらゆる機会と人脈を生かし、現実的な対応によって人質解放を実現してほしいと言うしかない。
It is also necessary to accept the reality that Japan has become a target of terrorism, and implement all possible measures to prevent something like this from happening again. In the past, those who were taken hostage by Islamic State were primarily citizens of the coalition of countries involved in military action against the militant group, such as the U.S. and Britain. It is unusual for Japan, which has not participated in the military operations, to be targeted.
他方、テロの標的にされた現実を重く受け止め、再発防止の対策を講じなければならない。従来、「イスラム国」による人質事件は米英など有志国連合の国民が主な標的だった。軍事作戦に参加していない日本が狙われたのは異例である。
There has been a long-standing notion that Japan's ties with Arab countries are positive, making Japanese nationals unlikely targets of kidnappings and terrorism. There have been exceptions, such as the 1991 murder of University of Tsukuba professor Hitoshi Igarashi -- the Japanese translator of Salman Rushdie's novel, "The Satanic Verses" -- after Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini of Iran accused the book of blasphemy and issued a fatwa against all those involved in its publication. For the most part, however, there was little tension between Japan and the Muslim world.
昔から日本とアラブ諸国は関係が良好とのイメージがあり、日本人は誘拐やテロの対象になりにくいとされていた。１９９１年、イランのホメイニ師が作者らに死刑宣告を出した小説「悪魔の詩」の訳者、五十嵐一（ひとし）・筑波大助教授が殺された例はあるにせよ、概してイスラム教と日本の摩擦は生じにくかった。
However, as new generations came to power and Japan's image as an ally began to blur, especially since the 2000s, terrorist organizations stopped giving special consideration to Japan. Osama bin Laden, who orchestrated the 2001 terrorist attacks on the U.S., kept asking why Japan supported the U.S., after the latter had dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Now, al-Qaida considers Japan a part of the "crusade" led by the U.S. and Europe.
ただ、世代交代が進む中で日本のイメージがぼやけ、特に２０００年代に入ると、テロ組織が必ずしも日本人を特別扱いしなくなった節もある。０１年の米同時多発テロを実行したテロ組織アルカイダの故ウサマ・ビンラディン容疑者は、日本はなぜ広島・長崎に原爆を落とした米国を支持するのかと問い続けた。アルカイダは日本を米欧と共闘する「十字軍」の一員とみなしている。
Among terrorist acts perpetrated by al-Qaida-related groups against Japanese nationals are the 2004 kidnapping and murder of a tourist in demanding the withdrawal of Japan's Self-Defense Forces from Samawah, Iraq, and the 2013 capture and killing of 10 workers at a natural gas plant in Algeria. Regardless, al-Qaida appears to have maintained a relatively restrained approach toward Japan.
アルカイダ系のテロとしては、０４年にイラク・サマワからの自衛隊撤収を求めて日本人旅行者を誘拐、殺害した事件、１３年にアルジェリアの天然ガス関連施設が襲われ、日本人１０人が犠牲になった事件などが思い浮かぶが、それでもアルカイダは日本に対して、まだ抑制的な態度を保ってきたように思える。
◇平和的な中東外交貫け
Meanwhile, it is obvious that the Islamic State, which broke off from al-Qaida, is ruthless even toward Japanese nationals. We no longer live in a time when we can feel safe, just because we are Japanese. As the many existing terrorist organizations compete against each other in their radicalism and ability to shock, Japan has become a target of terrorism on par with the U.S. and European countries. It is important to consider, also, the possibility that being a peaceful country may make Japan even more vulnerable to attacks.
これに対し、アルカイダから離反した「イスラム国」が日本人であろうと容赦しないのは明らかだ。昔のように日本人は安全と思える時代ではない。林立するテロ組織がテロの過激さと衝撃度を競う今日、日本は既に欧米に匹敵するテロの標的であり、平和路線を志向する国だけに狙われやすいかもしれない、と考えてみる必要もありそうだ。
That does not, however, mean that Japan should change its stance. The extremists are the ones who are misinformed. Japan has long faced up to various Middle East issues, including Arab-Israeli conflicts, with an impartial attitude on an issue-by-issue basis. The capacity to take a peaceful, fair and impartial approach to problems is Japan's greatest asset. We must not lose our footing in face of a hostage's murder, and instead embrace what we have cultivated over the years.
かといって日本の姿勢を変える必要はない。勝手に誤解しているのは過激派の方だ。日本は長年にわたるアラブ・イスラエル紛争も含めて中東の諸問題に是々非々で臨んできた。平和的で「公平、公正」な対応を取れることこそ日本の無形の財産だ。人質殺害に殊更浮足立つことなく、長い歳月をかけて培ってきたものを大事にしなければならない。
Soon after the shootings at the Paris offices of satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo, French President Francois Hollande declared that the attack had nothing to do with Islam. He likely feared that the actions of several terrorists would spawn prejudice and hatred toward the 1.6 billion Muslims around the world, and lead to serious divisions in society.
パリで新聞社襲撃事件が起きた時、オランド仏大統領は「事件はイスラム教とは関係がない」と早々と宣言した。数人のテロリストの行為が世界１６億人のイスラム教徒への偏見や憎しみを生み、社会の分断につながることを恐れたのだろう。
In the Japanese hostage case, as with the Paris attacks, we must think seriously about the reality that a barbaric organization is proliferating in the name of Islam and about the U.S.'s responsibility for the current state of affairs.
今回の事件にも同じことが言えるが、イスラムに名を借りた野蛮な組織が拡散している現実をどうするか、米国の責任も含めて真剣に考える必要がある。
As the administration of President George W. Bush sank further and further into a quagmire in Afghanistan and Iraq, terrorist organizations spread from the Middle East to the African continent.
ブッシュ政権がアフガニスタン、イラクで泥沼にはまり込む中、テロ組織は中東からアフリカなどに拡散した。
Hoping to close the curtains on the two wars, the Obama administration is cautious about its involvement in various Middle East issues, and has declared that the U.S. is no longer the policeman of the world.
二つの戦争の幕引きを優先するオバマ政権は中東の諸問題に及び腰で、「米国は世界の警察官ではない」と明言した。
This approach has had militants reacting with glee, and has most certainly been a major factor in the Islamic State group's expansion.
こうした姿勢が過激派をほくそ笑ませ、「イスラム国」が膨張する大きな要因となったのは確かだろう。
It is time the world learned from the mistakes of the "war against terrorism" since the Bush administration, and put its wisest minds together to come up with ways to prevent terrorism.
ブッシュ政権以来の「テロとの戦争」の反省を踏まえつつ、世界中がテロ防止に知恵を絞る時だ。
But first, we must secure Goto's release.
まずは後藤さんを確実に解放したい。
毎日新聞 2015年01月26日 02時30分
Editorial: Japanese hostage situation utterly brutal
社説:日本人人質殺害 許せない冷血の所業だ
◇後藤さんの無事解放を
A photograph of what is purportedly the body of Haruna Yukawa, a hostage of what is believed to be the extremist Islamic State group, was released on the Internet on Jan. 24. The image is utterly brutal.
冷血の所業と言うしかない。イスラム過激派「イスラム国」とみられる組織の人質として殺害予告を受けていた湯川遥菜さんの遺体とされる写真が２４日、インターネット上で公開された。
The militant group's other Japanese hostage, Kenji Goto, is seen holding the photograph, as a recording of his voice is played, saying, "Abe, you killed Haruna (Yukawa)."
もう一人の人質、後藤健二さんが遺体の写真を手に持って、「安倍（晋三首相）がハルナ（湯川さん）を殺した」との声明を読み上げ、新たな取引を日本政府に提示したのである。
According to the recording, Islamic State has changed the conditions for Goto's release. It is no longer demanding $200 million, but rather the release of a woman facing the death penalty in Jordan.
Islamic State is striking fear into the hearts of the Japanese people with a gory photo of the body and mocking Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's announcement to provide $200 million in non-military aid to Middle East countries fighting the militant group. It is now sitting back and watching Japan's response, waiting for the opportunity to get its "imprisoned sister" back. It is unforgivable. It is barbaric and insidious.
許せない、という言葉がこみ上げてくる。残酷で狡猾（こうかつ）である。むごたらしい遺体の写真で日本人を恐怖に陥れるとともに、中東で「イスラム国」と戦う国々に２億ドルの非軍事支援を表明した安倍首相をあざ笑い、日本の対応を高みの見物で見守りながら、虎視眈々（たんたん）と仲間（死刑囚）を奪還しようとしているのだ。
The death-row inmate was arrested for her involvement in terrorist bombings in the Jordanian capital of Amman in 2005. Because of the many casualties that resulted from the incident, she is not someone Jordanian authorities are willing to release easily. In addition, Jordan is part of a coalition of countries engaged in military operations against Islamic State, and there have been strong calls for the release of a Jordanian air force pilot who was captured by the Islamic State group when his plane went down during a mission.
この死刑囚は２００５年、ヨルダンの首都アンマンの同時テロに関与して捕まった。多数の死傷者が出た事件だけに簡単には釈放できない人物だろう。それに加えてヨルダンは「イスラム国」と戦う有志国連合の一員であり、作戦中に墜落して「イスラム国」に拘束された空軍兵士の解放を求める声が強い。
To agree to a swap of Goto and the death-row inmate before bringing back a soldier from its own military forces would be an extremely difficult decision for Jordan. At the same time, the Abe administration's promise not to give in to terrorism while placing the utmost priority on human life is a challenging one to keep, and negotiations for Goto's release are expected to present serious challenges.
自国兵士を差し置いて後藤さんと女性死刑囚の交換解放に応じるのは、ヨルダンにとって苦しい選択だろう。安倍政権も「人命を最優先しつつテロリストには屈しない」という姿勢を貫く難しさがあり、解放交渉は難航必至の情勢だ。
There is also the risk that the kidnappers may change their minds and suddenly cut off hostage negotiations. The actual status of the negotiations is unknown. Under such circumstances, the government must take a realistic approach, making full use of all opportunities and personal networks toward the hostage's release.
しかも、誘拐組織の気が変われば直ちに交渉が打ち切られる危うさもある。交渉の実態も明らかにされていない。こうした状況下では、政府はあらゆる機会と人脈を生かし、現実的な対応によって人質解放を実現してほしいと言うしかない。
It is also necessary to accept the reality that Japan has become a target of terrorism, and implement all possible measures to prevent something like this from happening again. In the past, those who were taken hostage by Islamic State were primarily citizens of the coalition of countries involved in military action against the militant group, such as the U.S. and Britain. It is unusual for Japan, which has not participated in the military operations, to be targeted.
他方、テロの標的にされた現実を重く受け止め、再発防止の対策を講じなければならない。従来、「イスラム国」による人質事件は米英など有志国連合の国民が主な標的だった。軍事作戦に参加していない日本が狙われたのは異例である。
There has been a long-standing notion that Japan's ties with Arab countries are positive, making Japanese nationals unlikely targets of kidnappings and terrorism. There have been exceptions, such as the 1991 murder of University of Tsukuba professor Hitoshi Igarashi -- the Japanese translator of Salman Rushdie's novel, "The Satanic Verses" -- after Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini of Iran accused the book of blasphemy and issued a fatwa against all those involved in its publication. For the most part, however, there was little tension between Japan and the Muslim world.
昔から日本とアラブ諸国は関係が良好とのイメージがあり、日本人は誘拐やテロの対象になりにくいとされていた。１９９１年、イランのホメイニ師が作者らに死刑宣告を出した小説「悪魔の詩」の訳者、五十嵐一（ひとし）・筑波大助教授が殺された例はあるにせよ、概してイスラム教と日本の摩擦は生じにくかった。
However, as new generations came to power and Japan's image as an ally began to blur, especially since the 2000s, terrorist organizations stopped giving special consideration to Japan. Osama bin Laden, who orchestrated the 2001 terrorist attacks on the U.S., kept asking why Japan supported the U.S., after the latter had dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Now, al-Qaida considers Japan a part of the "crusade" led by the U.S. and Europe.
ただ、世代交代が進む中で日本のイメージがぼやけ、特に２０００年代に入ると、テロ組織が必ずしも日本人を特別扱いしなくなった節もある。０１年の米同時多発テロを実行したテロ組織アルカイダの故ウサマ・ビンラディン容疑者は、日本はなぜ広島・長崎に原爆を落とした米国を支持するのかと問い続けた。アルカイダは日本を米欧と共闘する「十字軍」の一員とみなしている。
Among terrorist acts perpetrated by al-Qaida-related groups against Japanese nationals are the 2004 kidnapping and murder of a tourist in demanding the withdrawal of Japan's Self-Defense Forces from Samawah, Iraq, and the 2013 capture and killing of 10 workers at a natural gas plant in Algeria. Regardless, al-Qaida appears to have maintained a relatively restrained approach toward Japan.
アルカイダ系のテロとしては、０４年にイラク・サマワからの自衛隊撤収を求めて日本人旅行者を誘拐、殺害した事件、１３年にアルジェリアの天然ガス関連施設が襲われ、日本人１０人が犠牲になった事件などが思い浮かぶが、それでもアルカイダは日本に対して、まだ抑制的な態度を保ってきたように思える。
◇平和的な中東外交貫け
Meanwhile, it is obvious that the Islamic State, which broke off from al-Qaida, is ruthless even toward Japanese nationals. We no longer live in a time when we can feel safe, just because we are Japanese. As the many existing terrorist organizations compete against each other in their radicalism and ability to shock, Japan has become a target of terrorism on par with the U.S. and European countries. It is important to consider, also, the possibility that being a peaceful country may make Japan even more vulnerable to attacks.
これに対し、アルカイダから離反した「イスラム国」が日本人であろうと容赦しないのは明らかだ。昔のように日本人は安全と思える時代ではない。林立するテロ組織がテロの過激さと衝撃度を競う今日、日本は既に欧米に匹敵するテロの標的であり、平和路線を志向する国だけに狙われやすいかもしれない、と考えてみる必要もありそうだ。
That does not, however, mean that Japan should change its stance. The extremists are the ones who are misinformed. Japan has long faced up to various Middle East issues, including Arab-Israeli conflicts, with an impartial attitude on an issue-by-issue basis. The capacity to take a peaceful, fair and impartial approach to problems is Japan's greatest asset. We must not lose our footing in face of a hostage's murder, and instead embrace what we have cultivated over the years.
かといって日本の姿勢を変える必要はない。勝手に誤解しているのは過激派の方だ。日本は長年にわたるアラブ・イスラエル紛争も含めて中東の諸問題に是々非々で臨んできた。平和的で「公平、公正」な対応を取れることこそ日本の無形の財産だ。人質殺害に殊更浮足立つことなく、長い歳月をかけて培ってきたものを大事にしなければならない。
Soon after the shootings at the Paris offices of satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo, French President Francois Hollande declared that the attack had nothing to do with Islam. He likely feared that the actions of several terrorists would spawn prejudice and hatred toward the 1.6 billion Muslims around the world, and lead to serious divisions in society.
パリで新聞社襲撃事件が起きた時、オランド仏大統領は「事件はイスラム教とは関係がない」と早々と宣言した。数人のテロリストの行為が世界１６億人のイスラム教徒への偏見や憎しみを生み、社会の分断につながることを恐れたのだろう。
In the Japanese hostage case, as with the Paris attacks, we must think seriously about the reality that a barbaric organization is proliferating in the name of Islam and about the U.S.'s responsibility for the current state of affairs.
今回の事件にも同じことが言えるが、イスラムに名を借りた野蛮な組織が拡散している現実をどうするか、米国の責任も含めて真剣に考える必要がある。
As the administration of President George W. Bush sank further and further into a quagmire in Afghanistan and Iraq, terrorist organizations spread from the Middle East to the African continent.
ブッシュ政権がアフガニスタン、イラクで泥沼にはまり込む中、テロ組織は中東からアフリカなどに拡散した。
Hoping to close the curtains on the two wars, the Obama administration is cautious about its involvement in various Middle East issues, and has declared that the U.S. is no longer the policeman of the world.
二つの戦争の幕引きを優先するオバマ政権は中東の諸問題に及び腰で、「米国は世界の警察官ではない」と明言した。
This approach has had militants reacting with glee, and has most certainly been a major factor in the Islamic State group's expansion.
こうした姿勢が過激派をほくそ笑ませ、「イスラム国」が膨張する大きな要因となったのは確かだろう。
It is time the world learned from the mistakes of the "war against terrorism" since the Bush administration, and put its wisest minds together to come up with ways to prevent terrorism.
ブッシュ政権以来の「テロとの戦争」の反省を踏まえつつ、世界中がテロ防止に知恵を絞る時だ。
But first, we must secure Goto's release.
まずは後藤さんを確実に解放したい。
毎日新聞 2015年01月26日 02時30分
2015年01月17日
社説:表現すること 他者を尊重する心も
January 16, 2015(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: Respect for others is important in freedom of expression
社説:表現すること 他者を尊重する心も
A deadly terrorist attack on the French weekly Charlie Hebdo has sparked controversy over whether its publication of caricatures of the Muslim Prophet Muhammad falls within the bounds of freedom of expression or constitutes profanation. One cannot help but wonder whether these two matters are irreconcilable. It is necessary to pursue a society in which people with different values, such as religions, can coexist while respecting freedom of expression.
