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2013年07月24日
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参院選自公圧勝 数に傲らず着実に政策実現を
The Yomiuri Shimbun July 23, 2013
Coalition must not be arrogant but should firmly pursue policy goals
参院選自公圧勝 数に傲らず着実に政策実現を（7月22日付・読売社説）
◆日本経済再生への期待に応えよ
The ruling coalition parties have scored a resounding electoral victory following their landslide in the December 2012 House of Representatives election.
昨年の衆院選に続く圧勝である。
In Sunday’s House of Councillors election, the Liberal Democratic Party and its junior coalition partner, New Komeito, garnered a majority in the 242-seat upper chamber, including seats that were uncontested this time.
参院選で自民、公明両党が、非改選と合わせて過半数の議席を制した。
It is of great significance that the divided Diet, in which the upper house was controlled by opposition parties, has been brought to an end.
国会の衆参ねじれが解消された意義は大きい。
There is no national election scheduled for up to three years.
次の国政選まで最大３年ある。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s administration has now acquired an environment that will allow it to buckle down to various policy tasks. Among them are making the nation’s economic recovery compatible with fiscal reconstruction, strengthening the country’s security arrangements and considering the wisdom of revising the Constitution.
安倍政権は、経済再生と財政再建の両立、安全保障体制強化、憲法改正など様々な懸案に腰を据えて取り組める環境を獲得した。
However, neither the LDP nor Komeito should be complacent or arrogant about their newly won political power but instead should engage in managing the Diet considerately and respectfully.
自公両党は、「巨大与党」の数に傲(おご)ることなく、丁寧な国会運営を心がけてもらいたい。
Voters favor stability
◆国民は安定を望んだ
The divided state of the legislature developed six years ago as a result of the first Abe Cabinet’s suffering a crushing defeat in the 2007 upper house contest. Abe’s triumph this time has avenged that defeat.
衆参ねじれは６年前、第１次安倍政権が参院選で敗北して生じさせたものであり、首相は今回、雪辱を果たしたことになる。
When the outcome of the latest upper house race began emerging late Sunday night, Abe said on a TV program his administration was given a “great voice of encouragement from the public, which wants a political process capable of making decisions, achieving a stable government and moving ahead with our economic policies.”
安倍首相は、大勢判明後、「決める政治、安定的な政治で、経済政策を前に進めていけという大きな声をいただいた」と語った。
The stagnation and political turmoil caused by the divided Diet were major factors behind the anomaly of a new prime minister every year. Many voters this time favored political stability as pointed out by the prime minister.
ねじれは、政治の停滞と混乱を引き起こし、首相が毎年交代する異常事態の要因だった。首相の言うように、多くの有権者が政治の安定を望んだと言えよう。
The prime minister’s package of economic policies, dubbed Abenomics, was the focus of contention in the upper house election and can be said to have won the public’s confidence, at least for now.
最大の争点となった安倍政権の経済政策「アベノミクス」はひとまず国民のお墨付きを得た。
However, Abenomics has not yet produced any conspicuous improvements in the income of ordinary citizens or employment. It remains unclear whether the national economy can really break away from deflation.
だが、まだ所得や雇用にまで顕著な効果は及んでいない。デフレ脱却も不透明だ。
To meet the public’s expectations for economic revival, the prime minister must do his utmost to produce tangible results by mobilizing all available resources of the government and the ruling coalition parties.
国民の経済再生への期待に応えるためにも、首相は、政府・与党の総力を結集して成果を上げていかねばなるまい。
The resounding win of the LDP, the only party in the latest upper house election that did not call for “reducing nuclear power generation to zero,” can be considered proof that voters favorably evaluated the party’s down-to-earth approach to energy problems.
エネルギー政策を巡り、唯一「原発ゼロ」を掲げなかった自民党の圧勝は、現実的な姿勢を有権者が評価したからではないか。
Moves for realignment
◆野党再編への機運も
The LDP was strong enough in the upper house race to score 29 wins versus two losses in single-seat prefectural constituencies, while also garnering seats in all multiple-seat constituencies. Komeito also performed well in securing upper house seats.
自民党は、１人区で２９勝２敗、複数区では全候補が当選するという強さを見せつけた。公明党も、手堅く議席を確保した。
The LDP’s victory in prefectural constituency contests owed partly to the poor performance of opposition parties, just as in last year’s lower house election, and to the circumstances under which they found themselves scrambling among themselves for upper house seats.
自民党の選挙区選での勝因は、衆院選と同様、野党が振るわなかったうえ、野党同士が議席を奪い合う構図になったことにある。
Voter turnout, meanwhile, fell well below the level in the previous upper house election. It seems some voters averse to the LDP might have chosen to abstain from voting.
投票率は、前回を大幅に下回った。反自民票の一部が棄権に回ったという側面もあるだろう。
The DPJ suffered a crushing defeat, the worst since its inauguration, in the upper house election. In many cases, the party was defeated by other opposition parties even in multiple-seat prefectural electoral districts.
民主党は、結党以来の大惨敗を喫した。複数区でも、他の野党に競り負けるケースが目立った。
There can be no denying that the desire to “punish” the DPJ for a pile of policy blunders while in power remains deeply ingrained among the public.
失政を重ねた民主党政権への「懲罰」感情は根強く残っている。
The election result shows the DPJ, as in the past, lacked solidarity as a party. One such example is that former Prime Minister Naoto Kan openly backed a candidate in the Tokyo constituency who had to run as an independent after the party dropped her from its ticket.
相変わらず、党としての一体感が乏しいことも印象づけた。菅元首相が東京選挙区で民主党公認を取り消された無所属候補を公然と応援したのは、その一例だ。
Taking into consideration the DPJ’s dogmatic “out-and-out opposition” in the Diet and its ambiguous stance on such key issues as the Constitution, the DPJ failed to attract the votes of those critical of the Abe administration.
国会での抵抗野党ぶりや憲法など重要政策のあいまいさを見れば民主党は、安倍政権への批判票の受け皿として物足りなかった。
DPJ leader Banri Kaieda expressed his intention to stay on as head of the party. The party leadership has no option but to clarify responsibility and start afresh after reflecting on its crushing defeat in the latest election. If it fails to do so, it may cease to be one of the two major parties in the next lower house election.