フランスの週刊紙「シャルリーエブド」への襲撃事件をきっかけに、表現の自由か宗教への冒とくか、という議論が起きている。だが、この二つは果たして、相いれぬものだろうか。表現の自由を守りつつ、宗教の違いなど価値観を異にする者が共存できる社会のありようを模索することこそ、必要なはずだ。
Charlie Hebdo has continued to publish caricatures of the prophet despite criticism that such satires are provocative. The magazine carried a caricature of the prophet in its latest issue published after the attack. Some Western media ran a photo of the caricature to express their support for Charlie Hebdo while others chose not to publish it in view of religious sensibilities. Japanese newspapers were split over their response, with some of them including the Mainichi Shimbun choosing not to publish a photo of the caricature and others running such an image.
シャルリー紙はこれまで、挑発的と批判されながらも、イスラム教の預言者ムハンマドの風刺画の掲載を続けてきた。事件後の最新号にも、ムハンマドの風刺画を掲載した。欧米では連帯の表明としてこれを転載したメディアもあれば、宗教感情を害するとして不掲載のメディアもあった。日本の全国紙も、毎日新聞を含む掲載見送りの新聞と、掲載した新聞とに対応が分かれた。
One caricaturist within Charlie Hebdo said journalism should not give in to violence saying, "There are no restrictions on or conditions for freedom of expression." The idea is based on a value of respecting freedom of expression that French people have maintained since the French Revolution, and is likely to be supported by many.
それぞれに、表現の自由をめぐる思いがある。シャルリー紙の風刺画家の一人は「表現の自由は条件や制限がついたものではない」として、暴力には屈しない姿勢を強調した。それは、フランス革命以来、表現の自由を何より大切にするフランスの文化や価値観に基づくものであり、理解する人もいるだろう。
We are of the view that freedom of speech is a principle that forms the basis of democracy and must be respected to the maximum extent. Nobody should be allowed to resort to violence to criticize or protest against free speech. What should be criticized in the latest incident is extremism in which terrorists attempted to suppress freedom of expression by violence.
私たちも、言論や表現の自由は民主主義の根幹をなす大事な理念であって、最大限尊重されなければならないと考える。言論への反発や抗議は、暴力という手段で行うべきではない。ましてや、他者を殺す権利は誰にもない。今回の事件で非難されるのは、暴力で表現を圧殺しようとした過激思想の方である。
However, denouncing violence in the press and how to exercise freedom of expression should be considered separately. There were many participants in an anti-terror demonstration march in Paris who apparently thought that repeatedly making fun of a certain religion is excessive while admitting that freedom of expression must be respected. It is worrisome that Charlie Hebdo continues to publish caricatures, which could be taken as provocation, while attention is focused on how to ensure Europe and Islamic society can peacefully coexist. This could trigger further clashes.
ただ、言論への暴力に反対することと、表現の自由のあり方は、分けて考えるべきではないか。反テロ行進に参加した人の中には、表現の自由は大切だが宗教への度重なるからかいは行きすぎだ、と受け止める人も少なくなかっただろう。欧州とイスラム社会の共存が問われる中、あえて挑発ととられかねない風刺画の掲載を続けることが、新たな衝突につながることを危惧する。
Freedom of expression should be protected to achieve a society in which diverse values are respected. To that end, it is important for members of society to respect not only their own values but also other people's values. If expressions that offend and discriminate against others were to be permitted without limits, society could lose diversity and tolerance, and even allow those in power to intervene in the press.
表現の自由は、多様な価値観を尊重しあう社会のためにこそ、守られるべきものであるはずだ。それには自分の価値観と同様に、他者の価値観も尊重することが大切である。他者の心情を傷つけ、差別する表現が無制限に許されるようになっては、社会はむしろ、多様さと寛容さを失い、場合によっては表現への権力の介入を招くことにもなりかねない。
In Japan, hate speech that fuels discrimination against and rejects certain ethnic groups has emerged as a serious social problem. Repeating speech that insults and defames other people is not worthy of being called freedom of speech. It is important to keep in mind that expression requires moderation and conscience and that those who exercise their freedom of speech must take responsibility for what they say.
日本でも、特定の民族差別をあおり、排斥するヘイトスピーチ（憎悪表現）の問題がある。他者への配慮を欠き、侮辱・中傷にあたる言動を繰り返すことは、表現の自由の名に値しない。表現には、節度や良識の裏付け、行使する側の責任も伴うことを、改めて自覚したい。
毎日新聞 2015年01月16日 02時40分
Editorial: Respect for others is important in freedom of expression
社説:表現すること 他者を尊重する心も
A deadly terrorist attack on the French weekly Charlie Hebdo has sparked controversy over whether its publication of caricatures of the Muslim Prophet Muhammad falls within the bounds of freedom of expression or constitutes profanation. One cannot help but wonder whether these two matters are irreconcilable. It is necessary to pursue a society in which people with different values, such as religions, can coexist while respecting freedom of expression.
フランスの週刊紙「シャルリーエブド」への襲撃事件をきっかけに、表現の自由か宗教への冒とくか、という議論が起きている。だが、この二つは果たして、相いれぬものだろうか。表現の自由を守りつつ、宗教の違いなど価値観を異にする者が共存できる社会のありようを模索することこそ、必要なはずだ。
Charlie Hebdo has continued to publish caricatures of the prophet despite criticism that such satires are provocative. The magazine carried a caricature of the prophet in its latest issue published after the attack. Some Western media ran a photo of the caricature to express their support for Charlie Hebdo while others chose not to publish it in view of religious sensibilities. Japanese newspapers were split over their response, with some of them including the Mainichi Shimbun choosing not to publish a photo of the caricature and others running such an image.
シャルリー紙はこれまで、挑発的と批判されながらも、イスラム教の預言者ムハンマドの風刺画の掲載を続けてきた。事件後の最新号にも、ムハンマドの風刺画を掲載した。欧米では連帯の表明としてこれを転載したメディアもあれば、宗教感情を害するとして不掲載のメディアもあった。日本の全国紙も、毎日新聞を含む掲載見送りの新聞と、掲載した新聞とに対応が分かれた。
One caricaturist within Charlie Hebdo said journalism should not give in to violence saying, "There are no restrictions on or conditions for freedom of expression." The idea is based on a value of respecting freedom of expression that French people have maintained since the French Revolution, and is likely to be supported by many.
それぞれに、表現の自由をめぐる思いがある。シャルリー紙の風刺画家の一人は「表現の自由は条件や制限がついたものではない」として、暴力には屈しない姿勢を強調した。それは、フランス革命以来、表現の自由を何より大切にするフランスの文化や価値観に基づくものであり、理解する人もいるだろう。
We are of the view that freedom of speech is a principle that forms the basis of democracy and must be respected to the maximum extent. Nobody should be allowed to resort to violence to criticize or protest against free speech. What should be criticized in the latest incident is extremism in which terrorists attempted to suppress freedom of expression by violence.
私たちも、言論や表現の自由は民主主義の根幹をなす大事な理念であって、最大限尊重されなければならないと考える。言論への反発や抗議は、暴力という手段で行うべきではない。ましてや、他者を殺す権利は誰にもない。今回の事件で非難されるのは、暴力で表現を圧殺しようとした過激思想の方である。
However, denouncing violence in the press and how to exercise freedom of expression should be considered separately. There were many participants in an anti-terror demonstration march in Paris who apparently thought that repeatedly making fun of a certain religion is excessive while admitting that freedom of expression must be respected. It is worrisome that Charlie Hebdo continues to publish caricatures, which could be taken as provocation, while attention is focused on how to ensure Europe and Islamic society can peacefully coexist. This could trigger further clashes.
ただ、言論への暴力に反対することと、表現の自由のあり方は、分けて考えるべきではないか。反テロ行進に参加した人の中には、表現の自由は大切だが宗教への度重なるからかいは行きすぎだ、と受け止める人も少なくなかっただろう。欧州とイスラム社会の共存が問われる中、あえて挑発ととられかねない風刺画の掲載を続けることが、新たな衝突につながることを危惧する。
Freedom of expression should be protected to achieve a society in which diverse values are respected. To that end, it is important for members of society to respect not only their own values but also other people's values. If expressions that offend and discriminate against others were to be permitted without limits, society could lose diversity and tolerance, and even allow those in power to intervene in the press.
表現の自由は、多様な価値観を尊重しあう社会のためにこそ、守られるべきものであるはずだ。それには自分の価値観と同様に、他者の価値観も尊重することが大切である。他者の心情を傷つけ、差別する表現が無制限に許されるようになっては、社会はむしろ、多様さと寛容さを失い、場合によっては表現への権力の介入を招くことにもなりかねない。
In Japan, hate speech that fuels discrimination against and rejects certain ethnic groups has emerged as a serious social problem. Repeating speech that insults and defames other people is not worthy of being called freedom of speech. It is important to keep in mind that expression requires moderation and conscience and that those who exercise their freedom of speech must take responsibility for what they say.
日本でも、特定の民族差別をあおり、排斥するヘイトスピーチ（憎悪表現）の問題がある。他者への配慮を欠き、侮辱・中傷にあたる言動を繰り返すことは、表現の自由の名に値しない。表現には、節度や良識の裏付け、行使する側の責任も伴うことを、改めて自覚したい。
毎日新聞 2015年01月16日 02時40分
2014年11月24日
社説:安倍政治を問う アベノミクス
その昔、定期預金の金利が7％に届くような時代がありました。
10年間預けているだけで資金（原資、元手）が2倍くらいになりました。
こうして集められたお金には、労働の対価としての価値があります。
この価値ある資金を、やる気のある人たちに貸付け、それで事業を展開してもらう。
お金を借りるほうだって真剣なんです。
一生懸命働き、創意工夫をし、努力して、出来るだけ早く借金の返済をすませる。
銀行などの金融機関は数パーセントのマージンで営業できるし、景気がよくなればそれで利益までだせる。
好循環の典型なんです。
いまはどうでしょうか。
ゼロ金利が定着しています。マイナス金利だって発生しているありさまなんです。
日銀は黒田総裁になってから、中央銀行としての節操がなくなってしまいました。
いくらでも輪転機で紙幣を印刷してそれらを市場に流すのです。（限度はあります）
こちらのお金には残念ながら労働の対価としての価値がありません。
悪貨は良貨を駆逐する。今それが現実になされています。
借り手がいない（少ない）ので、いまでは、自分たちで国債を事実上無制限で引き受けたり、株式投資にうつつを抜かします。
将来の老齢年金支払い準備金270兆円にも手をつけるありさまです。
お金（貨幣、紙幣）は労働の対価として価値があるものでないと経済はなりたちません。
こんなやり方を続けていけばアメリカと同じ二の舞です。
大企業や、株式投資とかFX投資の勝ち組みが富裕層。
そして大半の庶民、高齢者は負け組みとなる構図なんです。
アベノミクスはこの2年間で事実上崩壊しています。
海外投資家と日銀介入による円安株高傾向なんですが、それで景気回復しているとうそぶいています。
円安は多くの国民にとって、ためにはなりません。
逆に円高は多くの国民にとって、とてもありがたいことなんです。
（スラチャイ）
November 22, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: 'Abenomics' will lose support if it relies on people's high expectations
社説:安倍政治を問う アベノミクス
◇期待頼みでは続かない
The high approval rating for the government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is attributable largely to high expectations that the public has placed on Abenonics, the economic policy mix promoted by his administration. However, expectations are beginning to wane and doubts have been raised over the policy's effectiveness.
安倍政権の高支持率を支えてきたものは、その経済政策「アベノミクス」への期待だったといえよう。だがその期待はしぼみ始め、効果に疑念が向けられつつある。
The Bank of Japan (BOJ) surveys members of the public once every three months over whether they are well off and also about their business confidence. The figure, which is calculated by subtracting the ratio of those who feel that economic conditions would be worse a year later from that of those who believe that economic conditions would be better, drastically improved, and turned positive in March 2013 after the Abe government was inaugurated. It was the first time in seven years that the figure was above zero.
日銀が一般の国民に３カ月に１度、暮らし向きや景況感を尋ねるアンケートがある。１年後の景気が今より「良くなる」と答えた人の比率から「悪くなる」と答えた人の比率を引いた値が、安倍政権発足後の２０１３年３月調査で大きく改善し、７年ぶりにプラスとなった。
The figure slightly improved in the following survey before turning downwards. In September this year, the number plunged to levels almost equal to those when the now largest opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) was in power from September 2009 to December 2012. One cannot help but wonder why people are pessimistic about the economy.
しかし３カ月後の調査でもう一段小幅改善した後は悪化を続け、今年９月には政権発足以来最低、民主党政権時代と変わらない水準まで落ち込んだ。背景に何があるのか。
◇広がらない恩恵
The Abe government, which was launched in late 2012, has placed top priority on overcoming prolonged deflation. His administration attempted to drastically reverse the pessimism prevailing in society as well as people's negative business sentiment by setting a goal of a 2 percent annual inflation rate, pressuring the BOJ to carry out an unprecedented quantitative monetary easing policy and dramatically improving Japan's financial markets.
１２年末、安倍政権は「デフレからの脱却」を最優先課題にスタートした。物価上昇目標を「２％」と明示し、過去にないスケールの金融緩和を日銀に実施させ、市場を大きく動かすことで、世の中の空気、人々の心理を一気に変えようと試みた。
The foreign exchange market reacted sensitively to the move. The dollar, which stood at the 79-yen level two years ago, is now about 118 yen. Led by the weaker yen, share prices at the Tokyo Stock Exchange steadily rose, giving the public the impression that the economic situation has changed.
顕著に反応したのは為替相場だ。２年前に１ドル＝７９円台だった円相場は最近では１１８円台である。円安に導かれ、東京市場の株価もぐんぐん上昇を続けた。「これまでとは違う」という空気が広がった。
In fact, numerous people increased their wealth. According to reports released last month by Capgemini, one of the world's largest consulting companies, and the Royal Bank of Canada, the country's largest bank, the combined total value of assets held by wealthy individuals with disposable assets of over 1 million dollars increased most steeply in Japan of all Asian countries last year. The amount rose 24 percent from a year earlier to reach 5.5 trillion dollars, or approximately 640 trillion yen. This is mainly attributable to a sharp rise in share prices.
実際に富を増やした人も少なくない。世界的大手コンサルティング会社、キャップジェミニとカナダの最大手銀行、カナダロイヤル銀行が先月公表したリポートによると、売却可能な資産が１００万ドルを超える個人富裕層の総資産がアジアで昨年最も増加した国は日本だった。前年より２４％増え、５兆５０００億ドル（約６４０兆円）に達したという。株高の貢献が大きい。
However, Abenomics has had a negative impact on most ordinary citizens, particularly low-income earners, because the declining value of the yen caused commodity prices to rise. Increases in wages for workers are not enough to make up for rises in consumer prices in addition to the consumption tax hike.
しかし多くの国民、特に低所得者層にとってアベノミクスは、円安が招く物価高といった負の影響が大きい。消費増税による価格上昇に終わらず、値上げが波状的に押し寄せ、賃金の上昇はそれに追いつかない。
Some large companies have benefited from the devaluation of the yen while smaller businesses have been hit hard by the weaker currency. Toyota Motor Corp., which benefits by 40 billion yen a year if the value of the dollar rises by 1 yen, projects that its net profit will surpass 2 trillion yen this business year for the first time in its history. However, the devaluation of the yen deals a serious blow to small and medium-sized manufacturers because it pushes up the costs of procuring raw materials and parts.
企業の間でも明暗は分かれる。１ドルあたり１円の円安で年間４００億円の利益が上乗せされるというトヨタ自動車は今年度の最終利益が初めて２兆円を突破する見通しだ。だが、製造業でも多くの中小零細企業にとって円安は原材料や部品のコストを押し上げ、むしろマイナスに働く。
According to a survey conducted recently by the Osaka Chamber of Commerce and Industry, 54.5 percent of member manufacturers responded that they will be adversely affected if the dollar remains at about 110-yen levels, while only 7.4 percent replied that they will benefit from such a low value of the currency.
大阪商工会議所が製造業の会員企業に円安について聞いたところ、１ドル＝１１０円程度の水準が続いた場合、「プラス面の影響が大きい」とした企業が７．４％だったのに対し、「マイナス面の影響が大きい」と答えた企業は５４．５％を占めた。
The Abe government worked out a scenario in which everybody would be wealthier due to the effects of Abenomics. Actually, however, only a handful of large companies and individuals have become far wealthier thanks to Abenonics while others have not benefited from the economic policy. This is apparently because the government relies heavily on the central bank's ultra-easy money policy, which is the first arrow of Abenomics, and the use of taxpayers' money to finance economic stimulus measures, which is the second arrow, as well as purchases by the Government Pension Investment Fund, the world's largest pension fund, of a massive amount of shares. What happened to the strategy of structural reforms to support growth, which is the third arrow?
一部の「勝ち組」に、大多数の「恩恵感じず組」。アベノミクスのシナリオでは、次第に恩恵が波及し、みんなが豊かになるはずだが、そうなっていない。第一の矢である異例の金融緩和、第二の矢の財政支援、それに世界最大の年金基金、年金積立金管理運用独立行政法人（ＧＰＩＦ）による株式購入など、大量の公的資金にモノを言わせる手段に頼りきっているからではないか。
◇「３本目の矢」はどこに
There are more fundamental problems.
より根源的な問題もある。
The basic physical strength of the economy, which is indispensable for economic growth, has declined significantly because of a decrease in the working population as well as other factors.
働く世代の人口減などを背景に成長の基礎体力が極端に低下してしまったことだ。
The government will find no solutions if it is to take makeshift steps such as countermeasures against the yen's devaluation, without addressing such structural problems.
そうした構造的変化に着目せず、円安対策など場当たり的に対応しても解決にはなるまい。
Unless drastic reforms with long-lasting effects, such as technological innovation and fundamental changes in the way people work, are carried out, the government must implement additional stimulus measures whenever the effects of previous measures have weakened.
技術革新や働き方の改革など、効果が長続きする変化が起きなければ、刺激薬の効力が弱まるたびに、追加投与せざるを得なくなる。
Even though it has become clear that Abenomics has its limits, Prime Minister Abe claims that "the three arrows of the economic policy are steadily producing results," and that he will ask the public if the government should continue the policy mix through the Dec. 14 general election.
限界が見えてきたが、安倍晋三首相は「三本の矢の経済政策は確実に成果を上げつつある」と主張し、継続すべきか否かを選挙で国民に問うと言う。
However, it is problematic for the prime minister to seek a public response to Abenomics in this way.
だが「アベノミクス」をひとくくりに評価を仰ぐのは問題だ。
There are fundamental differences between the first two arrows and the strategy of structural reforms to support growth, which is the third arrow.
最初の２本（日銀の大規模緩和と従来型の財政支出）と３本目（成長戦略）には、根本的な違いがある。
The first two arrows are aimed at quickly reaping benefits while disregarding their costs, negative effects and risks involved. In contrast, the third arrow involves difficulties such as breaking down regulations and intensifying competition, but can produce sustainable effects.
最初の２本は、そのコストや弊害、リスクにとりあえず目をつぶり最初に手っ取り早く果実を得ようという発想で、３本目は、初めに岩盤規制を崩す苦労や新たな競争による痛みを伴うが、後々、収穫が持続的に期待できるという性質のものだ。
The Abe government has implemented only the first two arrows. In particular, the first arrow, quantitative easing, has actually been done by the BOJ rather than the administration. It appears as if the government evoked a feeling of hope among the public as well as market players with the first arrow and implemented the second after hope began to wane.
安倍政権が実行したのは最初の２本、とりわけ１本目の、政権自らというより日銀に任せた量的緩和である。そこで人々や市場の期待に訴えかけ、期待が陰り始めると同じ２本を再び射ようという戦略に見える。
The Abe administration does not appear truly serious about eliminating vested interests or encouraging enthusiastic people or businesses to enter sectors that had been regulated, although it has listed up specific programs in its policy.
肝心の３本目はどうか。メニューは並べたものの、本気で既得権益にメスを入れ、やる気のある人や企業の参入を後押ししようとしているようには見えない。
This is the case with agricultural reforms and measures to encourage women to play more active roles in society.
農協改革しかり、女性の活躍推進しかり、だ。
Through the campaign for the lower house election that kicks off on Dec. 2, the ruling and opposition parties should clarify whether the government will continue to rely on the first and second arrows that are quick-fix solutions to evoke a feeling of hope among voters or get ready to face obstacles and implement the third arrow.
この先も手っ取り早い第一、第二の矢頼みで期待をあおっていくのか、それとも困難を覚悟で第三の矢中心に転換するのか−−。選挙戦を通じ、明らかにしてほしい。
◇
衆院が解散され、選挙戦が事実上始まった。私たちが最大の争点と考える「安倍政治」についてシリーズで点検する。
毎日新聞 2014年11月22日 02時30分
10年間預けているだけで資金（原資、元手）が2倍くらいになりました。
こうして集められたお金には、労働の対価としての価値があります。
この価値ある資金を、やる気のある人たちに貸付け、それで事業を展開してもらう。
お金を借りるほうだって真剣なんです。
一生懸命働き、創意工夫をし、努力して、出来るだけ早く借金の返済をすませる。
銀行などの金融機関は数パーセントのマージンで営業できるし、景気がよくなればそれで利益までだせる。
好循環の典型なんです。
いまはどうでしょうか。
ゼロ金利が定着しています。マイナス金利だって発生しているありさまなんです。
日銀は黒田総裁になってから、中央銀行としての節操がなくなってしまいました。
いくらでも輪転機で紙幣を印刷してそれらを市場に流すのです。（限度はあります）
こちらのお金には残念ながら労働の対価としての価値がありません。
悪貨は良貨を駆逐する。今それが現実になされています。
借り手がいない（少ない）ので、いまでは、自分たちで国債を事実上無制限で引き受けたり、株式投資にうつつを抜かします。
将来の老齢年金支払い準備金270兆円にも手をつけるありさまです。
お金（貨幣、紙幣）は労働の対価として価値があるものでないと経済はなりたちません。
こんなやり方を続けていけばアメリカと同じ二の舞です。
大企業や、株式投資とかFX投資の勝ち組みが富裕層。
そして大半の庶民、高齢者は負け組みとなる構図なんです。
アベノミクスはこの2年間で事実上崩壊しています。
海外投資家と日銀介入による円安株高傾向なんですが、それで景気回復しているとうそぶいています。
円安は多くの国民にとって、ためにはなりません。
逆に円高は多くの国民にとって、とてもありがたいことなんです。
（スラチャイ）
November 22, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: 'Abenomics' will lose support if it relies on people's high expectations
社説:安倍政治を問う アベノミクス
◇期待頼みでは続かない
The high approval rating for the government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is attributable largely to high expectations that the public has placed on Abenonics, the economic policy mix promoted by his administration. However, expectations are beginning to wane and doubts have been raised over the policy's effectiveness.
安倍政権の高支持率を支えてきたものは、その経済政策「アベノミクス」への期待だったといえよう。だがその期待はしぼみ始め、効果に疑念が向けられつつある。
The Bank of Japan (BOJ) surveys members of the public once every three months over whether they are well off and also about their business confidence. The figure, which is calculated by subtracting the ratio of those who feel that economic conditions would be worse a year later from that of those who believe that economic conditions would be better, drastically improved, and turned positive in March 2013 after the Abe government was inaugurated. It was the first time in seven years that the figure was above zero.
日銀が一般の国民に３カ月に１度、暮らし向きや景況感を尋ねるアンケートがある。１年後の景気が今より「良くなる」と答えた人の比率から「悪くなる」と答えた人の比率を引いた値が、安倍政権発足後の２０１３年３月調査で大きく改善し、７年ぶりにプラスとなった。
The figure slightly improved in the following survey before turning downwards. In September this year, the number plunged to levels almost equal to those when the now largest opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) was in power from September 2009 to December 2012. One cannot help but wonder why people are pessimistic about the economy.
しかし３カ月後の調査でもう一段小幅改善した後は悪化を続け、今年９月には政権発足以来最低、民主党政権時代と変わらない水準まで落ち込んだ。背景に何があるのか。
◇広がらない恩恵
The Abe government, which was launched in late 2012, has placed top priority on overcoming prolonged deflation. His administration attempted to drastically reverse the pessimism prevailing in society as well as people's negative business sentiment by setting a goal of a 2 percent annual inflation rate, pressuring the BOJ to carry out an unprecedented quantitative monetary easing policy and dramatically improving Japan's financial markets.
１２年末、安倍政権は「デフレからの脱却」を最優先課題にスタートした。物価上昇目標を「２％」と明示し、過去にないスケールの金融緩和を日銀に実施させ、市場を大きく動かすことで、世の中の空気、人々の心理を一気に変えようと試みた。
The foreign exchange market reacted sensitively to the move. The dollar, which stood at the 79-yen level two years ago, is now about 118 yen. Led by the weaker yen, share prices at the Tokyo Stock Exchange steadily rose, giving the public the impression that the economic situation has changed.
顕著に反応したのは為替相場だ。２年前に１ドル＝７９円台だった円相場は最近では１１８円台である。円安に導かれ、東京市場の株価もぐんぐん上昇を続けた。「これまでとは違う」という空気が広がった。
In fact, numerous people increased their wealth. According to reports released last month by Capgemini, one of the world's largest consulting companies, and the Royal Bank of Canada, the country's largest bank, the combined total value of assets held by wealthy individuals with disposable assets of over 1 million dollars increased most steeply in Japan of all Asian countries last year. The amount rose 24 percent from a year earlier to reach 5.5 trillion dollars, or approximately 640 trillion yen. This is mainly attributable to a sharp rise in share prices.
実際に富を増やした人も少なくない。世界的大手コンサルティング会社、キャップジェミニとカナダの最大手銀行、カナダロイヤル銀行が先月公表したリポートによると、売却可能な資産が１００万ドルを超える個人富裕層の総資産がアジアで昨年最も増加した国は日本だった。前年より２４％増え、５兆５０００億ドル（約６４０兆円）に達したという。株高の貢献が大きい。
However, Abenomics has had a negative impact on most ordinary citizens, particularly low-income earners, because the declining value of the yen caused commodity prices to rise. Increases in wages for workers are not enough to make up for rises in consumer prices in addition to the consumption tax hike.
しかし多くの国民、特に低所得者層にとってアベノミクスは、円安が招く物価高といった負の影響が大きい。消費増税による価格上昇に終わらず、値上げが波状的に押し寄せ、賃金の上昇はそれに追いつかない。
Some large companies have benefited from the devaluation of the yen while smaller businesses have been hit hard by the weaker currency. Toyota Motor Corp., which benefits by 40 billion yen a year if the value of the dollar rises by 1 yen, projects that its net profit will surpass 2 trillion yen this business year for the first time in its history. However, the devaluation of the yen deals a serious blow to small and medium-sized manufacturers because it pushes up the costs of procuring raw materials and parts.
企業の間でも明暗は分かれる。１ドルあたり１円の円安で年間４００億円の利益が上乗せされるというトヨタ自動車は今年度の最終利益が初めて２兆円を突破する見通しだ。だが、製造業でも多くの中小零細企業にとって円安は原材料や部品のコストを押し上げ、むしろマイナスに働く。
According to a survey conducted recently by the Osaka Chamber of Commerce and Industry, 54.5 percent of member manufacturers responded that they will be adversely affected if the dollar remains at about 110-yen levels, while only 7.4 percent replied that they will benefit from such a low value of the currency.
大阪商工会議所が製造業の会員企業に円安について聞いたところ、１ドル＝１１０円程度の水準が続いた場合、「プラス面の影響が大きい」とした企業が７．４％だったのに対し、「マイナス面の影響が大きい」と答えた企業は５４．５％を占めた。
The Abe government worked out a scenario in which everybody would be wealthier due to the effects of Abenomics. Actually, however, only a handful of large companies and individuals have become far wealthier thanks to Abenonics while others have not benefited from the economic policy. This is apparently because the government relies heavily on the central bank's ultra-easy money policy, which is the first arrow of Abenomics, and the use of taxpayers' money to finance economic stimulus measures, which is the second arrow, as well as purchases by the Government Pension Investment Fund, the world's largest pension fund, of a massive amount of shares. What happened to the strategy of structural reforms to support growth, which is the third arrow?
一部の「勝ち組」に、大多数の「恩恵感じず組」。アベノミクスのシナリオでは、次第に恩恵が波及し、みんなが豊かになるはずだが、そうなっていない。第一の矢である異例の金融緩和、第二の矢の財政支援、それに世界最大の年金基金、年金積立金管理運用独立行政法人（ＧＰＩＦ）による株式購入など、大量の公的資金にモノを言わせる手段に頼りきっているからではないか。
◇「３本目の矢」はどこに
There are more fundamental problems.
より根源的な問題もある。
The basic physical strength of the economy, which is indispensable for economic growth, has declined significantly because of a decrease in the working population as well as other factors.
働く世代の人口減などを背景に成長の基礎体力が極端に低下してしまったことだ。
The government will find no solutions if it is to take makeshift steps such as countermeasures against the yen's devaluation, without addressing such structural problems.
そうした構造的変化に着目せず、円安対策など場当たり的に対応しても解決にはなるまい。
Unless drastic reforms with long-lasting effects, such as technological innovation and fundamental changes in the way people work, are carried out, the government must implement additional stimulus measures whenever the effects of previous measures have weakened.
技術革新や働き方の改革など、効果が長続きする変化が起きなければ、刺激薬の効力が弱まるたびに、追加投与せざるを得なくなる。
Even though it has become clear that Abenomics has its limits, Prime Minister Abe claims that "the three arrows of the economic policy are steadily producing results," and that he will ask the public if the government should continue the policy mix through the Dec. 14 general election.
限界が見えてきたが、安倍晋三首相は「三本の矢の経済政策は確実に成果を上げつつある」と主張し、継続すべきか否かを選挙で国民に問うと言う。
However, it is problematic for the prime minister to seek a public response to Abenomics in this way.
だが「アベノミクス」をひとくくりに評価を仰ぐのは問題だ。
There are fundamental differences between the first two arrows and the strategy of structural reforms to support growth, which is the third arrow.
最初の２本（日銀の大規模緩和と従来型の財政支出）と３本目（成長戦略）には、根本的な違いがある。
The first two arrows are aimed at quickly reaping benefits while disregarding their costs, negative effects and risks involved. In contrast, the third arrow involves difficulties such as breaking down regulations and intensifying competition, but can produce sustainable effects.
最初の２本は、そのコストや弊害、リスクにとりあえず目をつぶり最初に手っ取り早く果実を得ようという発想で、３本目は、初めに岩盤規制を崩す苦労や新たな競争による痛みを伴うが、後々、収穫が持続的に期待できるという性質のものだ。
The Abe government has implemented only the first two arrows. In particular, the first arrow, quantitative easing, has actually been done by the BOJ rather than the administration. It appears as if the government evoked a feeling of hope among the public as well as market players with the first arrow and implemented the second after hope began to wane.
安倍政権が実行したのは最初の２本、とりわけ１本目の、政権自らというより日銀に任せた量的緩和である。そこで人々や市場の期待に訴えかけ、期待が陰り始めると同じ２本を再び射ようという戦略に見える。
The Abe administration does not appear truly serious about eliminating vested interests or encouraging enthusiastic people or businesses to enter sectors that had been regulated, although it has listed up specific programs in its policy.
肝心の３本目はどうか。メニューは並べたものの、本気で既得権益にメスを入れ、やる気のある人や企業の参入を後押ししようとしているようには見えない。
This is the case with agricultural reforms and measures to encourage women to play more active roles in society.
農協改革しかり、女性の活躍推進しかり、だ。
Through the campaign for the lower house election that kicks off on Dec. 2, the ruling and opposition parties should clarify whether the government will continue to rely on the first and second arrows that are quick-fix solutions to evoke a feeling of hope among voters or get ready to face obstacles and implement the third arrow.
この先も手っ取り早い第一、第二の矢頼みで期待をあおっていくのか、それとも困難を覚悟で第三の矢中心に転換するのか−−。選挙戦を通じ、明らかにしてほしい。
◇
衆院が解散され、選挙戦が事実上始まった。私たちが最大の争点と考える「安倍政治」についてシリーズで点検する。
毎日新聞 2014年11月22日 02時30分
2014年11月18日
社説:辺野古移設に審判 白紙に戻して再交渉を
November 17, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: Return Futenma base relocation negotiations to square one
社説:辺野古移設に審判 白紙に戻して再交渉を
Public opposition within Okinawa Prefecture to the planned relocation of U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to the city of Nago in the prefecture is never likely to wilt.
米軍普天間飛行場（沖縄県宜野湾市）の名護市辺野古への移設に反対する地元の民意はもう後戻りしないだろう。
In the Okinawa gubernatorial election on Nov. 16, former Naha Mayor Takeshi Onaga defeated incumbent Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima, who had approved the government's application for a landfill project to build a replacement facility for the Futenma base in the Henoko district of Nago. His landslide victory denied Nakaima a third term in office.
沖縄県知事選で、翁長雄志（おながたけし）前那覇市長が３選を目指す仲井真弘多（ひろかず）知事らを破り初当選した。１月の名護市長選に引き続き、またも移設反対派が、安倍政権の全面支援を受けた推進派を退けたことになる。
Relocation of the base to Henoko stood as the primary issue in the election, and locals clearly voiced their opinion. Both politically and morally, it seems impossible for the central government to go ahead with the relocation as it stands. The government should return the relocation plans to the drawing board and resume negotiations with the U.S. government.
辺野古移設を最大の争点にした選挙でこれだけ明確な民意が示された以上、政府が移設を推進することは、政治的にも道義的にも不可能だろう。政府は移設計画を白紙に戻し、米政府と再交渉すべきだ。
◇本土と沖縄に深刻な溝
Onaga's latest victory carries more weight than in previous gubernatorial elections.