海江田代表は、続投する意向を表明した。執行部は、惨敗を徹底的に総括したうえで責任を明確にし、出直すしかない。そうしなければ、次期衆院選では２大政党の一角から転落しかねない。
Those who bolted from the DPJ also failed miserably in the latest election. People’s Life Party failed to win a seat even in the Iwate constituency, the home base of its leader, Ichiro Ozawa, symbolizing his declining political clout. Green Wind lost its seat in the upper house.
民主党からの離党組も全く振るわなかった。生活の党は、小沢代表の地元・岩手選挙区でも議席を得られなかった。小沢氏の政治力の衰えを象徴している。みどりの風も、参院で議席を失った。
While Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) and Your Party saw gains in their upper house seats, the parties cannot be considered to have solidified their foothold as the “third major force” in the upper house.
日本維新の会とみんなの党は、議席を伸ばしたものの、いずれも参院で「第３極」としての地歩を確かにしたとは言い難い。
During the election campaign, Ishin no Kai coleader Toru Hashimoto criticized the DPJ for being supported by labor unions of public servants and asserted the need of forming a “new opposition party” that has no affiliation with business organizations and “can rival the LDP.”
選挙中、維新の会の橋下共同代表は、公務員の労働組合の支援を受ける民主党を批判したうえで、業界団体とは無関係の「自民党に対抗する新しい野党」を結成する必要性を主張した。
The opposition camp is certain to reorganize in a bid to explore a way to create a force that can fight the ruling coalition.
野党間では、自公両党に対抗する勢力の形成を模索する野党再編の動きが出て来るだろう。
The JCP, which advocated “confrontation with the LDP,” made major gains in the election, as it did in the recent Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election. The low voter turnout must have served as a spur to the highly organized party.
「自共対決」を唱えた共産党は東京都議選に続き、議席を大きく伸ばした。低投票率が組織政党への追い風になったに違いない。
Focus on growth strategy
For the time being, the Abe administration will deal with the tasks of implementing its growth strategy plans, deciding whether to raise the consumption tax rate as planned and reviewing the government’s interpretation of the Constitution with regard to the right to collective self-defense. It also intends to proceed with the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations and the establishment of the Japanese version of the U.S. National Security Council.
安倍政権は当面、成長戦略の具体化をはじめ、消費税率引き上げの判断、集団的自衛権を巡る政府の憲法解釈の見直しに取り組む。環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）交渉、国家安全保障会議（日本版ＮＳＣ）設置も進める意向だ。
Coalition must not be arrogant but should firmly pursue policy goals
参院選自公圧勝 数に傲らず着実に政策実現を（7月22日付・読売社説）
◆日本経済再生への期待に応えよ
The ruling coalition parties have scored a resounding electoral victory following their landslide in the December 2012 House of Representatives election.
昨年の衆院選に続く圧勝である。
In Sunday’s House of Councillors election, the Liberal Democratic Party and its junior coalition partner, New Komeito, garnered a majority in the 242-seat upper chamber, including seats that were uncontested this time.
参院選で自民、公明両党が、非改選と合わせて過半数の議席を制した。
It is of great significance that the divided Diet, in which the upper house was controlled by opposition parties, has been brought to an end.
国会の衆参ねじれが解消された意義は大きい。
There is no national election scheduled for up to three years.
次の国政選まで最大３年ある。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s administration has now acquired an environment that will allow it to buckle down to various policy tasks. Among them are making the nation’s economic recovery compatible with fiscal reconstruction, strengthening the country’s security arrangements and considering the wisdom of revising the Constitution.
安倍政権は、経済再生と財政再建の両立、安全保障体制強化、憲法改正など様々な懸案に腰を据えて取り組める環境を獲得した。
However, neither the LDP nor Komeito should be complacent or arrogant about their newly won political power but instead should engage in managing the Diet considerately and respectfully.
自公両党は、「巨大与党」の数に傲(おご)ることなく、丁寧な国会運営を心がけてもらいたい。
Voters favor stability
◆国民は安定を望んだ
The divided state of the legislature developed six years ago as a result of the first Abe Cabinet’s suffering a crushing defeat in the 2007 upper house contest. Abe’s triumph this time has avenged that defeat.
衆参ねじれは６年前、第１次安倍政権が参院選で敗北して生じさせたものであり、首相は今回、雪辱を果たしたことになる。
When the outcome of the latest upper house race began emerging late Sunday night, Abe said on a TV program his administration was given a “great voice of encouragement from the public, which wants a political process capable of making decisions, achieving a stable government and moving ahead with our economic policies.”
安倍首相は、大勢判明後、「決める政治、安定的な政治で、経済政策を前に進めていけという大きな声をいただいた」と語った。
The stagnation and political turmoil caused by the divided Diet were major factors behind the anomaly of a new prime minister every year. Many voters this time favored political stability as pointed out by the prime minister.
ねじれは、政治の停滞と混乱を引き起こし、首相が毎年交代する異常事態の要因だった。首相の言うように、多くの有権者が政治の安定を望んだと言えよう。
The prime minister’s package of economic policies, dubbed Abenomics, was the focus of contention in the upper house election and can be said to have won the public’s confidence, at least for now.
最大の争点となった安倍政権の経済政策「アベノミクス」はひとまず国民のお墨付きを得た。
However, Abenomics has not yet produced any conspicuous improvements in the income of ordinary citizens or employment. It remains unclear whether the national economy can really break away from deflation.
だが、まだ所得や雇用にまで顕著な効果は及んでいない。デフレ脱却も不透明だ。
To meet the public’s expectations for economic revival, the prime minister must do his utmost to produce tangible results by mobilizing all available resources of the government and the ruling coalition parties.
国民の経済再生への期待に応えるためにも、首相は、政府・与党の総力を結集して成果を上げていかねばなるまい。
The resounding win of the LDP, the only party in the latest upper house election that did not call for “reducing nuclear power generation to zero,” can be considered proof that voters favorably evaluated the party’s down-to-earth approach to energy problems.
エネルギー政策を巡り、唯一「原発ゼロ」を掲げなかった自民党の圧勝は、現実的な姿勢を有権者が評価したからではないか。
Moves for realignment
◆野党再編への機運も
The LDP was strong enough in the upper house race to score 29 wins versus two losses in single-seat prefectural constituencies, while also garnering seats in all multiple-seat constituencies. Komeito also performed well in securing upper house seats.