翁長氏の勝利は、過去の知事選に比べてもとりわけ重い意味を持つ。
This is because rather than engaging in a battle between conservatives and reformists, Onaga defined it as one between Okinawa and mainland Japan.
沖縄の知事選で初めて保革対決が崩れ、翁長氏が「沖縄対本土」という対立構図を強調する中で勝利したからだ。
Onaga is a mainstay in Okinawa's conservative political world.
翁長氏は沖縄保守政界の重鎮だ。
Yet in the Nov. 16 election, some conservative local politicians were able to join hands with the Japanese Communist Party, Social Democratic Party and other reformist parties to support Onaga, and he defeated Nakaima, who had been backed by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and other groups.
保守系地方議員の一部や共産、社民両党など革新政党が支援して保革共闘ができ、自民党などの推薦を受けた仲井真氏に勝った。
Two slogans emerged as part of Onaga's public pledge to oppose construction of a new base: "All Okinawa" and "Identity rather than ideology." These phrases encompass the following about the situation and the people of Okinawa. The message they are saying is:
翁長氏の公約「新基地建設反対」の合言葉は、「オール沖縄」「イデオロギーよりアイデンティティー」だった。そこには次のような意味が込められている。
"The system of the Japan-U.S. security pact is understandable, but we want all of Japan to bear the burden of Japan's security. It is unreasonable for Okinawa, which comprises just 0.6 percent of Japan's total land area, to house 74 percent of U.S. military facilities. Is this not a form of structural discrimination?
＜日米安保体制は理解するが、日本の安全保障は日本全体で負担してほしい。国土面積の０・６％しかない沖縄に在日米軍専用施設の７４％が集中しているのは理不尽で、沖縄への構造的差別ではないか。
"It is mistaken to think that Okinawa could not survive economically without military bases. Base-related revenue has fallen to 5 percent of Okinawa's total. As it stands, the bases represent the single biggest obstacle to Okinawa's economic development.
沖縄は基地経済がないと立ちゆかないという見方は誤りで、基地関連収入が県経済に占める割合は現在では５％に減った。基地は今や沖縄経済発展の最大の阻害要因だ。
"The process of splitting up into leftists and rightists and conservative and reformist camps over the military base issue, and pressuring parties to decide between bases or the economy represents an old-fashioned way of thinking. 基地をはさんで左右や保革に分かれたり、基地か経済かの二者択一を迫ったりするのは、旧態依然の古い発想だ。
The base issue is no longer one of ideology.
基地問題はもうイデオロギーではない。
Okinawa's identity is the issue, and we will decide on Okinawa's future by ourselves."
沖縄のアイデンティティーの問題であり、沖縄の将来は自分たちの手で決める＞
Onaga's victory raises serious questions for the Japanese government and each person in mainland Japan.
翁長氏の勝利は、日本政府と本土の一人一人に根本的な疑問を突きつける。
Why don't people understand or have any interest in Okinawa's current situation?
なぜ沖縄の現状に無理解で無関心なのか。
Why isn't the public will of the people in Okinawa being faced seriously?
なぜ沖縄の民意に真剣に向き合わないのか。
Doesn't this run counter to democracy?
それは民主主義にもとるのではないか、と。
If the central government ignores the results of the latest election and goes ahead with the relocation as planned, the gap between mainland Japan and Okinawa will only widen, and could produce a decisive rift.
政府が今回の選挙結果を無視し、移設を強行すれば、本土と沖縄の溝はますます深まり、亀裂が決定的になりかねない。
Okinawa cannot accept an excessive burden of hosting military bases while feeling that it is being discriminated against.
沖縄が不当に差別されているという感情を抱えたまま、過重な基地負担を引き受けられるものではない。
Conflicting positions are certain to destabilize the Japan-U.S. security alliance.
この矛盾は日米安保体制を確実に不安定化させるだろう。
The central government has direct control over security, but this doesn't mean that it can disregard the will of the people.
安全保障は国の専管事項だが、それは地元の意向を勘案しなくていいという意味ではない。
If security policies don't win understanding from locals or the public as a whole, then they will not stand.
地元をはじめ国民全体の理解がなければ安全保障政策など成り立たない。
In situations like this, in which central government policy and the will of the people clash, the government should make an effort to close the divide. However, it has not sufficiently fulfilled its responsibility in this regard.
今回のように国の方針と地元の民意が対立した場合、政府は両者の溝を埋める努力をすべきだが、責任を十分に果たしてこなかった。
On the contrary, Onaga's victory was fueled by intense anger from people in Okinawa over the way the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has proceeded in connection with the Futenma base issue.
それどころか翁長氏の勝利を後押ししたのは、安倍政権の普天間問題の進め方に対する沖縄の人々の激しい怒りだった。
Nakaima was elected in the previous gubernatorial election after promising to relocate the Futenma base outside Okinawa Prefecture.
仲井真氏は前回知事選では県外移設を公約して再選された。
But at the end of last year, he approved the central government's application to proceed with landfill work off Henoko in recognition of the government's economic stimulus measures -- a violation of his public pledge.
だが昨年末、仲井真氏は政府の経済振興策などを評価し公約に反する形で辺野古埋め立てを承認した。
The pride of the people in Okinawa was hurt by the central government's tactics, under which the government appeared to think it could win Okinawa over if it provided money in the form of stimulus measures.
この過程で振興策というカネさえ積めば沖縄を懐柔できると考えているかのような政府のやり方に、沖縄の人々は誇りを傷つけられた。
◇米国内にも計画に異論
With the problem having become so complicated, it is unrealistic to adhere to the current relocation plans.
ここまで問題がこじれた以上、現行の移設計画に固執するのは現実的ではない。
This summer, the central government started a drilling survey on the seabed off the coast of the Henoko district in line with its land refill plans. It has indicated that it will go ahead with the relocation to Henoko regardless of the latest election results, but the survey should be called off.
政府は今夏、辺野古沿岸部の埋め立てに向けた海底ボーリング調査を開始し、選挙結果にかかわらず移設を推進する方針を示しているが、調査を中止すべきだ。
However, if the Henoko relocation plans are taken back to the drawing board, this must not result in the Futenma base being left where it is.
ただし、辺野古の白紙化を普天間の固定化につなげてはならない。
The whole point of the Futenma relocation is to remove the danger posed by the base, which, with its close proximity to residential areas, has been described as the most dangerous in the world.
この問題の原点は、「世界一危険な基地」といわれる普天間の一日も早い危険性除去にある。
The Abe administration has promised to halt operations at Futenma within five years, and it must make an effort to lighten the burden posed by hosting U.S. military bases.
安倍政権は今後も沖縄と約束した「普天間の５年以内の運用停止」をはじめとする基地負担軽減策を進めるべきだ。
At the same time, it must not cut back the yearly budget of over 300 billion yen that it has promised to provide Okinawa in the form of stimulus measures.
沖縄振興策も毎年３０００億円台の予算を確保するという約束を違えて減額することがあってはならない。
Eighteen years have passed since an agreement was made on returning the Futenma base.
普天間返還合意から１８年。
It is probably no easy task to renegotiate an issue over which Japan and the U.S. have made repeated agreements, but if the Japanese and U.S. indeed see eye to eye on the deep influence of public opinion in Okinawa, then discussions will naturally progress to a new stage.
日本と合意を重ねてきた米国との再交渉に持ち込むのは容易ではなかろう。それでも沖縄の民意がもたらす深刻な影響を日米両政府が共有すれば、おのずと協議は新たな段階に移っていくはずだ。
The Japanese and U.S. governments say that relocation of the Futenma base to Henoko is the "only solution." However, the view that this is unrealistic has emerged within U.S. Congress.
日米両政府の合意は辺野古移設を「唯一の解決策」としているが、米議会には辺野古は非現実的だとして異なる意見があり、
Senator John McCain and others proposed that Futenma be consolidated with the U.S. military's Kadena air base. マケイン上院議員らが米軍嘉手納基地に統合する案を提案したこともある。
This summer, meanwhile, Joseph Nye, former U.S. deputy to the undersecretary of state for security assistance, pointed out the weaknesses of U.S. military bases on Okinawa, and sought revisions to the deployment of U.S. military forces in Japan.
ジョセフ・ナイ元米国防次官補は今夏、沖縄の米軍基地の脆弱（ぜいじゃく）性を指摘し、在日米軍の配備見直しを求めた。
So even in the United States, objections have emerged.
米国でも異論が出ているのだ。
The role that the Japan-U.S. security alliance has in providing stability for Japan and other countries in Asia is large. 日米安保体制が日本とアジア地域の安定に果たす役割は大きい。
Considering China's military expansion and maritime advances, and the situation in North Korea, it is necessary to maintain the deterrence provided by U.S. military forces in Japan.
中国の軍備拡張や海洋進出、北朝鮮情勢を考えれば、在日米軍の抑止力は維持する必要がある。
The Japanese government must address friction with Okinawa and seek new negotiations with the U.S. to devise a solution -- even if this is for the worthy purpose of smoothly operating the Japan-U.S. security alliance.
日米安保体制を安定的に運用していくという大きな目的のためにも、日本政府は沖縄との摩擦を放置せず、米政府に再交渉を求めて問題解決を図るべきだ。
毎日新聞 2014年11月17日 東京朝刊
Editorial: Return Futenma base relocation negotiations to square one
社説:辺野古移設に審判 白紙に戻して再交渉を
Public opposition within Okinawa Prefecture to the planned relocation of U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to the city of Nago in the prefecture is never likely to wilt.
米軍普天間飛行場（沖縄県宜野湾市）の名護市辺野古への移設に反対する地元の民意はもう後戻りしないだろう。
In the Okinawa gubernatorial election on Nov. 16, former Naha Mayor Takeshi Onaga defeated incumbent Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima, who had approved the government's application for a landfill project to build a replacement facility for the Futenma base in the Henoko district of Nago. His landslide victory denied Nakaima a third term in office.
沖縄県知事選で、翁長雄志（おながたけし）前那覇市長が３選を目指す仲井真弘多（ひろかず）知事らを破り初当選した。１月の名護市長選に引き続き、またも移設反対派が、安倍政権の全面支援を受けた推進派を退けたことになる。
Relocation of the base to Henoko stood as the primary issue in the election, and locals clearly voiced their opinion. Both politically and morally, it seems impossible for the central government to go ahead with the relocation as it stands. The government should return the relocation plans to the drawing board and resume negotiations with the U.S. government.
辺野古移設を最大の争点にした選挙でこれだけ明確な民意が示された以上、政府が移設を推進することは、政治的にも道義的にも不可能だろう。政府は移設計画を白紙に戻し、米政府と再交渉すべきだ。
◇本土と沖縄に深刻な溝
Onaga's latest victory carries more weight than in previous gubernatorial elections.
翁長氏の勝利は、過去の知事選に比べてもとりわけ重い意味を持つ。
This is because rather than engaging in a battle between conservatives and reformists, Onaga defined it as one between Okinawa and mainland Japan.
沖縄の知事選で初めて保革対決が崩れ、翁長氏が「沖縄対本土」という対立構図を強調する中で勝利したからだ。
Onaga is a mainstay in Okinawa's conservative political world.
翁長氏は沖縄保守政界の重鎮だ。
Yet in the Nov. 16 election, some conservative local politicians were able to join hands with the Japanese Communist Party, Social Democratic Party and other reformist parties to support Onaga, and he defeated Nakaima, who had been backed by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and other groups.
保守系地方議員の一部や共産、社民両党など革新政党が支援して保革共闘ができ、自民党などの推薦を受けた仲井真氏に勝った。
Two slogans emerged as part of Onaga's public pledge to oppose construction of a new base: "All Okinawa" and "Identity rather than ideology." These phrases encompass the following about the situation and the people of Okinawa. The message they are saying is:
翁長氏の公約「新基地建設反対」の合言葉は、「オール沖縄」「イデオロギーよりアイデンティティー」だった。そこには次のような意味が込められている。
"The system of the Japan-U.S. security pact is understandable, but we want all of Japan to bear the burden of Japan's security. It is unreasonable for Okinawa, which comprises just 0.6 percent of Japan's total land area, to house 74 percent of U.S. military facilities. Is this not a form of structural discrimination?
＜日米安保体制は理解するが、日本の安全保障は日本全体で負担してほしい。国土面積の０・６％しかない沖縄に在日米軍専用施設の７４％が集中しているのは理不尽で、沖縄への構造的差別ではないか。
"It is mistaken to think that Okinawa could not survive economically without military bases. Base-related revenue has fallen to 5 percent of Okinawa's total. As it stands, the bases represent the single biggest obstacle to Okinawa's economic development.
沖縄は基地経済がないと立ちゆかないという見方は誤りで、基地関連収入が県経済に占める割合は現在では５％に減った。基地は今や沖縄経済発展の最大の阻害要因だ。
"The process of splitting up into leftists and rightists and conservative and reformist camps over the military base issue, and pressuring parties to decide between bases or the economy represents an old-fashioned way of thinking. 基地をはさんで左右や保革に分かれたり、基地か経済かの二者択一を迫ったりするのは、旧態依然の古い発想だ。
The base issue is no longer one of ideology.
基地問題はもうイデオロギーではない。
Okinawa's identity is the issue, and we will decide on Okinawa's future by ourselves."
沖縄のアイデンティティーの問題であり、沖縄の将来は自分たちの手で決める＞
Onaga's victory raises serious questions for the Japanese government and each person in mainland Japan.
翁長氏の勝利は、日本政府と本土の一人一人に根本的な疑問を突きつける。
Why don't people understand or have any interest in Okinawa's current situation?
なぜ沖縄の現状に無理解で無関心なのか。
Why isn't the public will of the people in Okinawa being faced seriously?
なぜ沖縄の民意に真剣に向き合わないのか。
Doesn't this run counter to democracy?
それは民主主義にもとるのではないか、と。
If the central government ignores the results of the latest election and goes ahead with the relocation as planned, the gap between mainland Japan and Okinawa will only widen, and could produce a decisive rift.
政府が今回の選挙結果を無視し、移設を強行すれば、本土と沖縄の溝はますます深まり、亀裂が決定的になりかねない。
Okinawa cannot accept an excessive burden of hosting military bases while feeling that it is being discriminated against.
沖縄が不当に差別されているという感情を抱えたまま、過重な基地負担を引き受けられるものではない。
Conflicting positions are certain to destabilize the Japan-U.S. security alliance.
この矛盾は日米安保体制を確実に不安定化させるだろう。
The central government has direct control over security, but this doesn't mean that it can disregard the will of the people.
安全保障は国の専管事項だが、それは地元の意向を勘案しなくていいという意味ではない。
If security policies don't win understanding from locals or the public as a whole, then they will not stand.
地元をはじめ国民全体の理解がなければ安全保障政策など成り立たない。
In situations like this, in which central government policy and the will of the people clash, the government should make an effort to close the divide. However, it has not sufficiently fulfilled its responsibility in this regard.
今回のように国の方針と地元の民意が対立した場合、政府は両者の溝を埋める努力をすべきだが、責任を十分に果たしてこなかった。
On the contrary, Onaga's victory was fueled by intense anger from people in Okinawa over the way the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has proceeded in connection with the Futenma base issue.
それどころか翁長氏の勝利を後押ししたのは、安倍政権の普天間問題の進め方に対する沖縄の人々の激しい怒りだった。
Nakaima was elected in the previous gubernatorial election after promising to relocate the Futenma base outside Okinawa Prefecture.
仲井真氏は前回知事選では県外移設を公約して再選された。
But at the end of last year, he approved the central government's application to proceed with landfill work off Henoko in recognition of the government's economic stimulus measures -- a violation of his public pledge.
だが昨年末、仲井真氏は政府の経済振興策などを評価し公約に反する形で辺野古埋め立てを承認した。
The pride of the people in Okinawa was hurt by the central government's tactics, under which the government appeared to think it could win Okinawa over if it provided money in the form of stimulus measures.
この過程で振興策というカネさえ積めば沖縄を懐柔できると考えているかのような政府のやり方に、沖縄の人々は誇りを傷つけられた。
◇米国内にも計画に異論
With the problem having become so complicated, it is unrealistic to adhere to the current relocation plans.
ここまで問題がこじれた以上、現行の移設計画に固執するのは現実的ではない。
This summer, the central government started a drilling survey on the seabed off the coast of the Henoko district in line with its land refill plans. It has indicated that it will go ahead with the relocation to Henoko regardless of the latest election results, but the survey should be called off.
政府は今夏、辺野古沿岸部の埋め立てに向けた海底ボーリング調査を開始し、選挙結果にかかわらず移設を推進する方針を示しているが、調査を中止すべきだ。
However, if the Henoko relocation plans are taken back to the drawing board, this must not result in the Futenma base being left where it is.
ただし、辺野古の白紙化を普天間の固定化につなげてはならない。
The whole point of the Futenma relocation is to remove the danger posed by the base, which, with its close proximity to residential areas, has been described as the most dangerous in the world.
この問題の原点は、「世界一危険な基地」といわれる普天間の一日も早い危険性除去にある。
The Abe administration has promised to halt operations at Futenma within five years, and it must make an effort to lighten the burden posed by hosting U.S. military bases.
安倍政権は今後も沖縄と約束した「普天間の５年以内の運用停止」をはじめとする基地負担軽減策を進めるべきだ。
At the same time, it must not cut back the yearly budget of over 300 billion yen that it has promised to provide Okinawa in the form of stimulus measures.
沖縄振興策も毎年３０００億円台の予算を確保するという約束を違えて減額することがあってはならない。
Eighteen years have passed since an agreement was made on returning the Futenma base.
普天間返還合意から１８年。
It is probably no easy task to renegotiate an issue over which Japan and the U.S. have made repeated agreements, but if the Japanese and U.S. indeed see eye to eye on the deep influence of public opinion in Okinawa, then discussions will naturally progress to a new stage.
日本と合意を重ねてきた米国との再交渉に持ち込むのは容易ではなかろう。それでも沖縄の民意がもたらす深刻な影響を日米両政府が共有すれば、おのずと協議は新たな段階に移っていくはずだ。
The Japanese and U.S. governments say that relocation of the Futenma base to Henoko is the "only solution." However, the view that this is unrealistic has emerged within U.S. Congress.
日米両政府の合意は辺野古移設を「唯一の解決策」としているが、米議会には辺野古は非現実的だとして異なる意見があり、
Senator John McCain and others proposed that Futenma be consolidated with the U.S. military's Kadena air base. マケイン上院議員らが米軍嘉手納基地に統合する案を提案したこともある。
This summer, meanwhile, Joseph Nye, former U.S. deputy to the undersecretary of state for security assistance, pointed out the weaknesses of U.S. military bases on Okinawa, and sought revisions to the deployment of U.S. military forces in Japan.
ジョセフ・ナイ元米国防次官補は今夏、沖縄の米軍基地の脆弱（ぜいじゃく）性を指摘し、在日米軍の配備見直しを求めた。
So even in the United States, objections have emerged.
米国でも異論が出ているのだ。
The role that the Japan-U.S. security alliance has in providing stability for Japan and other countries in Asia is large. 日米安保体制が日本とアジア地域の安定に果たす役割は大きい。
Considering China's military expansion and maritime advances, and the situation in North Korea, it is necessary to maintain the deterrence provided by U.S. military forces in Japan.
中国の軍備拡張や海洋進出、北朝鮮情勢を考えれば、在日米軍の抑止力は維持する必要がある。
The Japanese government must address friction with Okinawa and seek new negotiations with the U.S. to devise a solution -- even if this is for the worthy purpose of smoothly operating the Japan-U.S. security alliance.
日米安保体制を安定的に運用していくという大きな目的のためにも、日本政府は沖縄との摩擦を放置せず、米政府に再交渉を求めて問題解決を図るべきだ。
毎日新聞 2014年11月17日 東京朝刊
2014年11月13日
社説:早期解散論 その発想はあざとい
November 12, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: PM should carefully consider points of contention, timing of general election
社説:早期解散論 その発想はあざとい
Speculation is growing within the political world that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe will likely dissolve the House of Representatives to call a snap general election by the end of this year. According to speculation, the prime minister will decide later this month to postpone the consumption tax hike from 8 to 10 percent, which is scheduled for October 2015, and ask voters to support his decision through an election.
安倍晋三首相が年内の衆院解散・総選挙に踏み切るのではないかとの見方が広がっている。来年１０月の消費税率１０％への引き上げの先送りを首相が判断し、民意を問うというシナリオが取りざたされている。
The ruling coalition has failed to make sufficient efforts to lay the groundwork for the tax increase. Moreover, the ruling bloc appears to be attempting to take advantage of public opinion against the tax hike to win an election. Serious questions remain as to whether a delay in the consumption tax increase should be recognized as a sufficient reason for calling a general election.
政権与党が税率引き上げの環境を整える努力を尽くさず、しかも増税に慎重な世論に乗じて選挙にまで利用しようという発想が感じられる。民意を問う大義たり得るか、今の議論には疑問を抱かざるを得ない。
Legislators are far from holding in-depth general debate in the Diet. Both ruling and opposition parties have already begun preparing for an election as speculation is spreading from the ruling coalition about the schedule for dissolving the chamber and holding an election.
腰を据えた国会論戦からはもはや遠い雰囲気だ。与党からは解散や選挙日程をめぐる観測が流れ、与野党は選挙準備に動き出している。
Despite these moves, Prime Minister Abe has denied intending to dissolve the lower house anytime soon saying that he has "not decided at all" about the timing of an election. Whether to dissolve the chamber is entirely up to the prime minister. There are observations among those within the political world that ruling coalition politicians are deliberately spreading rumors about a possible dissolution in a bid to keep opposition parties in check as the ongoing extraordinary Diet session is nearing an end.
首相は解散について「（時期は）何ら決めていない」などと説明している。実際に解散するかは首相の胸三寸だ。解散説は臨時国会の終盤を控え、与党による野党のけん制が狙いとの見方も依然としてある。
However, if the prime minister were to be seriously considering dissolving the chamber, the reason for that would be called into question. A senior government official pointed out that a delay in the consumption tax hike could be a justifiable reason for calling a general election because such a decision would overturn an agreement on the tax increase between the now ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), its coalition partner Komeito and the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) which is now the largest opposition party. However, is this really so?
だが、本当に解散を検討しているのであれば、その理由が問われる。消費増税先送りについて政府高官は「増税の自公民３党合意をひっくり返すのだから（国民に）信を問う大義名分になる」と語っている。
国民の審判をもう一度仰ぐという理屈は一見もっともらしく聞こえる。だが、本当にそうだろうか。
The government should go ahead with the consumption tax increase to 10 percent as scheduled after addressing outstanding issues, such as lessening the burden on low income earners and slashing the number of seats in the lower house, which the legislature has failed to act on for a long time. The ruling coalition has not been enthusiastic about working on these issues.
１０％への増税は本来、生活弱者の負担軽減策や、放置されたままの衆院定数削減など「宿題」を片付けて予定通り行うべきものだ。これまで与党がこうした課題の克服に真剣に取り組んできたとは言えまい。
Uncertainty over economic conditions, which some ruling coalition legislators cite as the reason for calling for a delay in the tax hike, is attributable to the failure of "Abenomics," the economic policy mix promoted by the Abe government, to produce sufficient results. If the economic conditions were to be so serious that the tax hike needs to be postponed, the government should scrutinize economic stimulus measures it has so far implemented.
与党内で先送り論の根拠とされる景気動向への不安にしてもアベノミクスが想定通りに運ばない反映ではないか。増税を先送りするほど状況が悪いというのであれば、必要なのは経済政策の検証であろう。
In the campaign for the previous general election, the LDP, Komeito and the DPJ asked voters to accept the tax hike because these main political parties were aware of the need to share the responsibility for increasing the tax burden on the public. These parties attempted to share a common view on tax and social security by putting aside their struggle for power.
さきの衆院選で自公民が増税実施の３党合意を掲げたのは国民に痛みを強いる責任を主要政党が分担する意味があったはずだ。政争と一線を画して税と社会保障の共通認識を得ようという政治の知恵だった。
If the ruling coalition were to scrap the three-party accord and pledge a postponement of the tax hike in the next lower house race, the efforts the three parties have patiently made to form a consensus among them would come to nothing.
ところが合意をほごにし、増税先送りを選挙で掲げるようでは、こうした努力を台無しにしかねない。
Some within the ruling coalition fear that it will be increasingly difficult to run the government next year when the administration needs to draft security bills as Komeito is wary of expanding the role Japan should play in global security. The economic outlook is also increasingly uncertain. If ruling party politicians were to be calling for a dissolution of the lower chamber because they believe they can rely on the relatively high approval rating for the Abe Cabinet, they should be criticized as being sly.
経済動向が不透明なうえ、公明党との調整が難航必至の安全保障法制の整備も控えるなど、与党には来年以降の政権運営を危ぶむ見方があるようだ。増税先送りを奇貨として、世論の追い風をあてこんだ解散論とすれば、あざとさすら感じる。
The DPJ has insisted that the consumption tax hike and expansion of the social security system should be implemented as a package. Concerns remain that voters could be forced to make a choice without clear points of contention or in-depth policy debate if a general election were to be called quickly. Prime Minister Abe should cautiously consider points of contention during a lower house race and select the timing of the election.
消費税率引き上げをめぐっては民主党も社会保障拡充などとのパッケージ化が前提だと説明している。急な選挙が行われた場合、争点が定まらず、政策論争も深まらないまま有権者が選択を迫られる懸念もぬぐえない。民意を問うテーマと時期について、首相は慎重に判断すべきだ。
毎日新聞 2014年11月12日 02時35分
Editorial: PM should carefully consider points of contention, timing of general election
社説:早期解散論 その発想はあざとい
Speculation is growing within the political world that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe will likely dissolve the House of Representatives to call a snap general election by the end of this year. According to speculation, the prime minister will decide later this month to postpone the consumption tax hike from 8 to 10 percent, which is scheduled for October 2015, and ask voters to support his decision through an election.
安倍晋三首相が年内の衆院解散・総選挙に踏み切るのではないかとの見方が広がっている。来年１０月の消費税率１０％への引き上げの先送りを首相が判断し、民意を問うというシナリオが取りざたされている。
The ruling coalition has failed to make sufficient efforts to lay the groundwork for the tax increase. Moreover, the ruling bloc appears to be attempting to take advantage of public opinion against the tax hike to win an election. Serious questions remain as to whether a delay in the consumption tax increase should be recognized as a sufficient reason for calling a general election.
政権与党が税率引き上げの環境を整える努力を尽くさず、しかも増税に慎重な世論に乗じて選挙にまで利用しようという発想が感じられる。民意を問う大義たり得るか、今の議論には疑問を抱かざるを得ない。
Legislators are far from holding in-depth general debate in the Diet. Both ruling and opposition parties have already begun preparing for an election as speculation is spreading from the ruling coalition about the schedule for dissolving the chamber and holding an election.
腰を据えた国会論戦からはもはや遠い雰囲気だ。与党からは解散や選挙日程をめぐる観測が流れ、与野党は選挙準備に動き出している。
Despite these moves, Prime Minister Abe has denied intending to dissolve the lower house anytime soon saying that he has "not decided at all" about the timing of an election. Whether to dissolve the chamber is entirely up to the prime minister. There are observations among those within the political world that ruling coalition politicians are deliberately spreading rumors about a possible dissolution in a bid to keep opposition parties in check as the ongoing extraordinary Diet session is nearing an end.
首相は解散について「（時期は）何ら決めていない」などと説明している。実際に解散するかは首相の胸三寸だ。解散説は臨時国会の終盤を控え、与党による野党のけん制が狙いとの見方も依然としてある。
However, if the prime minister were to be seriously considering dissolving the chamber, the reason for that would be called into question. A senior government official pointed out that a delay in the consumption tax hike could be a justifiable reason for calling a general election because such a decision would overturn an agreement on the tax increase between the now ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), its coalition partner Komeito and the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) which is now the largest opposition party. However, is this really so?
だが、本当に解散を検討しているのであれば、その理由が問われる。消費増税先送りについて政府高官は「増税の自公民３党合意をひっくり返すのだから（国民に）信を問う大義名分になる」と語っている。
国民の審判をもう一度仰ぐという理屈は一見もっともらしく聞こえる。だが、本当にそうだろうか。
The government should go ahead with the consumption tax increase to 10 percent as scheduled after addressing outstanding issues, such as lessening the burden on low income earners and slashing the number of seats in the lower house, which the legislature has failed to act on for a long time. The ruling coalition has not been enthusiastic about working on these issues.
１０％への増税は本来、生活弱者の負担軽減策や、放置されたままの衆院定数削減など「宿題」を片付けて予定通り行うべきものだ。これまで与党がこうした課題の克服に真剣に取り組んできたとは言えまい。
Uncertainty over economic conditions, which some ruling coalition legislators cite as the reason for calling for a delay in the tax hike, is attributable to the failure of "Abenomics," the economic policy mix promoted by the Abe government, to produce sufficient results. If the economic conditions were to be so serious that the tax hike needs to be postponed, the government should scrutinize economic stimulus measures it has so far implemented.
与党内で先送り論の根拠とされる景気動向への不安にしてもアベノミクスが想定通りに運ばない反映ではないか。増税を先送りするほど状況が悪いというのであれば、必要なのは経済政策の検証であろう。
In the campaign for the previous general election, the LDP, Komeito and the DPJ asked voters to accept the tax hike because these main political parties were aware of the need to share the responsibility for increasing the tax burden on the public. These parties attempted to share a common view on tax and social security by putting aside their struggle for power.
さきの衆院選で自公民が増税実施の３党合意を掲げたのは国民に痛みを強いる責任を主要政党が分担する意味があったはずだ。政争と一線を画して税と社会保障の共通認識を得ようという政治の知恵だった。
If the ruling coalition were to scrap the three-party accord and pledge a postponement of the tax hike in the next lower house race, the efforts the three parties have patiently made to form a consensus among them would come to nothing.
ところが合意をほごにし、増税先送りを選挙で掲げるようでは、こうした努力を台無しにしかねない。
Some within the ruling coalition fear that it will be increasingly difficult to run the government next year when the administration needs to draft security bills as Komeito is wary of expanding the role Japan should play in global security. The economic outlook is also increasingly uncertain. If ruling party politicians were to be calling for a dissolution of the lower chamber because they believe they can rely on the relatively high approval rating for the Abe Cabinet, they should be criticized as being sly.
経済動向が不透明なうえ、公明党との調整が難航必至の安全保障法制の整備も控えるなど、与党には来年以降の政権運営を危ぶむ見方があるようだ。増税先送りを奇貨として、世論の追い風をあてこんだ解散論とすれば、あざとさすら感じる。
The DPJ has insisted that the consumption tax hike and expansion of the social security system should be implemented as a package. Concerns remain that voters could be forced to make a choice without clear points of contention or in-depth policy debate if a general election were to be called quickly. Prime Minister Abe should cautiously consider points of contention during a lower house race and select the timing of the election.
消費税率引き上げをめぐっては民主党も社会保障拡充などとのパッケージ化が前提だと説明している。急な選挙が行われた場合、争点が定まらず、政策論争も深まらないまま有権者が選択を迫られる懸念もぬぐえない。民意を問うテーマと時期について、首相は慎重に判断すべきだ。
毎日新聞 2014年11月12日 02時35分
2014年11月05日
社説:首相の「捏造」発言 冷静さを欠いている
November 03, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: Prime Minister Abe's 'fabrication' remarks lack levelheadedness
社説:首相の「捏造」発言 冷静さを欠いている
It's mindboggling that a nation's prime minister can flippantly accuse a major newspaper of fabricating a story.
一国の首相の口からこんな発言が軽々しく飛び出すことに驚く。
安倍晋三首相が朝日新聞を名指しして、その報道を「捏造（ねつぞう）だ」と国会の場で断じた。
By definition, a fabrication is the act of making something up where nothing exists; it is not a misinterpretation or misunderstanding of facts. During Diet deliberations, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe accused the Asahi Shimbun of fabricating a story. But the prime minister needs to calmly rethink whether the report he was referring to in his statement constitutes a fabrication.
だが、捏造とは事実の誤認ではなく、ありもしない事実を、あるかのようにつくり上げることを指す。果たして今回の報道がそれに当たるかどうか、首相は頭を冷やして考え直した方がいい。
Here are the facts: On Oct. 29, the prime minister had lunch with his close aides. After the meeting, one of the lawmakers who had been in attendance told reporters that the prime minister had said the ruling and opposition camps "should call a cease-fire" over the political funding scandals. The next morning, the Asahi and other media outlets, including the Mainichi Shimbun, Yomiuri Shimbun, Sankei Shimbun and the Nikkei daily newspapers, reported the story.
経過はこうだ。首相は先月２９日昼、側近議員らと食事した。終了後、出席者の一人が報道陣に対し、首相はその席で政治資金問題に関し「（与野党ともに）『撃ち方やめ』になればいい」と語った、と説明した。これを受け、朝日のみならず毎日、読売、産経、日経など報道各社が、その発言を翌日朝刊で報じた。
But during Diet deliberations on Oct. 30 and 31, the prime minister singled out the Asahi's article, saying, "I did not say that. Creating a fire where there is nothing is fabrication."
ところが首相は３０、３１両日の国会答弁で朝日の記事だけを指して「私は言っていない。火がないところに火をおこすのは捏造だ」などと批判し続けた。
The aide who had attributed the "cease-fire" comment to the prime minister subsequently retracted the earlier statement, saying, "I was the one who said that. I said, 'This should result in a cease-fire,' and the prime minister merely agreed." In other words, the prime minister's aide made the error that led to the news reports.
一方、当初、報道陣に首相発言を説明した出席者はその後、「発言者は私だった。私が『これで撃ち方やめですね』と発言し、首相は『そうだね』と同意しただけだ」と修正した。つまり発端は側近らのミスだったということになる。
Abe argued that "statements should be confirmed with the person who made them." We agree. But at present, reporters are only given occasional opportunities to pose questions to the prime minister at times deemed convenient by the prime minister's camp. If the prime minister feels so strongly about statements coming directly from the source, why not set regular interviews with reporters twice a day, as was the practice when Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi was in office?