自民党は、１人区で２９勝２敗、複数区では全候補が当選するという強さを見せつけた。公明党も、手堅く議席を確保した。
The LDP’s victory in prefectural constituency contests owed partly to the poor performance of opposition parties, just as in last year’s lower house election, and to the circumstances under which they found themselves scrambling among themselves for upper house seats.
自民党の選挙区選での勝因は、衆院選と同様、野党が振るわなかったうえ、野党同士が議席を奪い合う構図になったことにある。
Voter turnout, meanwhile, fell well below the level in the previous upper house election. It seems some voters averse to the LDP might have chosen to abstain from voting.
投票率は、前回を大幅に下回った。反自民票の一部が棄権に回ったという側面もあるだろう。
The DPJ suffered a crushing defeat, the worst since its inauguration, in the upper house election. In many cases, the party was defeated by other opposition parties even in multiple-seat prefectural electoral districts.
民主党は、結党以来の大惨敗を喫した。複数区でも、他の野党に競り負けるケースが目立った。
There can be no denying that the desire to “punish” the DPJ for a pile of policy blunders while in power remains deeply ingrained among the public.
失政を重ねた民主党政権への「懲罰」感情は根強く残っている。
The election result shows the DPJ, as in the past, lacked solidarity as a party. One such example is that former Prime Minister Naoto Kan openly backed a candidate in the Tokyo constituency who had to run as an independent after the party dropped her from its ticket.
相変わらず、党としての一体感が乏しいことも印象づけた。菅元首相が東京選挙区で民主党公認を取り消された無所属候補を公然と応援したのは、その一例だ。
Taking into consideration the DPJ’s dogmatic “out-and-out opposition” in the Diet and its ambiguous stance on such key issues as the Constitution, the DPJ failed to attract the votes of those critical of the Abe administration.
国会での抵抗野党ぶりや憲法など重要政策のあいまいさを見れば民主党は、安倍政権への批判票の受け皿として物足りなかった。
DPJ leader Banri Kaieda expressed his intention to stay on as head of the party. The party leadership has no option but to clarify responsibility and start afresh after reflecting on its crushing defeat in the latest election. If it fails to do so, it may cease to be one of the two major parties in the next lower house election.
海江田代表は、続投する意向を表明した。執行部は、惨敗を徹底的に総括したうえで責任を明確にし、出直すしかない。そうしなければ、次期衆院選では２大政党の一角から転落しかねない。
Those who bolted from the DPJ also failed miserably in the latest election. People’s Life Party failed to win a seat even in the Iwate constituency, the home base of its leader, Ichiro Ozawa, symbolizing his declining political clout. Green Wind lost its seat in the upper house.
民主党からの離党組も全く振るわなかった。生活の党は、小沢代表の地元・岩手選挙区でも議席を得られなかった。小沢氏の政治力の衰えを象徴している。みどりの風も、参院で議席を失った。
While Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) and Your Party saw gains in their upper house seats, the parties cannot be considered to have solidified their foothold as the “third major force” in the upper house.
日本維新の会とみんなの党は、議席を伸ばしたものの、いずれも参院で「第３極」としての地歩を確かにしたとは言い難い。
During the election campaign, Ishin no Kai coleader Toru Hashimoto criticized the DPJ for being supported by labor unions of public servants and asserted the need of forming a “new opposition party” that has no affiliation with business organizations and “can rival the LDP.”
選挙中、維新の会の橋下共同代表は、公務員の労働組合の支援を受ける民主党を批判したうえで、業界団体とは無関係の「自民党に対抗する新しい野党」を結成する必要性を主張した。
The opposition camp is certain to reorganize in a bid to explore a way to create a force that can fight the ruling coalition.
野党間では、自公両党に対抗する勢力の形成を模索する野党再編の動きが出て来るだろう。
The JCP, which advocated “confrontation with the LDP,” made major gains in the election, as it did in the recent Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election. The low voter turnout must have served as a spur to the highly organized party.
「自共対決」を唱えた共産党は東京都議選に続き、議席を大きく伸ばした。低投票率が組織政党への追い風になったに違いない。
Focus on growth strategy
For the time being, the Abe administration will deal with the tasks of implementing its growth strategy plans, deciding whether to raise the consumption tax rate as planned and reviewing the government’s interpretation of the Constitution with regard to the right to collective self-defense. It also intends to proceed with the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations and the establishment of the Japanese version of the U.S. National Security Council.
安倍政権は当面、成長戦略の具体化をはじめ、消費税率引き上げの判断、集団的自衛権を巡る政府の憲法解釈の見直しに取り組む。環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）交渉、国家安全保障会議（日本版ＮＳＣ）設置も進める意向だ。
2013年07月23日
性犯罪の起訴状 被害者匿名が必要な時もある
The Yomiuri Shimbun July 20, 2013
Crime victims’ names should be kept anonymous in some cases
性犯罪の起訴状 被害者匿名が必要な時もある（7月19日付・読売社説）
Should the real names of victims of crimes be mentioned in an indictment? In a rare development, the court and prosecutors involved in a case are locking horns on the matter.
起訴状に被害者の実名を記載すべきかどうか。裁判所と検察が対立する異例の事態である。
In a bill of indictment for an indecent assault charge, the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office left out the name of the victim, who was a minor. The Tokyo District Court disputed the omission and called for the name to be given.
東京地検が強制わいせつ事件の起訴状に、被害児童の氏名を匿名で記載したことに対し、東京地裁は実名を記すよう求めた。
If prosecutors refuse to comply with the court’s request, it is feared that hearings for the case will be canceled following the dismissal of the prosecution.
検察側が応じない場合、公訴が棄却されて裁判が行われない恐れもある。
The minor in the case was assaulted in an indecent manner in a park restroom. In response to a complaint filed by the child’s parents, the prosecutors indicted a man in his 20s. The parents told the prosecutors up front they would “withdraw the complaint if the child’s name were revealed.”
児童が公園のトイレで、わいせつ行為をされた事件だ。地検は児童の両親の告訴を受け、２０歳代の男を起訴した。両親は当初、「氏名を出すなら告訴を取り下げる」と地検に伝えた。
This is probably because they feared the accused might harbor a potentially dangerous grudge against their child, among other concerns.
逆恨みなどを恐れてのことだろう。
Law murky on issue
Indecent assault is an offense that can only be prosecuted after a complaint is filed. Therefore, indictment is not possible without a complaint. The prosecutors, it may be said, had no choice but to withhold the victim’s name in the indictment to prevent the family from having to bear the burden of the offense on their own.
強制わいせつ罪は親告罪で、告訴がなければ、起訴できない。被害者側の泣き寝入りを防ぐためにも、地検が起訴状の記載を匿名にしたのは、やむを得ない措置だったと言える。
The child was presumably selected at random by the accused. Even before the assault, the alleged offender was not aware of the name of his victim. Disclosing the name in the prosecution process could become problematic from the standpoint of protecting victims of crimes.
被告は行きずりで児童を対象にした。元々、児童の氏名を知らない。訴追手続きでわざわざ教えることになるのは、被害者保護の観点からも問題があろう。
The district court took issue with the prosecution’s omission out of concern that withholding the victim’s name would undermine the criminal trial system, which is based on the use of real names. Though there is no such specific requirement in the Criminal Procedure Code, in principle the victim’s name is usually mentioned in addition to other information such as the time and date of the crime committed against that person.
一方、地裁が疑義を呈したのは、刑事裁判の実名主義が揺らぐことへの懸念からだ。刑事訴訟法に明文規定はないものの、犯行日時などのほか、被害者の実名を起訴状に記すのが原則とされてきた。
Behind this practice is the idea that if the victim’s name, which is an indispensable element in establishing a crime, is not identified, it could disadvantage the accused when the defense is making a rebuttal.
被害者の氏名は犯罪事実の確定に欠かせない要素であり、それが特定されていなければ、被告側が反論する際に支障をきたすという考え方が背景にある。
In fact, in trials over molestation and other crimes, lawyers have proved the accused’s innocence by constructing an effective defense based on information gathered through acquaintances of people claiming to be victims.
実際、痴漢事件などでは、被告の弁護人が“被害者”の周辺調査などで反証を集め、被告の無罪を立証した例が複数ある。
Still, it should not be assumed that the names of sex crime victims should always be withheld in indictments.
性犯罪を理由に、むやみに匿名記載を一般化すべきではない。
Overly strict stance
In the case in question, the accused has not disputed the facts presented. If the child’s name remains hidden, it should not negatively affect the court hearings. The district court’s request for disclosure of the name seems to be an excessively rigid stance.
今回の事件では、被告側も事実関係について争う姿勢を見せていない。児童の氏名が明記されていなくても、公判に問題は生じないのではないか。実名記載を求めた東京地裁の対応は、杓子(しゃくし)定規に過ぎると言えよう。
The need to protect victims in judicial procedures was highlighted in connection with a stalking and murder case that occurred last autumn in Zushi, Kanagawa Prefecture.
司法手続きで被害者保護の必要性が指摘されたのは昨秋、神奈川県逗子市で起きたストーカー殺人事件だ。
When police read the victim’s address aloud as written on the arrest warrant, the offender was made aware of the victim’s whereabouts and found the new address after being released from jail. This provoked the final tragedy in which the victim was murdered.
警察が逮捕状に記された被害者の住所を読み上げたため、加害者に転居先を知られ、釈放後の惨劇につながったとされる。
In a trial at the Kobe District Court’s Himeji branch, a victim’s name was written in katakana on an indictment. This is one example showing that trial and error continue on this issue on the judicial front.
神戸地裁姫路支部の裁判では、起訴状の被害者名をカタカナで表記したケースがある。司法の現場で試行錯誤が続いている。
The Supreme Court’s Training and Research Institute for Court Officials will soon investigate the issue of anonymity by reviewing cases that have set precedents on the matter. It is essential for the results of such research to be utilized to help judges facing these kinds of decisions.
最高裁の司法研修所は近く、匿名問題に関する事例を集め、検証を行う。その結果を各裁判官の判断に役立てることが肝要だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 19, 2013)
（2013年7月19日01時49分 読売新聞）
Crime victims’ names should be kept anonymous in some cases
性犯罪の起訴状 被害者匿名が必要な時もある（7月19日付・読売社説）
Should the real names of victims of crimes be mentioned in an indictment? In a rare development, the court and prosecutors involved in a case are locking horns on the matter.
起訴状に被害者の実名を記載すべきかどうか。裁判所と検察が対立する異例の事態である。
In a bill of indictment for an indecent assault charge, the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office left out the name of the victim, who was a minor. The Tokyo District Court disputed the omission and called for the name to be given.
東京地検が強制わいせつ事件の起訴状に、被害児童の氏名を匿名で記載したことに対し、東京地裁は実名を記すよう求めた。
If prosecutors refuse to comply with the court’s request, it is feared that hearings for the case will be canceled following the dismissal of the prosecution.
検察側が応じない場合、公訴が棄却されて裁判が行われない恐れもある。
The minor in the case was assaulted in an indecent manner in a park restroom. In response to a complaint filed by the child’s parents, the prosecutors indicted a man in his 20s. The parents told the prosecutors up front they would “withdraw the complaint if the child’s name were revealed.”
児童が公園のトイレで、わいせつ行為をされた事件だ。地検は児童の両親の告訴を受け、２０歳代の男を起訴した。両親は当初、「氏名を出すなら告訴を取り下げる」と地検に伝えた。
This is probably because they feared the accused might harbor a potentially dangerous grudge against their child, among other concerns.
逆恨みなどを恐れてのことだろう。
Law murky on issue
Indecent assault is an offense that can only be prosecuted after a complaint is filed. Therefore, indictment is not possible without a complaint. The prosecutors, it may be said, had no choice but to withhold the victim’s name in the indictment to prevent the family from having to bear the burden of the offense on their own.
強制わいせつ罪は親告罪で、告訴がなければ、起訴できない。被害者側の泣き寝入りを防ぐためにも、地検が起訴状の記載を匿名にしたのは、やむを得ない措置だったと言える。
The child was presumably selected at random by the accused. Even before the assault, the alleged offender was not aware of the name of his victim. Disclosing the name in the prosecution process could become problematic from the standpoint of protecting victims of crimes.