首相は「発言を本人に確かめるのは当然」と言う。その通りである。ただし現在、首相と担当記者との質疑の場は実際には首相側の都合で時折設定されているに過ぎない。首相がそう言うのなら、小泉純一郎首相時代のように１日２度、定期的にインタビューの場を設けてはどうか。
The prime minister seems to be entrenched in viewing the Asahi as his enemy. Even in his latest remarks, he appears to be trying to say that the Asahi is bent on criticizing him no matter what. He told the Diet, "The editor-in-chief of the Asahi apparently once said that the company's mission is to bring down the Abe administration." However, the Asahi has denied such allegations, and it remains unclear how much evidence the prime minister has to back up such a statement.
首相はかねて朝日新聞を「敵」だと見なしているようで、今回の記事も「最初に批判ありきだ」と言いたいようだ。「安倍政権を倒すことを社是としていると、かつて朝日の主筆がしゃべったということだ」とも国会で発言している。だが、朝日側はその事実はないと否定しており、首相がどれだけ裏付けを取って語っているかも不明である。
Does Abe believe that a large proportion of the public will applaud him if he employs the term "fabrication" to criticize a newspaper that has been embroiled in a scandal involving its reporting of the so-called wartime comfort women issue and testimony by the late former head of the disaster-hit Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant?
あるいは慰安婦報道や東京電力福島第１原発事故の「吉田調書」報道問題で揺れる朝日を、「捏造」との言葉で批判すれば拍手してくれる人が多いと考えているのだろうか。
Regardless, in the latest case, the prime minister does not appear to have closely investigated the events that led to the reports. The problem could have been easily resolved if he'd just clarified that he was not the one who made the "cease-fire" remark, and asked media outlets to correct the misunderstanding.
いずれにしても今回、報道に至る経過を首相が精査したうえで語っているようには見えない。「私は語っていない」と報道各社に修正を求めれば済む話だったと考える。
Prime Minister Abe tends to devote his efforts to making attacks, rather than lending an ear to criticism. With the money scandals involving Cabinet ministers nowhere near resolution, he seems to be irritable of late. But witnessing him vigorously criticizing the media brings into question his ability to be levelheaded in dealing with the various domestic and diplomatic challenges that Japan faces.
従来、批判に耳を傾けるより、相手を攻撃することに力を注ぎがちな首相だ。特に最近は政治とカネの問題が収束せず、いら立っているようでもある。しかし、ムキになって報道批判をしている首相を見ていると、これで内政、外交のさまざまな課題に対し、冷静な判断ができるだろうかと心配になるほどだ。
毎日新聞 2014年11月02日 02時30分（最終更新 11月02日 13時55分）
Editorial: Prime Minister Abe's 'fabrication' remarks lack levelheadedness
社説:首相の「捏造」発言 冷静さを欠いている
It's mindboggling that a nation's prime minister can flippantly accuse a major newspaper of fabricating a story.
一国の首相の口からこんな発言が軽々しく飛び出すことに驚く。
安倍晋三首相が朝日新聞を名指しして、その報道を「捏造（ねつぞう）だ」と国会の場で断じた。
By definition, a fabrication is the act of making something up where nothing exists; it is not a misinterpretation or misunderstanding of facts. During Diet deliberations, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe accused the Asahi Shimbun of fabricating a story. But the prime minister needs to calmly rethink whether the report he was referring to in his statement constitutes a fabrication.
だが、捏造とは事実の誤認ではなく、ありもしない事実を、あるかのようにつくり上げることを指す。果たして今回の報道がそれに当たるかどうか、首相は頭を冷やして考え直した方がいい。
Here are the facts: On Oct. 29, the prime minister had lunch with his close aides. After the meeting, one of the lawmakers who had been in attendance told reporters that the prime minister had said the ruling and opposition camps "should call a cease-fire" over the political funding scandals. The next morning, the Asahi and other media outlets, including the Mainichi Shimbun, Yomiuri Shimbun, Sankei Shimbun and the Nikkei daily newspapers, reported the story.
経過はこうだ。首相は先月２９日昼、側近議員らと食事した。終了後、出席者の一人が報道陣に対し、首相はその席で政治資金問題に関し「（与野党ともに）『撃ち方やめ』になればいい」と語った、と説明した。これを受け、朝日のみならず毎日、読売、産経、日経など報道各社が、その発言を翌日朝刊で報じた。
But during Diet deliberations on Oct. 30 and 31, the prime minister singled out the Asahi's article, saying, "I did not say that. Creating a fire where there is nothing is fabrication."
ところが首相は３０、３１両日の国会答弁で朝日の記事だけを指して「私は言っていない。火がないところに火をおこすのは捏造だ」などと批判し続けた。
The aide who had attributed the "cease-fire" comment to the prime minister subsequently retracted the earlier statement, saying, "I was the one who said that. I said, 'This should result in a cease-fire,' and the prime minister merely agreed." In other words, the prime minister's aide made the error that led to the news reports.
一方、当初、報道陣に首相発言を説明した出席者はその後、「発言者は私だった。私が『これで撃ち方やめですね』と発言し、首相は『そうだね』と同意しただけだ」と修正した。つまり発端は側近らのミスだったということになる。
Abe argued that "statements should be confirmed with the person who made them." We agree. But at present, reporters are only given occasional opportunities to pose questions to the prime minister at times deemed convenient by the prime minister's camp. If the prime minister feels so strongly about statements coming directly from the source, why not set regular interviews with reporters twice a day, as was the practice when Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi was in office?
首相は「発言を本人に確かめるのは当然」と言う。その通りである。ただし現在、首相と担当記者との質疑の場は実際には首相側の都合で時折設定されているに過ぎない。首相がそう言うのなら、小泉純一郎首相時代のように１日２度、定期的にインタビューの場を設けてはどうか。
The prime minister seems to be entrenched in viewing the Asahi as his enemy. Even in his latest remarks, he appears to be trying to say that the Asahi is bent on criticizing him no matter what. He told the Diet, "The editor-in-chief of the Asahi apparently once said that the company's mission is to bring down the Abe administration." However, the Asahi has denied such allegations, and it remains unclear how much evidence the prime minister has to back up such a statement.
首相はかねて朝日新聞を「敵」だと見なしているようで、今回の記事も「最初に批判ありきだ」と言いたいようだ。「安倍政権を倒すことを社是としていると、かつて朝日の主筆がしゃべったということだ」とも国会で発言している。だが、朝日側はその事実はないと否定しており、首相がどれだけ裏付けを取って語っているかも不明である。
Does Abe believe that a large proportion of the public will applaud him if he employs the term "fabrication" to criticize a newspaper that has been embroiled in a scandal involving its reporting of the so-called wartime comfort women issue and testimony by the late former head of the disaster-hit Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant?
あるいは慰安婦報道や東京電力福島第１原発事故の「吉田調書」報道問題で揺れる朝日を、「捏造」との言葉で批判すれば拍手してくれる人が多いと考えているのだろうか。
Regardless, in the latest case, the prime minister does not appear to have closely investigated the events that led to the reports. The problem could have been easily resolved if he'd just clarified that he was not the one who made the "cease-fire" remark, and asked media outlets to correct the misunderstanding.
いずれにしても今回、報道に至る経過を首相が精査したうえで語っているようには見えない。「私は語っていない」と報道各社に修正を求めれば済む話だったと考える。
Prime Minister Abe tends to devote his efforts to making attacks, rather than lending an ear to criticism. With the money scandals involving Cabinet ministers nowhere near resolution, he seems to be irritable of late. But witnessing him vigorously criticizing the media brings into question his ability to be levelheaded in dealing with the various domestic and diplomatic challenges that Japan faces.
従来、批判に耳を傾けるより、相手を攻撃することに力を注ぎがちな首相だ。特に最近は政治とカネの問題が収束せず、いら立っているようでもある。しかし、ムキになって報道批判をしている首相を見ていると、これで内政、外交のさまざまな課題に対し、冷静な判断ができるだろうかと心配になるほどだ。
毎日新聞 2014年11月02日 02時30分（最終更新 11月02日 13時55分）
2014年11月04日
社説:日銀の追加緩和 泥沼化のリスク高まる
November 01, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: More monetary easing at BOJ risks slide into economic chaos
社説:日銀の追加緩和 泥沼化のリスク高まる
The Bank of Japan (BOJ), the country' central bank, has further eased its monetary grip. The move comes 18 months after the BOJ took unprecedentedly large-scale monetary easing steps as the "first arrow" of Abenomics, an economic policy mix promoted by the government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Moreover, the latest round of monetary easing coincided with end of the U.S.'s own quantitative relaxation program.
日銀が量的緩和を一段と強化した。アベノミクスの「第一の矢」として異例の大規模緩和が登場し１年半。米国が量的緩和を終了したタイミングでの日本の追加緩和だ。
Financial markets reacted sharply to the move, with the yen diving and share prices spiking.
驚いた市場は反応し、円安、株高が大幅に進んだ。
However, the BOJ was pressured to implement additional monetary easing steps because its ultra-easy money policy, adopted in April 2013 by newly appointed BOJ Gov. Haruhiko Kuroda, had not proven sufficiently effective. One cannot help but doubt whether the reinforcement of measures that had not produced the desired results the first time round will brighten prospects for steady economic growth. Moreover, the central bank's latest round of monetary relaxation is, so to speak, a dangerous drug that could produce serious side-effects.
しかし、である。ここで追加緩和に踏み切らざるを得なくなったのは、昨年４月に黒田東彦新総裁の下、導入した「異次元緩和」が十分効果を上げていないことの裏返しと言える。うまくいっていないものを一段と強化した先に果たして展望は開けるのだろうか。しかも副作用の多い、劇薬なのである。
Under the scenario of the "first arrow," the government and the BOJ projected that their goal of 2 percent annual inflation would be achieved and the economy pulled out of its slump if the money supply from the central bank doubled over a two-year period. In other words, the government and the BOJ attempted to convince the public that consumer prices would rise by dramatically increasing the money supply.
「物価の年間上昇率２％」を明確な目標として宣言し、お金の量を２年で２倍に増やせば、目標が達成でき、経済も復活する−−。第一の矢のシナリオだった。衝撃的な量の資金供給を行うことで人々に「物価上昇の時が来た」と信じこませる効果を狙った。
True, consumer prices gradually increased, but the rise has slowed down because the fall in the yen's value has not produced sufficient results and oil prices have declined. The first arrow has not led to a virtuous cycle in which higher spending on factories, equipment and consumer goods increases corporate profits and wages, which in turn expand consumption.
確かに物価は徐々に上昇基調に転じたものの、円安による効果が抜け落ち、原油価格の下落も手伝って、このところ上昇幅は縮む一方である。設備投資や消費が活発化し、企業収益が増え、賃金が上昇し、さらに消費が増える、といった望ましい循環が起きているとは言い難い。
The BOJ ended up implementing additional monetary easing steps on a step-by-step basis. This is very much like the central bank's policy under the governorship of Masaaki Shirakawa, though Kuroda had criticized his predecessor's measures as ineffective in overcoming deflation.
結局、あれほど「デフレ脱却の効果はない」と批判していた白川方明前総裁時代の段階的な追加緩和の手法を取らざるを得なくなった。
In the meantime, the BOJ's massive purchases of government bonds as part of its ultra-easy money policy have adversely affected the domestic bond market. Especially bonds that are due to mature shortly are in extremely short supply, causing abnormal situations such as negative interest.
一方、量的緩和により日銀が国債を大量に買い占めている影響で、国債市場のゆがみも目立ってきた。満期までの期間が短いものを中心に極端な品薄状態となり、マイナス金利という異常事態も起きている。
Despite these circumstances, the BOJ further eased its monetary grip. If the yen becomes weaker -- aided partly by the end of U.S. quantitative relaxation -- the prices of imported goods will rise, which would squeeze household budgets further.
そうした中にあって、さらにアクセルを踏むという。ドル高に作用する米国の量的緩和終了も相まって、円安が一層進めば、輸入品の値段が上がる。物価上昇には役立っても、家計を圧迫するだけだ。国債市場のゆがみも一段と深刻化するだろう。
Through the latest monetary easing steps, the BOJ will increase the amount of long-term government bonds the central bank buys annually by 30 trillion yen to some 80 trillion yen. If investors were to believe that the BOJ accepts a huge amount of the government's debts, international confidence in Japan would be lost, causing the market prices of government bonds to plummet and rates of long-term interest on such bonds to rise, which could throw Japan's economy into chaos.
今回の追加緩和により、日銀が年間に買い増す長期国債の額は３０兆円拡大し、約８０兆円に達する。日銀が政府の借金を丸抱えしていると市場からみなされれば、国の信用が疑われ、国債価格が急落（長期金利は急騰）する恐れがある。経済の大混乱は避けられまい。
Despite the latest additional monetary easing steps, the BOJ predicts that next fiscal year's inflation rate will be 1.7 percent, falling short of the 2 percent target. As the BOJ has repeatedly eased its monetary grip, the central bank could find it increasingly difficult to find an exit ramp out of the policy, as the U.S. has just done. Moreover, concerns have been raised that the implementation of such abnormal monetary policy measures could be prolonged.
今回の追加緩和をもってしても、日銀の予測では、目標となる来年度の物価上昇率が１．７％と２％に満たない。追加緩和を繰り返し、出口がますます遠のきはしないか。異例の政策が長期化することによる弊害が心配だ。
The BOJ has ventured deeply into a dangerous area that it should not, as the central bank, have entered in the first place.
中央銀行として踏み込むべきではない領域にまた深く、日銀は足を進めてしまった。
毎日新聞 2014年11月01日 02時33分
Editorial: More monetary easing at BOJ risks slide into economic chaos
社説:日銀の追加緩和 泥沼化のリスク高まる
The Bank of Japan (BOJ), the country' central bank, has further eased its monetary grip. The move comes 18 months after the BOJ took unprecedentedly large-scale monetary easing steps as the "first arrow" of Abenomics, an economic policy mix promoted by the government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Moreover, the latest round of monetary easing coincided with end of the U.S.'s own quantitative relaxation program.
日銀が量的緩和を一段と強化した。アベノミクスの「第一の矢」として異例の大規模緩和が登場し１年半。米国が量的緩和を終了したタイミングでの日本の追加緩和だ。
Financial markets reacted sharply to the move, with the yen diving and share prices spiking.
驚いた市場は反応し、円安、株高が大幅に進んだ。
However, the BOJ was pressured to implement additional monetary easing steps because its ultra-easy money policy, adopted in April 2013 by newly appointed BOJ Gov. Haruhiko Kuroda, had not proven sufficiently effective. One cannot help but doubt whether the reinforcement of measures that had not produced the desired results the first time round will brighten prospects for steady economic growth. Moreover, the central bank's latest round of monetary relaxation is, so to speak, a dangerous drug that could produce serious side-effects.
しかし、である。ここで追加緩和に踏み切らざるを得なくなったのは、昨年４月に黒田東彦新総裁の下、導入した「異次元緩和」が十分効果を上げていないことの裏返しと言える。うまくいっていないものを一段と強化した先に果たして展望は開けるのだろうか。しかも副作用の多い、劇薬なのである。
Under the scenario of the "first arrow," the government and the BOJ projected that their goal of 2 percent annual inflation would be achieved and the economy pulled out of its slump if the money supply from the central bank doubled over a two-year period. In other words, the government and the BOJ attempted to convince the public that consumer prices would rise by dramatically increasing the money supply.
「物価の年間上昇率２％」を明確な目標として宣言し、お金の量を２年で２倍に増やせば、目標が達成でき、経済も復活する−−。第一の矢のシナリオだった。衝撃的な量の資金供給を行うことで人々に「物価上昇の時が来た」と信じこませる効果を狙った。
True, consumer prices gradually increased, but the rise has slowed down because the fall in the yen's value has not produced sufficient results and oil prices have declined. The first arrow has not led to a virtuous cycle in which higher spending on factories, equipment and consumer goods increases corporate profits and wages, which in turn expand consumption.
確かに物価は徐々に上昇基調に転じたものの、円安による効果が抜け落ち、原油価格の下落も手伝って、このところ上昇幅は縮む一方である。設備投資や消費が活発化し、企業収益が増え、賃金が上昇し、さらに消費が増える、といった望ましい循環が起きているとは言い難い。
The BOJ ended up implementing additional monetary easing steps on a step-by-step basis. This is very much like the central bank's policy under the governorship of Masaaki Shirakawa, though Kuroda had criticized his predecessor's measures as ineffective in overcoming deflation.
結局、あれほど「デフレ脱却の効果はない」と批判していた白川方明前総裁時代の段階的な追加緩和の手法を取らざるを得なくなった。
In the meantime, the BOJ's massive purchases of government bonds as part of its ultra-easy money policy have adversely affected the domestic bond market. Especially bonds that are due to mature shortly are in extremely short supply, causing abnormal situations such as negative interest.