被告は行きずりで児童を対象にした。元々、児童の氏名を知らない。訴追手続きでわざわざ教えることになるのは、被害者保護の観点からも問題があろう。
The district court took issue with the prosecution’s omission out of concern that withholding the victim’s name would undermine the criminal trial system, which is based on the use of real names. Though there is no such specific requirement in the Criminal Procedure Code, in principle the victim’s name is usually mentioned in addition to other information such as the time and date of the crime committed against that person.
一方、地裁が疑義を呈したのは、刑事裁判の実名主義が揺らぐことへの懸念からだ。刑事訴訟法に明文規定はないものの、犯行日時などのほか、被害者の実名を起訴状に記すのが原則とされてきた。
Behind this practice is the idea that if the victim’s name, which is an indispensable element in establishing a crime, is not identified, it could disadvantage the accused when the defense is making a rebuttal.
被害者の氏名は犯罪事実の確定に欠かせない要素であり、それが特定されていなければ、被告側が反論する際に支障をきたすという考え方が背景にある。
In fact, in trials over molestation and other crimes, lawyers have proved the accused’s innocence by constructing an effective defense based on information gathered through acquaintances of people claiming to be victims.
実際、痴漢事件などでは、被告の弁護人が“被害者”の周辺調査などで反証を集め、被告の無罪を立証した例が複数ある。
Still, it should not be assumed that the names of sex crime victims should always be withheld in indictments.
性犯罪を理由に、むやみに匿名記載を一般化すべきではない。
Overly strict stance
In the case in question, the accused has not disputed the facts presented. If the child’s name remains hidden, it should not negatively affect the court hearings. The district court’s request for disclosure of the name seems to be an excessively rigid stance.
今回の事件では、被告側も事実関係について争う姿勢を見せていない。児童の氏名が明記されていなくても、公判に問題は生じないのではないか。実名記載を求めた東京地裁の対応は、杓子(しゃくし)定規に過ぎると言えよう。
The need to protect victims in judicial procedures was highlighted in connection with a stalking and murder case that occurred last autumn in Zushi, Kanagawa Prefecture.
司法手続きで被害者保護の必要性が指摘されたのは昨秋、神奈川県逗子市で起きたストーカー殺人事件だ。
When police read the victim’s address aloud as written on the arrest warrant, the offender was made aware of the victim’s whereabouts and found the new address after being released from jail. This provoked the final tragedy in which the victim was murdered.
警察が逮捕状に記された被害者の住所を読み上げたため、加害者に転居先を知られ、釈放後の惨劇につながったとされる。
In a trial at the Kobe District Court’s Himeji branch, a victim’s name was written in katakana on an indictment. This is one example showing that trial and error continue on this issue on the judicial front.
神戸地裁姫路支部の裁判では、起訴状の被害者名をカタカナで表記したケースがある。司法の現場で試行錯誤が続いている。
The Supreme Court’s Training and Research Institute for Court Officials will soon investigate the issue of anonymity by reviewing cases that have set precedents on the matter. It is essential for the results of such research to be utilized to help judges facing these kinds of decisions.
最高裁の司法研修所は近く、匿名問題に関する事例を集め、検証を行う。その結果を各裁判官の判断に役立てることが肝要だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 19, 2013)
（2013年7月19日01時49分 読売新聞）
2013年07月22日
エジプト情勢 民政復帰への道のりは険しい
The Yomiuri Shimbun July 21, 2013
After military coup d'etat, Egypt faces bumpy road to civilian rule
エジプト情勢 民政復帰への道のりは険しい（7月20日付・読売社説）
Egypt’s provisional government has been inaugurated, led by interim President Adly Mansour. Mansour replaced former President Mohammed Morsi, who was dismissed in a de facto military coup d’etat.
軍による事実上のクーデターによってモルシ前大統領が解任されたエジプトで、マンスール暫定大統領をトップとする暫定政府が発足した。
In fact, it is a military-led government. Defense Minister Abidel Fattah el-Sissi retains his post and doubles as the first vice premier. Many economic experts have been appointed as Cabinet ministers in light of the people’s discontent over the worsening economic situation and to make a show of the government’s emphasis on economic policy.
実体は軍主導の政府だ。シシ国防相は留任し、第１副首相を兼任する。閣僚には、経済専門家が多数起用された。経済悪化への国民の不満に配慮し、経済重視をアピールする布陣である。
Mohamed ElBaradei, a former director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency, and other leaders of secular groups have been given key government posts.
エルバラダイ前国際原子力機関（ＩＡＥＡ）事務局長ら世俗派の代表も政府の中枢に入った。
But the Muslim Brotherhood, Morsi’s support base, refused to join the interim government.
だが、モルシ氏の支持基盤のイスラム主義組織・ムスリム同胞団は暫定政府への参加を拒んだ。
Stability cannot be expected
Given that the Islamist elements are not taking part in the government, it is hardly possible to expect the political situation to stabilize.
イスラム主義勢力が政府に参加していない以上、政情が安定することはとても望めない。
Since the military took the extralegal step of detaining Morsi, who was elected by popular vote, Brotherhood supporters have continued protests in the streets, demanding Morsi’s reinstatement. Increasingly bloody consequences are feared in the wake of clashes between Brotherhood supporters and government security forces and other incidents.
軍は、選挙で選ばれたモルシ氏を拘束した。超法規的措置だ。ムスリム同胞団はモルシ氏復職を求め、街頭で抗議行動を続けている。治安部隊との衝突などで流血の惨事が今後も起きる恐れがある。
Mansour has announced a political road map for return to a civilian government, probably with the aim of stabilizing national sentiment.
暫定大統領が民政復帰への政治日程を発表したのも、民心の安定を図る狙いがあるのだろう。
The road map calls for a committee of experts from legal and other fields to draft a proposal on constitutional revision by October. The proposal will be put to a national referendum by November. A parliamentary election is scheduled to be held by January, and a procedure to elect a president will start after a new parliament is convened.
１０月までに、法律専門家や各界代表から成る委員会が憲法改正案をまとめ、１１月までに国民投票にかける。来年１月までに議会選を実施し、議会招集後に大統領選の手続きを開始する。
But will things turn out as planned? A bumpy road lies ahead.
想定通り進むか、どうか。前途は相当に険しい。
If Islamist forces are eliminated, the process will lack legitimacy. The interim government and the Brotherhood should sit down at a negotiating table as early as possible. Naturally, Morsi’s release is a prerequisite for this.
イスラム主義勢力を排除すれば、こうしたプロセスも正当性を欠く。早期に暫定政府とムスリム同胞団は話し合いのテーブルにつくべきだ。モルシ氏の解放が、その前提であるのは当然だ。
In addition to restoring public safety and achieving a return to civilian rule, the interim government must strive to overcome an economic crisis. In particular, it is essential to bring back foreign tourists and investments.
暫定政府は、治安回復や民政復帰だけでなく、経済危機の克服にも取り組まねばならない。とくに、観光客や外国からの投資を呼び戻すことが肝要だ。
Gulf monarchies vow aid
Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf monarchies, which are wary of the growing influence of Brotherhood elements in their own countries, have pledged to provide a huge amount of economic assistance for the Egyptian provisional government.
ムスリム同胞団の勢力が自国内で伸長することを警戒するサウジアラビアなど、ペルシャ湾岸の君主国は、暫定政府に巨額の経済支援を約束した。
Using such aid as leverage, the interim government must work toward resolving a shortage of foreign exchange reserves and achieving a full-scale economic recovery.
こうした支援をテコに、暫定政府は外貨準備不足の解消や経済の本格回復に努めねばならない。
Protracted chaos in Egypt would inevitably destabilize the Middle East as a whole, and spikes in crude oil prices and other destabilizing factors would adversely affect the world economy.
エジプトの混乱が長引けば、中東全体が不安定となるのは避けられない。原油価格の高騰などで世界経済にも悪影響が及ぼう。
Japan, the United States and European countries have not suspended economic assistance to Egypt despite the coup. This is because they put priority on the stabilization of Egypt. They should cooperate in urging the military and interim government to realize national reconciliation and a return to civilian rule as early as possible.
日本や米欧が、軍事クーデターが起きたにもかかわらず、経済援助を停止していないのも、エジプトの安定を優先するためだ。日米欧は連携して、国民和解と民政復帰の早期実現を、軍や暫定政府に働きかける必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 20, 2013)
（2013年7月20日01時02分 読売新聞）
After military coup d'etat, Egypt faces bumpy road to civilian rule
エジプト情勢 民政復帰への道のりは険しい（7月20日付・読売社説）
Egypt’s provisional government has been inaugurated, led by interim President Adly Mansour. Mansour replaced former President Mohammed Morsi, who was dismissed in a de facto military coup d’etat.
軍による事実上のクーデターによってモルシ前大統領が解任されたエジプトで、マンスール暫定大統領をトップとする暫定政府が発足した。
In fact, it is a military-led government. Defense Minister Abidel Fattah el-Sissi retains his post and doubles as the first vice premier. Many economic experts have been appointed as Cabinet ministers in light of the people’s discontent over the worsening economic situation and to make a show of the government’s emphasis on economic policy.
実体は軍主導の政府だ。シシ国防相は留任し、第１副首相を兼任する。閣僚には、経済専門家が多数起用された。経済悪化への国民の不満に配慮し、経済重視をアピールする布陣である。
Mohamed ElBaradei, a former director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency, and other leaders of secular groups have been given key government posts.
エルバラダイ前国際原子力機関（ＩＡＥＡ）事務局長ら世俗派の代表も政府の中枢に入った。
But the Muslim Brotherhood, Morsi’s support base, refused to join the interim government.
だが、モルシ氏の支持基盤のイスラム主義組織・ムスリム同胞団は暫定政府への参加を拒んだ。
Stability cannot be expected
Given that the Islamist elements are not taking part in the government, it is hardly possible to expect the political situation to stabilize.
イスラム主義勢力が政府に参加していない以上、政情が安定することはとても望めない。
Since the military took the extralegal step of detaining Morsi, who was elected by popular vote, Brotherhood supporters have continued protests in the streets, demanding Morsi’s reinstatement. Increasingly bloody consequences are feared in the wake of clashes between Brotherhood supporters and government security forces and other incidents.
軍は、選挙で選ばれたモルシ氏を拘束した。超法規的措置だ。ムスリム同胞団はモルシ氏復職を求め、街頭で抗議行動を続けている。治安部隊との衝突などで流血の惨事が今後も起きる恐れがある。
Mansour has announced a political road map for return to a civilian government, probably with the aim of stabilizing national sentiment.
暫定大統領が民政復帰への政治日程を発表したのも、民心の安定を図る狙いがあるのだろう。
The road map calls for a committee of experts from legal and other fields to draft a proposal on constitutional revision by October. The proposal will be put to a national referendum by November. A parliamentary election is scheduled to be held by January, and a procedure to elect a president will start after a new parliament is convened.
１０月までに、法律専門家や各界代表から成る委員会が憲法改正案をまとめ、１１月までに国民投票にかける。来年１月までに議会選を実施し、議会招集後に大統領選の手続きを開始する。
But will things turn out as planned? A bumpy road lies ahead.
想定通り進むか、どうか。前途は相当に険しい。
If Islamist forces are eliminated, the process will lack legitimacy. The interim government and the Brotherhood should sit down at a negotiating table as early as possible. Naturally, Morsi’s release is a prerequisite for this.
イスラム主義勢力を排除すれば、こうしたプロセスも正当性を欠く。早期に暫定政府とムスリム同胞団は話し合いのテーブルにつくべきだ。モルシ氏の解放が、その前提であるのは当然だ。
In addition to restoring public safety and achieving a return to civilian rule, the interim government must strive to overcome an economic crisis. In particular, it is essential to bring back foreign tourists and investments.
暫定政府は、治安回復や民政復帰だけでなく、経済危機の克服にも取り組まねばならない。とくに、観光客や外国からの投資を呼び戻すことが肝要だ。
Gulf monarchies vow aid
Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf monarchies, which are wary of the growing influence of Brotherhood elements in their own countries, have pledged to provide a huge amount of economic assistance for the Egyptian provisional government.
ムスリム同胞団の勢力が自国内で伸長することを警戒するサウジアラビアなど、ペルシャ湾岸の君主国は、暫定政府に巨額の経済支援を約束した。
Using such aid as leverage, the interim government must work toward resolving a shortage of foreign exchange reserves and achieving a full-scale economic recovery.