一方、量的緩和により日銀が国債を大量に買い占めている影響で、国債市場のゆがみも目立ってきた。満期までの期間が短いものを中心に極端な品薄状態となり、マイナス金利という異常事態も起きている。
Despite these circumstances, the BOJ further eased its monetary grip. If the yen becomes weaker -- aided partly by the end of U.S. quantitative relaxation -- the prices of imported goods will rise, which would squeeze household budgets further.
そうした中にあって、さらにアクセルを踏むという。ドル高に作用する米国の量的緩和終了も相まって、円安が一層進めば、輸入品の値段が上がる。物価上昇には役立っても、家計を圧迫するだけだ。国債市場のゆがみも一段と深刻化するだろう。
Through the latest monetary easing steps, the BOJ will increase the amount of long-term government bonds the central bank buys annually by 30 trillion yen to some 80 trillion yen. If investors were to believe that the BOJ accepts a huge amount of the government's debts, international confidence in Japan would be lost, causing the market prices of government bonds to plummet and rates of long-term interest on such bonds to rise, which could throw Japan's economy into chaos.
今回の追加緩和により、日銀が年間に買い増す長期国債の額は３０兆円拡大し、約８０兆円に達する。日銀が政府の借金を丸抱えしていると市場からみなされれば、国の信用が疑われ、国債価格が急落（長期金利は急騰）する恐れがある。経済の大混乱は避けられまい。
Despite the latest additional monetary easing steps, the BOJ predicts that next fiscal year's inflation rate will be 1.7 percent, falling short of the 2 percent target. As the BOJ has repeatedly eased its monetary grip, the central bank could find it increasingly difficult to find an exit ramp out of the policy, as the U.S. has just done. Moreover, concerns have been raised that the implementation of such abnormal monetary policy measures could be prolonged.
今回の追加緩和をもってしても、日銀の予測では、目標となる来年度の物価上昇率が１．７％と２％に満たない。追加緩和を繰り返し、出口がますます遠のきはしないか。異例の政策が長期化することによる弊害が心配だ。
The BOJ has ventured deeply into a dangerous area that it should not, as the central bank, have entered in the first place.
中央銀行として踏み込むべきではない領域にまた深く、日銀は足を進めてしまった。
毎日新聞 2014年11月01日 02時33分
2014年09月24日
社説:視覚障害と社会 無関心という罪の重さ
September 22, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: Harassment of visually-impaired people shameful
社説:視覚障害と社会 無関心という罪の重さ
A girl at a high school for visually-impaired students in Saitama Prefecture suffered serious injuries that are expected to take three weeks to heal after being kicked in the leg by a man from behind at a train station on Sept. 8.
埼玉県内の盲学校に通う高等部の女子生徒が今月８日、ＪＲの駅構内で何者かに背後から強く足を蹴られ、全治３週間のけがをする事件があった。
The victim, who is completely blind, was using a white stick and walking on Braille blocks at the time of the incident. 生徒は全盲のため白杖（はくじょう）をつき、点字ブロック上を歩いていた。
She obviously not only suffered physical pain but also was horrified.
突然の暴力に遭遇した生徒は痛みだけでなく、恐怖も大きかっただろう。
Based on testimonies provided by eyewitnesses as well as other information, police are questioning a man in his 40s, who is intellectually handicapped, as a suspect on a voluntary basis. Police should thoroughly get to the bottom of the incident.
警察は目撃情報などから、知的障害のある４０代の男を容疑者として任意で取り調べている。捜査を尽くしてもらいたい。
The latest case has highlighted how many obstacles visually-impaired people face when they walk outside.
視覚障害者が外を歩くのに、いかに障壁が多いか。今回の事件をきっかけに浮き彫りになったことだ。
An organization representing visually-impaired people says it is a daily occurrence that such people have their white sticks broken after colliding with other people or objects, or they are subjected to verbal abuse.
視覚障害者団体によると、人や物とぶつかって白杖が折れたり、暴言を浴びたりといったことが日常茶飯事だという。
In April this year, a blind woman who was sitting on a bench at a supermarket in Kobe suffered a broken bone in her face after being hit by a man who stumbled over her leg.
神戸市では今年４月、白杖を手にスーパーの通路のいすに座っていた全盲女性が、足につまずいた男に殴られ顔面を骨折した。
The man under arrest over the case was quoted as telling investigators, "I was furious after stumbling over her leg."
逮捕された男は「女性の足に引っかかり腹が立った」と供述したという。
For what purpose are there white sticks and Braille blocks?
白杖や点字ブロックは何のためにあるのか。
While there are growing calls for achieving a society in which people with and without handicaps can coexist, there are too many people who do not pay attention to difficulties that visually-impaired people are facing in society.
健常者と障害者が共生する社会の実現が長く言われながら、関心のない人があまりに多い。
The Road Traffic Act requires visually-impaired people to carry a white or yellow stick or be accompanied by a guide dog when they walk along roads.
道路交通法のきまりで、視覚障害者が道路を歩く時はつえをつくか盲導犬を連れなければならない。
Their sticks are not just tools but also a kind of life rope that serve as their eyes or legs.
つえの色は白か黄色と決まっている。つえは単なる道具ではなく、視覚障害者の目や足の代わりとなる命綱だ。
Braille blocks are plates with projections that visually-impaired people can sense with the bottoms of their feet.
点字ブロックは、視覚障害者が足の裏の触感覚で認識できるよう突起をつけたプレートだ。
Local governments across the country are pressing forward with the installation of Braille blocks on sidewalks, at railway stations and other public places in accordance with their respective ordinances.
各自治体が条例に基づいて歩道や駅、公共施設などで設置を進めている。
Braille blocks were invented in Japan in 1965.
点字ブロックは１９６５年に日本で考案された。
Such blocks were first laid in Okayama Prefecture, and have since spread to over 150 countries.
岡山県内に世界で初めて設置され、今では世界１５０カ国以上に普及している。
Despite the history of Braille blocks, people frequently park their cars or bicycles on the blocks or lay their baggage on them. Many pedestrians are indifferent to Braille blocks.
そんな歴史がありながら、その有用性が社会に浸透しているとはとても言えない。
点字ブロック上への駐車や駐輪は日常的で、物も置かれる。多くの歩行者も点字ブロックの存在に無関心だ。
It is easy to imagine that if pedestrians operate their smartphones while walking, they may overlook and bump into visually-impaired people with sticks.
歩きながらスマートフォンを操作していれば、つえをつく視覚障害者に気付かず、ぶつかる危険が高いことは容易に想像がつく。
Relevant legislation has gradually come into force and society is becoming increasingly barrier-free.
法律が徐々に整備され、社会のバリアフリー化が進む。
Slopes and restrooms for handicapped people have been set up at a growing number of railway stations and other public spaces.
スロープや障害者対応トイレが駅や公共の場所で増えている。
Still, one cannot help but wonder whether people are sufficiently aware of these efforts to improve facilities for handicapped people.
だが、そうした施設の整備に人の心が追いついているだろうか。そんな疑問が湧いてくる。
Concerns remain over people failing to keep in mind that they should pay close attention to handicapped people on streets to see if they face any potential danger and extend a helping hand to those in trouble -- which is no more than basic common sense.
障害者と街で出会えば、危険な目にあいそうにないか目配りをする。困っていれば手を差し伸べる−−。学校や家庭の教育を通じて身についているはずの常識が、どこかですっぽりと抜け落ちていないか心配だ。
障害者の立場を思いやることが大切だ。私たち一人一人の振る舞いが問われている。
毎日新聞 2014年09月22日 02時31分
Editorial: Harassment of visually-impaired people shameful
社説:視覚障害と社会 無関心という罪の重さ
A girl at a high school for visually-impaired students in Saitama Prefecture suffered serious injuries that are expected to take three weeks to heal after being kicked in the leg by a man from behind at a train station on Sept. 8.
埼玉県内の盲学校に通う高等部の女子生徒が今月８日、ＪＲの駅構内で何者かに背後から強く足を蹴られ、全治３週間のけがをする事件があった。
The victim, who is completely blind, was using a white stick and walking on Braille blocks at the time of the incident. 生徒は全盲のため白杖（はくじょう）をつき、点字ブロック上を歩いていた。
She obviously not only suffered physical pain but also was horrified.
突然の暴力に遭遇した生徒は痛みだけでなく、恐怖も大きかっただろう。
Based on testimonies provided by eyewitnesses as well as other information, police are questioning a man in his 40s, who is intellectually handicapped, as a suspect on a voluntary basis. Police should thoroughly get to the bottom of the incident.
警察は目撃情報などから、知的障害のある４０代の男を容疑者として任意で取り調べている。捜査を尽くしてもらいたい。
The latest case has highlighted how many obstacles visually-impaired people face when they walk outside.
視覚障害者が外を歩くのに、いかに障壁が多いか。今回の事件をきっかけに浮き彫りになったことだ。
An organization representing visually-impaired people says it is a daily occurrence that such people have their white sticks broken after colliding with other people or objects, or they are subjected to verbal abuse.
視覚障害者団体によると、人や物とぶつかって白杖が折れたり、暴言を浴びたりといったことが日常茶飯事だという。
In April this year, a blind woman who was sitting on a bench at a supermarket in Kobe suffered a broken bone in her face after being hit by a man who stumbled over her leg.
神戸市では今年４月、白杖を手にスーパーの通路のいすに座っていた全盲女性が、足につまずいた男に殴られ顔面を骨折した。
The man under arrest over the case was quoted as telling investigators, "I was furious after stumbling over her leg."
逮捕された男は「女性の足に引っかかり腹が立った」と供述したという。
For what purpose are there white sticks and Braille blocks?
白杖や点字ブロックは何のためにあるのか。
While there are growing calls for achieving a society in which people with and without handicaps can coexist, there are too many people who do not pay attention to difficulties that visually-impaired people are facing in society.
健常者と障害者が共生する社会の実現が長く言われながら、関心のない人があまりに多い。
The Road Traffic Act requires visually-impaired people to carry a white or yellow stick or be accompanied by a guide dog when they walk along roads.
道路交通法のきまりで、視覚障害者が道路を歩く時はつえをつくか盲導犬を連れなければならない。
Their sticks are not just tools but also a kind of life rope that serve as their eyes or legs.
つえの色は白か黄色と決まっている。つえは単なる道具ではなく、視覚障害者の目や足の代わりとなる命綱だ。
Braille blocks are plates with projections that visually-impaired people can sense with the bottoms of their feet.
点字ブロックは、視覚障害者が足の裏の触感覚で認識できるよう突起をつけたプレートだ。
Local governments across the country are pressing forward with the installation of Braille blocks on sidewalks, at railway stations and other public places in accordance with their respective ordinances.
各自治体が条例に基づいて歩道や駅、公共施設などで設置を進めている。
Braille blocks were invented in Japan in 1965.
点字ブロックは１９６５年に日本で考案された。
Such blocks were first laid in Okayama Prefecture, and have since spread to over 150 countries.
岡山県内に世界で初めて設置され、今では世界１５０カ国以上に普及している。
Despite the history of Braille blocks, people frequently park their cars or bicycles on the blocks or lay their baggage on them. Many pedestrians are indifferent to Braille blocks.
そんな歴史がありながら、その有用性が社会に浸透しているとはとても言えない。
点字ブロック上への駐車や駐輪は日常的で、物も置かれる。多くの歩行者も点字ブロックの存在に無関心だ。
It is easy to imagine that if pedestrians operate their smartphones while walking, they may overlook and bump into visually-impaired people with sticks.
歩きながらスマートフォンを操作していれば、つえをつく視覚障害者に気付かず、ぶつかる危険が高いことは容易に想像がつく。
Relevant legislation has gradually come into force and society is becoming increasingly barrier-free.
法律が徐々に整備され、社会のバリアフリー化が進む。
Slopes and restrooms for handicapped people have been set up at a growing number of railway stations and other public spaces.
スロープや障害者対応トイレが駅や公共の場所で増えている。
Still, one cannot help but wonder whether people are sufficiently aware of these efforts to improve facilities for handicapped people.
だが、そうした施設の整備に人の心が追いついているだろうか。そんな疑問が湧いてくる。
Concerns remain over people failing to keep in mind that they should pay close attention to handicapped people on streets to see if they face any potential danger and extend a helping hand to those in trouble -- which is no more than basic common sense.
障害者と街で出会えば、危険な目にあいそうにないか目配りをする。困っていれば手を差し伸べる−−。学校や家庭の教育を通じて身についているはずの常識が、どこかですっぽりと抜け落ちていないか心配だ。
障害者の立場を思いやることが大切だ。私たち一人一人の振る舞いが問われている。
毎日新聞 2014年09月22日 02時31分
2014年09月23日
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:「敵」の健闘たたえる余裕 ／東京
September 21, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Learning how to praise our 'enemies'
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:「敵」の健闘たたえる余裕 ／東京
I recently went to Tokyo Dome to watch a professional baseball game.
東京ドームにプロ野球を見に行く機会があった。
The Yomiuri Giants were not playing that evening, as this was one of the several games hosted there yearly by the Nippon Ham Fighters.
とはいっても、ジャイアンツ戦ではない。年に何回かある日本ハムファイターズ主催試合だ。
They were playing against the Fukuoka SoftBank Hawks, who are presently at the top of the Pacific League.
対するは現在パ・リーグ首位のソフトバンク。
The Fighters were on top of the game from start to finish. The climax occurred when Atsunori Inaba, who recently announced his retirement, went up to bat as a pinch hitter in the eighth inning -- likely the last time he would appear during a game hosted by his team at the Tokyo Dome.
試合は終始ファイターズ優位で進んだが、クライマックスは何といっても引退を表明している同チームの稲葉篤紀選手が代打で登場した八回だった。東京ドームでの主催試合では最後の登場になるはずだ。
When Inaba was called to the plate, a murmur could be heard rippling through the crowd.
「代打・稲葉」とコールされると、球場全体がどよめき、
Shortly afterward, the entire stadium audience rose to their feet.
すぐにほぼ全員が立ち上がった。
Fighters' fans leaped into the air and broke out with a rendition of the famous "Inaba jump" -- but it soon became clear that they were not alone. On the left side of the stands, as well as behind third base, SoftBank supporters were jumping right along with them.
稲葉選手の打席ではファンはピョンピョン跳びはねる「稲葉ジャンプ」を行って応援するのだが、なんとレフトスタンドや三塁側に陣取ったソフトバンクファンまでもがいっしょにジャンプ。
Inaba unfortunately did not manage to score a hit, but as he left the plate, he was accompanied by loud applause from all around the stands.
残念ながらヒットは打てなかったが、打席を去るベテランに球場全体から大きな拍手が送られた。
He waved to both sides of the crowd, wiping away tears several times. Fighters Manager Hideki Kuriyama later told him, "I was moved as well."
そして試合後、栗山監督から「オレも感動した」と声をかけられたという稲葉選手は、両チームのファンに手を振りながら何度も涙をぬぐっていた。
There is an expression in the Japanese language that may be loosely translated as "praising someone even though they may be an enemy."
日本語に定着しているフレーズに「敵ながらあっぱれ」がある。
The phrase is said to have originated in the act of military commanders lauding their opponents' brave fights -- a description that seems to describe the feelings on the part of the SoftBank fans at that moment.
武将が敵の健闘をたたえて発した言葉ともいわれるが、相手チームの選手を応援するソフトバンクファンもそんな心境だったのだろうか。
This incident also called to mind the proverb that refers to "sending salt to one's enemy."
また「敵に塩を送る」ということわざも思い出す。
It goes without saying, but this refers to the conscious decision of offering support to one's enemies while not engaged in battle with them.
言うまでもないが、「戦い以外の場ではあえて敵を支援する」という意味だ。
The origin of the phrase is an incident that occurred during the Sengoku ("Warring States") period, when Uesugi Kenshin refused to comply with the Imagawa clan's demand that he halt salt exports to his enemy Takeda Shingen -- instead providing him with the shipments of salt.
戦国時代、今川家から武田信玄への「塩止め（塩の輸出禁止）」を要請された上杉謙信が、それを断り敵対関係にある信玄に逆に塩を送ったというエピソードが元になっているとされる。
While the topic at hand is of course sports, which is a world unto itself, I must say that this incident I witnessed -- whereby an entire group of people naturally began congratulating someone else, without having been told to do so, and irrespective of whether that person was an associate or an opponent -- left a very strong impression upon me indeed.
もちろんこれはスポーツという特別な世界のできごとだが、誰に指示されたわけでもないのに誰もがごく自然に、敵味方に関係なく健闘をたたえ合う行動に出た姿は私にとってとても印象的だった。
We are constantly subjected to intense competition in our daily lives, and we often consume all of our energy trying to seek out our rivals' vulnerabilities while in turn concealing our own.
日常生活では、私たちはいつもシビアな競争にさらされ、ライバルの欠点を探したり自分の弱点を見せないようにしたりすることで精いっぱいだ。
After we have cut down someone else whom we have identified as an "enemy," and gone on to declare our own victory, however, I wonder: Can we really feel good about ourselves?