こうした支援をテコに、暫定政府は外貨準備不足の解消や経済の本格回復に努めねばならない。
Protracted chaos in Egypt would inevitably destabilize the Middle East as a whole, and spikes in crude oil prices and other destabilizing factors would adversely affect the world economy.
エジプトの混乱が長引けば、中東全体が不安定となるのは避けられない。原油価格の高騰などで世界経済にも悪影響が及ぼう。
Japan, the United States and European countries have not suspended economic assistance to Egypt despite the coup. This is because they put priority on the stabilization of Egypt. They should cooperate in urging the military and interim government to realize national reconciliation and a return to civilian rule as early as possible.
日本や米欧が、軍事クーデターが起きたにもかかわらず、経済援助を停止していないのも、エジプトの安定を優先するためだ。日米欧は連携して、国民和解と民政復帰の早期実現を、軍や暫定政府に働きかける必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 20, 2013)
（2013年7月20日01時02分 読売新聞）
2013年07月21日
１３参院選 対中国外交 歴史的事実を浸透させたい
The Yomiuri Shimbun July 20, 2013
Let facts tell more in diplomacy toward China
１３参院選 対中国外交 歴史的事実を浸透させたい（7月19日付・読売社説）
How to face up to our neighbor China, which persists with its aggressive behavior over the Senkaku Islands, is the biggest diplomatic challenge facing Japan.
尖閣諸島を巡って威圧的行動を繰り返す隣国・中国に、どう向き合うかは、日本外交が直面する最大の難題だ。
In their pledges for the House of Councillors election, most major parties, bearing the Senkakus issue in mind, have made commitments to “act in defense of the nation’s territory.” All of them, however, have fallen short of providing specific steps that should be taken--and how--to ensure the nation’s territorial sovereignty.
ほとんどの主要政党が参院選公約で、尖閣諸島を念頭に「領土主権を守る」と掲げた。ただ、各党とも、主権をどう守るか、という具体策には乏しい。
The Chinese government has been lashing out at Japan, asserting that the latter’s decision in September to place the Senkakus under state ownership altered the status quo of the Senkaku situation, which Beijing argues had been “shelved” for many years.
中国政府は、日本が昨年９月に尖閣諸島を国有化したことが、長年「棚上げ」してきた問題の現状を変更したと非難している。
China’s claim contradictory
There can be no room, however, to doubt that the Senkaku Islands are part of Japan’s intrinsic territory, both historically and in the eyes of international law. It is never a territorial problem to be “shelved.”
だが、尖閣諸島は歴史的にも国際法上も日本固有の領土だ。「棚上げ」すべき領土問題ではない。
In fact, while arguing for “shelving” the issue, it is China that attempted to change the status quo, by enacting the Law on the Territorial Sea and the Contiguous Zone of the Republic of China in 1992, which explicitly stipulates China’s sovereignty over the islands.
そもそも、「棚上げ」と言いながら現状変更を図ったのは、１９９２年制定の領海法に尖閣諸島の領有を明記した中国の方だ。
In addition, it was recently brought to light that China has plans to develop many new gas fields in waters in the vicinity of the Japan-China median line in the East China Sea. These moves are in blatant violation of the Japan-China agreement in 2008 that the two countries will refrain from unilaterally engaging in any developmental projects in the East China Sea.
最近も、中国が東シナ海の日中中間線付近で、新たなガス田開発を多数進めようとしていることが判明した。東シナ海での一方的な独自開発を見合わせる、とした２００８年の日中合意に明らかに反する動きである。
It is only natural that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has criticized China for continuing to act with only itself in mind.
安倍首相が身勝手な行為を続ける中国を批判するのは当然だ。
That said, if the current state of relations between Japan and China goes unchanged, it would certainly be detrimental to both countries. Strenuous diplomatic efforts aimed at improving bilateral relations must be made.
とは言え、日中関係がこのままでは、双方にとってマイナスが大きい。関係改善へ向けた粘り強い外交努力も欠かせない。
The Democratic Party of Japan, which nationalized the Senkaku Islands in its then capacity as the ruling party, has said little in its election platform on the issue except to call for “making the East China Sea an area of peace, friendship and cooperation,” a reference that makes the Senkakus issue sound like someone else’s problem.
政権党として尖閣諸島を国有化した民主党は公約で「東シナ海を平和、友好、協力の海に」とひとごとのようにうたうだけだ。
New Komeito and Your Party, in connection with the Senkaku row, have called for the creation of a Japan-China “maritime liaison mechanism” for emergencies that would comprise working-level officials from the two countries. This idea should be realized swiftly to prevent an accidental clash that could lead to a conflict.
公明党やみんなの党は、実務者による緊急時の「海上連絡メカニズム」の創設を唱えている。偶発的な衝突事故や紛争を回避するため、実現を急がねばならない。
The Japanese Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party, meanwhile, have been insisting that the Senkakus should be dealt with as a territorial problem for both Japan and China. Does their insistence not run contrary to this country’s national interest? If Japan were to acknowledge the existence of a territorial dispute over the Senkaku Islands, China would certainly ratchet up its demands, such as pushing for a scheme for placing the islets under joint management by the two countries.
共産党や社民党は、尖閣諸島を日中双方の領土問題として扱うよう主張している。国益に反するのではないか。仮に日本が認めれば、中国は日中共同管理など、要求を一層強めてくるに違いない。
Intertwining histories
We should never ignore the fact that China has mixed the Senkakus problem up with differing perceptions of history and the countries’ wartime past.
尖閣諸島の問題で見過ごせないのは、中国が歴史認識を絡めてきていることだ。
The Chinese administration of President Xi Jinping has criticized Japan for “posing a grave challenge to the international order after World War II.”
習近平政権は「戦後秩序に対する重大な挑戦だ」などと日本を批判している。
Which one of the two countries should be blamed for trying to disrupt the international order? Japan must deal with this matter on the basis of international law.
秩序を乱すのはどちらか。国際法に基づく対処が必要だ。
The Liberal Democratic Party has been stressing the need to establish a new study institute regarding territory and problems of perceptions of history to compile an effective rebuttal and disproof against unsound arguments regarding historical facts. Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) also advocates the nation’s dignity must be secured through such a method.