しかし、そうやって“敵”と見なした相手を完全にたたきのめして自分が勝ち残りさえすれば、その後も心豊かにすごすことができるのだろうか。
I had many thoughts after I watched baseball fans passionately bidding farewell to Inaba that evening, including this one: Somewhere along the line, have many of us not forgotten the lesson from the Sengoku period to treat enemies and vanquished persons with respect, and to wish them well?
私たちはいつのまにか、戦国時代から大切にしてきたはずの敵や敗者の健闘をたたえる心の余裕を忘れてしまったのではないか。
今シーズンで球界を去る稲葉選手へのファンたちの熱い応援から、さまざまなことを考えさせられた一夜であった。
（精神科医）
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2014年09月17日 地方版
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Learning how to praise our 'enemies'
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:「敵」の健闘たたえる余裕 ／東京
I recently went to Tokyo Dome to watch a professional baseball game.
東京ドームにプロ野球を見に行く機会があった。
The Yomiuri Giants were not playing that evening, as this was one of the several games hosted there yearly by the Nippon Ham Fighters.
とはいっても、ジャイアンツ戦ではない。年に何回かある日本ハムファイターズ主催試合だ。
They were playing against the Fukuoka SoftBank Hawks, who are presently at the top of the Pacific League.
対するは現在パ・リーグ首位のソフトバンク。
The Fighters were on top of the game from start to finish. The climax occurred when Atsunori Inaba, who recently announced his retirement, went up to bat as a pinch hitter in the eighth inning -- likely the last time he would appear during a game hosted by his team at the Tokyo Dome.
試合は終始ファイターズ優位で進んだが、クライマックスは何といっても引退を表明している同チームの稲葉篤紀選手が代打で登場した八回だった。東京ドームでの主催試合では最後の登場になるはずだ。
When Inaba was called to the plate, a murmur could be heard rippling through the crowd.
「代打・稲葉」とコールされると、球場全体がどよめき、
Shortly afterward, the entire stadium audience rose to their feet.
すぐにほぼ全員が立ち上がった。
Fighters' fans leaped into the air and broke out with a rendition of the famous "Inaba jump" -- but it soon became clear that they were not alone. On the left side of the stands, as well as behind third base, SoftBank supporters were jumping right along with them.
稲葉選手の打席ではファンはピョンピョン跳びはねる「稲葉ジャンプ」を行って応援するのだが、なんとレフトスタンドや三塁側に陣取ったソフトバンクファンまでもがいっしょにジャンプ。
Inaba unfortunately did not manage to score a hit, but as he left the plate, he was accompanied by loud applause from all around the stands.
残念ながらヒットは打てなかったが、打席を去るベテランに球場全体から大きな拍手が送られた。
He waved to both sides of the crowd, wiping away tears several times. Fighters Manager Hideki Kuriyama later told him, "I was moved as well."
そして試合後、栗山監督から「オレも感動した」と声をかけられたという稲葉選手は、両チームのファンに手を振りながら何度も涙をぬぐっていた。
There is an expression in the Japanese language that may be loosely translated as "praising someone even though they may be an enemy."
日本語に定着しているフレーズに「敵ながらあっぱれ」がある。
The phrase is said to have originated in the act of military commanders lauding their opponents' brave fights -- a description that seems to describe the feelings on the part of the SoftBank fans at that moment.
武将が敵の健闘をたたえて発した言葉ともいわれるが、相手チームの選手を応援するソフトバンクファンもそんな心境だったのだろうか。
This incident also called to mind the proverb that refers to "sending salt to one's enemy."
また「敵に塩を送る」ということわざも思い出す。
It goes without saying, but this refers to the conscious decision of offering support to one's enemies while not engaged in battle with them.
言うまでもないが、「戦い以外の場ではあえて敵を支援する」という意味だ。
The origin of the phrase is an incident that occurred during the Sengoku ("Warring States") period, when Uesugi Kenshin refused to comply with the Imagawa clan's demand that he halt salt exports to his enemy Takeda Shingen -- instead providing him with the shipments of salt.
戦国時代、今川家から武田信玄への「塩止め（塩の輸出禁止）」を要請された上杉謙信が、それを断り敵対関係にある信玄に逆に塩を送ったというエピソードが元になっているとされる。
While the topic at hand is of course sports, which is a world unto itself, I must say that this incident I witnessed -- whereby an entire group of people naturally began congratulating someone else, without having been told to do so, and irrespective of whether that person was an associate or an opponent -- left a very strong impression upon me indeed.
もちろんこれはスポーツという特別な世界のできごとだが、誰に指示されたわけでもないのに誰もがごく自然に、敵味方に関係なく健闘をたたえ合う行動に出た姿は私にとってとても印象的だった。
We are constantly subjected to intense competition in our daily lives, and we often consume all of our energy trying to seek out our rivals' vulnerabilities while in turn concealing our own.
日常生活では、私たちはいつもシビアな競争にさらされ、ライバルの欠点を探したり自分の弱点を見せないようにしたりすることで精いっぱいだ。
After we have cut down someone else whom we have identified as an "enemy," and gone on to declare our own victory, however, I wonder: Can we really feel good about ourselves?
しかし、そうやって“敵”と見なした相手を完全にたたきのめして自分が勝ち残りさえすれば、その後も心豊かにすごすことができるのだろうか。
I had many thoughts after I watched baseball fans passionately bidding farewell to Inaba that evening, including this one: Somewhere along the line, have many of us not forgotten the lesson from the Sengoku period to treat enemies and vanquished persons with respect, and to wish them well?
私たちはいつのまにか、戦国時代から大切にしてきたはずの敵や敗者の健闘をたたえる心の余裕を忘れてしまったのではないか。
今シーズンで球界を去る稲葉選手へのファンたちの熱い応援から、さまざまなことを考えさせられた一夜であった。
（精神科医）
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2014年09月17日 地方版
2014年09月22日
社説:辺野古掘削調査 知事選まで作業中断を
September 20, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: Put new base survey on hold till after Okinawa gubernatorial election
社説:辺野古掘削調査 知事選まで作業中断を
One month has passed since the Defense Ministry's Okinawa Defense Bureau began a boring survey on the seabed off the Henoko district of Nago, Okinawa Prefecture, in preparation to build a substitute facility for the U.S. military's Air Station Futenma.
防衛省沖縄防衛局が、米軍普天間飛行場（沖縄県宜野湾市）の名護市辺野古への移設に向け、海底を掘削して埋め立て地盤の強度や地質を調べるボーリング調査を開始して１カ月たつ。
We are concerned about the way in which the national government is pressing forward with the project as if it is overriding resistance from local residents and creating a fait accompli one after another.
県民の反対を押し切って、既成事実を積み上げようとするかのようなやり方を、私たちは憂慮する。
To avoid further deepening the rift within Okinawa, the central government should suspend the boring survey to see how voters in the southernmost prefecture will react to the project through the Nov. 16 Okinawa gubernatorial election.
沖縄との亀裂をこれ以上、深めないよう、政府は掘削調査を中断し、１１月１６日に投開票される沖縄県知事選の結果を待つべきだ。
The national government initially planned to launch a boring survey in 2004 but its attempt was blocked by opponents. As such, the government is guarding the site by designating a larger area off Henoko as an off-limit zone, and has come under fire from opponents of the project and others for being on excessively high alert.
政府は、２００４年にも掘削調査を実施しようとしながら反対派の阻止行動で中止に追い込まれたことから、今回は立ち入り禁止水域を拡大して警戒を強めており、反対派などから過剰警備との批判が出ている。
The government's tough stance is supported by the fact that Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima granted the government permission to reclaim offshore areas of Henoko.
政府が強硬方針を貫く支えは、昨年末に仲井真弘多（ひろかず）知事が辺野古埋め立てを承認したことだ。
However, Nakaima deserves criticism that he violated his campaign pledge that he would stick to his demand that Futenma base, situated in a densely populated area of the city of Ginowan, be moved out of the prefecture.
だが、前回知事選で「県外移設」公約を掲げて再選された仲井真知事が、辺野古埋め立てを承認したことは「公約違反」と言われても仕方がない。
Numerous Okinawa residents reacted sharply to Nakaima's about-face. In January this year, Nago voters re-elected Mayor Susumu Inamine, who is opposed to the relocation of Futenma base to Henoko, while pro-mayor candidates won a majority in the municipal assembly in a recent election.
県民は反発し、１月の名護市長選では移設に反対する稲嶺進市長が再選され、先の名護市議選でも市長派が過半数を維持した。
Furthermore, the prefectural assembly adopted a resolution on Sept. 3 protesting against the national government for going ahead with the boring survey and calling for an immediate halt to the work, with the support of not only four opposition parties but also New Komeito that supports Nakaima.
今月３日には県議会で、野党４会派のほか与党の公明党も賛成して、掘削調査に着手した政府に抗議し、工事の即時中止などを求める意見書が可決された。
Such being the case, whether Nakaima's decision reflects local residents' views on the issue will be a key point of contention in the upcoming gubernatorial race.
名護市長と多くの県民が辺野古移設に反対する中で、埋め立てを承認した知事の判断は、民意を代表したものだったと言えるのか。１１月の知事選はそれが問われる選挙になる。
However, the government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears unwilling to listen to local communities' opinions on the issue.
しかし、安倍政権はあまり聞く耳を持たないようだ。
Rather, it appears that the stiffer local residents' opposition grows to the project, the further the Abe administration presses forward with the work on the substitute facility for Futenma base in a bid to prevent Nakaima's possible election loss from adversely affecting the project.
それどころか、沖縄で反対の声が高まれば高まるほど、仮に知事選で仲井真氏が敗れても辺野古移設に影響しないようにするため、工事を進めて既成事実化を図ろうとしているように見える。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga told a recent news conference, "Primary attention had been focused on whether the Okinawa Prefectural Government would approve the reclamation, but it's already a past concern." However, the remark Suga made as if he dismissed opposition to the project can hardly convince local residents.
菅義偉官房長官は、先日の記者会見で、辺野古移設について「最大の関心は沖縄県が埋め立てを承認するかどうかだった。この問題はもう過去のものだ」と語った。反対意見を「過去の問題」と切り捨てるような発言は、納得できない。
In an article he contributed to the U.S. news site The Huffington Post last month, former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense Joseph Nye pointed out that as China's ballistic missile technology advances, U.S. bases in Okinawa Prefecture become increasingly vulnerable. He also pointed to Okinawa residents' anger at the burden of U.S. bases on them, and called for reconsidering the structure of the Japan-U.S. alliance, such as the way U.S. forces should be deployed in the Japanese archipelago.
米国のジョセフ・ナイ元国防次官補は先月、米ニュースサイト「ハフィントン・ポスト」に寄稿した論文で、沖縄の米軍基地が中国の弾道ミサイル技術の進展で「脆弱（ぜいじゃく）」になっていることや、沖縄の人々の基地負担に対する怒りを指摘して、在日米軍の配備のあり方など日米同盟の構造を再考するよう求めた。
Why does the national government view the planned construction of a substitute facility for the Air Station Futenma off Henoko as the only way to settle the issue of relocating the base while even an expert in diplomacy and security like Nye has made such a proposal?
外交・安全保障の専門家までがこう提言する中で、政府が辺野古移設を「唯一の解決策」とするのはなぜか。
The government bears responsibility to provide a sufficient explanation to Okinawa residents. As such, the boring survey should be put on hold until after the gubernatorial election.
政府は沖縄の人々に十分な説明をする責任がある。掘削調査は、知事選が終わるまで中断すべきだ。
毎日新聞 2014年09月20日 02時30分
Editorial: Put new base survey on hold till after Okinawa gubernatorial election
社説:辺野古掘削調査 知事選まで作業中断を
One month has passed since the Defense Ministry's Okinawa Defense Bureau began a boring survey on the seabed off the Henoko district of Nago, Okinawa Prefecture, in preparation to build a substitute facility for the U.S. military's Air Station Futenma.
防衛省沖縄防衛局が、米軍普天間飛行場（沖縄県宜野湾市）の名護市辺野古への移設に向け、海底を掘削して埋め立て地盤の強度や地質を調べるボーリング調査を開始して１カ月たつ。
We are concerned about the way in which the national government is pressing forward with the project as if it is overriding resistance from local residents and creating a fait accompli one after another.
県民の反対を押し切って、既成事実を積み上げようとするかのようなやり方を、私たちは憂慮する。
To avoid further deepening the rift within Okinawa, the central government should suspend the boring survey to see how voters in the southernmost prefecture will react to the project through the Nov. 16 Okinawa gubernatorial election.
沖縄との亀裂をこれ以上、深めないよう、政府は掘削調査を中断し、１１月１６日に投開票される沖縄県知事選の結果を待つべきだ。
The national government initially planned to launch a boring survey in 2004 but its attempt was blocked by opponents. As such, the government is guarding the site by designating a larger area off Henoko as an off-limit zone, and has come under fire from opponents of the project and others for being on excessively high alert.
政府は、２００４年にも掘削調査を実施しようとしながら反対派の阻止行動で中止に追い込まれたことから、今回は立ち入り禁止水域を拡大して警戒を強めており、反対派などから過剰警備との批判が出ている。
The government's tough stance is supported by the fact that Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima granted the government permission to reclaim offshore areas of Henoko.
政府が強硬方針を貫く支えは、昨年末に仲井真弘多（ひろかず）知事が辺野古埋め立てを承認したことだ。
However, Nakaima deserves criticism that he violated his campaign pledge that he would stick to his demand that Futenma base, situated in a densely populated area of the city of Ginowan, be moved out of the prefecture.
だが、前回知事選で「県外移設」公約を掲げて再選された仲井真知事が、辺野古埋め立てを承認したことは「公約違反」と言われても仕方がない。
Numerous Okinawa residents reacted sharply to Nakaima's about-face. In January this year, Nago voters re-elected Mayor Susumu Inamine, who is opposed to the relocation of Futenma base to Henoko, while pro-mayor candidates won a majority in the municipal assembly in a recent election.
県民は反発し、１月の名護市長選では移設に反対する稲嶺進市長が再選され、先の名護市議選でも市長派が過半数を維持した。
Furthermore, the prefectural assembly adopted a resolution on Sept. 3 protesting against the national government for going ahead with the boring survey and calling for an immediate halt to the work, with the support of not only four opposition parties but also New Komeito that supports Nakaima.
今月３日には県議会で、野党４会派のほか与党の公明党も賛成して、掘削調査に着手した政府に抗議し、工事の即時中止などを求める意見書が可決された。
Such being the case, whether Nakaima's decision reflects local residents' views on the issue will be a key point of contention in the upcoming gubernatorial race.
名護市長と多くの県民が辺野古移設に反対する中で、埋め立てを承認した知事の判断は、民意を代表したものだったと言えるのか。１１月の知事選はそれが問われる選挙になる。
However, the government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears unwilling to listen to local communities' opinions on the issue.
しかし、安倍政権はあまり聞く耳を持たないようだ。
Rather, it appears that the stiffer local residents' opposition grows to the project, the further the Abe administration presses forward with the work on the substitute facility for Futenma base in a bid to prevent Nakaima's possible election loss from adversely affecting the project.
それどころか、沖縄で反対の声が高まれば高まるほど、仮に知事選で仲井真氏が敗れても辺野古移設に影響しないようにするため、工事を進めて既成事実化を図ろうとしているように見える。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga told a recent news conference, "Primary attention had been focused on whether the Okinawa Prefectural Government would approve the reclamation, but it's already a past concern." However, the remark Suga made as if he dismissed opposition to the project can hardly convince local residents.
菅義偉官房長官は、先日の記者会見で、辺野古移設について「最大の関心は沖縄県が埋め立てを承認するかどうかだった。この問題はもう過去のものだ」と語った。反対意見を「過去の問題」と切り捨てるような発言は、納得できない。
In an article he contributed to the U.S. news site The Huffington Post last month, former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense Joseph Nye pointed out that as China's ballistic missile technology advances, U.S. bases in Okinawa Prefecture become increasingly vulnerable. He also pointed to Okinawa residents' anger at the burden of U.S. bases on them, and called for reconsidering the structure of the Japan-U.S. alliance, such as the way U.S. forces should be deployed in the Japanese archipelago.
米国のジョセフ・ナイ元国防次官補は先月、米ニュースサイト「ハフィントン・ポスト」に寄稿した論文で、沖縄の米軍基地が中国の弾道ミサイル技術の進展で「脆弱（ぜいじゃく）」になっていることや、沖縄の人々の基地負担に対する怒りを指摘して、在日米軍の配備のあり方など日米同盟の構造を再考するよう求めた。
Why does the national government view the planned construction of a substitute facility for the Air Station Futenma off Henoko as the only way to settle the issue of relocating the base while even an expert in diplomacy and security like Nye has made such a proposal?
外交・安全保障の専門家までがこう提言する中で、政府が辺野古移設を「唯一の解決策」とするのはなぜか。
The government bears responsibility to provide a sufficient explanation to Okinawa residents. As such, the boring survey should be put on hold until after the gubernatorial election.
政府は沖縄の人々に十分な説明をする責任がある。掘削調査は、知事選が終わるまで中断すべきだ。
毎日新聞 2014年09月20日 02時30分