自民党は、領土や歴史問題に関する研究機関を新設し、歴史的事実に反する不当な主張に反論、反証すると強調している。日本維新の会も、こうした方法で日本の尊厳を守るべきだと訴えている。
What approach should be considered the best for conveying historical facts throughout the international community in an appropriate manner?
歴史的事実を国際社会に正しく浸透させるには、どんな方法が効果的なのか。
The ruling and opposition parties must cooperate, using their combined ingenuity, to resolve the problem.
与野党は知恵を出し合うべきである。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 19, 2013)
（2013年7月19日01時49分 読売新聞）
Let facts tell more in diplomacy toward China
１３参院選 対中国外交 歴史的事実を浸透させたい（7月19日付・読売社説）
How to face up to our neighbor China, which persists with its aggressive behavior over the Senkaku Islands, is the biggest diplomatic challenge facing Japan.
尖閣諸島を巡って威圧的行動を繰り返す隣国・中国に、どう向き合うかは、日本外交が直面する最大の難題だ。
In their pledges for the House of Councillors election, most major parties, bearing the Senkakus issue in mind, have made commitments to “act in defense of the nation’s territory.” All of them, however, have fallen short of providing specific steps that should be taken--and how--to ensure the nation’s territorial sovereignty.
ほとんどの主要政党が参院選公約で、尖閣諸島を念頭に「領土主権を守る」と掲げた。ただ、各党とも、主権をどう守るか、という具体策には乏しい。
The Chinese government has been lashing out at Japan, asserting that the latter’s decision in September to place the Senkakus under state ownership altered the status quo of the Senkaku situation, which Beijing argues had been “shelved” for many years.
中国政府は、日本が昨年９月に尖閣諸島を国有化したことが、長年「棚上げ」してきた問題の現状を変更したと非難している。
China’s claim contradictory
There can be no room, however, to doubt that the Senkaku Islands are part of Japan’s intrinsic territory, both historically and in the eyes of international law. It is never a territorial problem to be “shelved.”
だが、尖閣諸島は歴史的にも国際法上も日本固有の領土だ。「棚上げ」すべき領土問題ではない。
In fact, while arguing for “shelving” the issue, it is China that attempted to change the status quo, by enacting the Law on the Territorial Sea and the Contiguous Zone of the Republic of China in 1992, which explicitly stipulates China’s sovereignty over the islands.
そもそも、「棚上げ」と言いながら現状変更を図ったのは、１９９２年制定の領海法に尖閣諸島の領有を明記した中国の方だ。
In addition, it was recently brought to light that China has plans to develop many new gas fields in waters in the vicinity of the Japan-China median line in the East China Sea. These moves are in blatant violation of the Japan-China agreement in 2008 that the two countries will refrain from unilaterally engaging in any developmental projects in the East China Sea.
最近も、中国が東シナ海の日中中間線付近で、新たなガス田開発を多数進めようとしていることが判明した。東シナ海での一方的な独自開発を見合わせる、とした２００８年の日中合意に明らかに反する動きである。
It is only natural that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has criticized China for continuing to act with only itself in mind.
安倍首相が身勝手な行為を続ける中国を批判するのは当然だ。
That said, if the current state of relations between Japan and China goes unchanged, it would certainly be detrimental to both countries. Strenuous diplomatic efforts aimed at improving bilateral relations must be made.
とは言え、日中関係がこのままでは、双方にとってマイナスが大きい。関係改善へ向けた粘り強い外交努力も欠かせない。
The Democratic Party of Japan, which nationalized the Senkaku Islands in its then capacity as the ruling party, has said little in its election platform on the issue except to call for “making the East China Sea an area of peace, friendship and cooperation,” a reference that makes the Senkakus issue sound like someone else’s problem.
政権党として尖閣諸島を国有化した民主党は公約で「東シナ海を平和、友好、協力の海に」とひとごとのようにうたうだけだ。
New Komeito and Your Party, in connection with the Senkaku row, have called for the creation of a Japan-China “maritime liaison mechanism” for emergencies that would comprise working-level officials from the two countries. This idea should be realized swiftly to prevent an accidental clash that could lead to a conflict.
公明党やみんなの党は、実務者による緊急時の「海上連絡メカニズム」の創設を唱えている。偶発的な衝突事故や紛争を回避するため、実現を急がねばならない。
The Japanese Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party, meanwhile, have been insisting that the Senkakus should be dealt with as a territorial problem for both Japan and China. Does their insistence not run contrary to this country’s national interest? If Japan were to acknowledge the existence of a territorial dispute over the Senkaku Islands, China would certainly ratchet up its demands, such as pushing for a scheme for placing the islets under joint management by the two countries.
共産党や社民党は、尖閣諸島を日中双方の領土問題として扱うよう主張している。国益に反するのではないか。仮に日本が認めれば、中国は日中共同管理など、要求を一層強めてくるに違いない。
Intertwining histories
We should never ignore the fact that China has mixed the Senkakus problem up with differing perceptions of history and the countries’ wartime past.
尖閣諸島の問題で見過ごせないのは、中国が歴史認識を絡めてきていることだ。
The Chinese administration of President Xi Jinping has criticized Japan for “posing a grave challenge to the international order after World War II.”
習近平政権は「戦後秩序に対する重大な挑戦だ」などと日本を批判している。
Which one of the two countries should be blamed for trying to disrupt the international order? Japan must deal with this matter on the basis of international law.
秩序を乱すのはどちらか。国際法に基づく対処が必要だ。
The Liberal Democratic Party has been stressing the need to establish a new study institute regarding territory and problems of perceptions of history to compile an effective rebuttal and disproof against unsound arguments regarding historical facts. Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) also advocates the nation’s dignity must be secured through such a method.
自民党は、領土や歴史問題に関する研究機関を新設し、歴史的事実に反する不当な主張に反論、反証すると強調している。日本維新の会も、こうした方法で日本の尊厳を守るべきだと訴えている。
What approach should be considered the best for conveying historical facts throughout the international community in an appropriate manner?
歴史的事実を国際社会に正しく浸透させるには、どんな方法が効果的なのか。
The ruling and opposition parties must cooperate, using their combined ingenuity, to resolve the problem.
与野党は知恵を出し合うべきである。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 19, 2013)
（2013年7月19日01時49分 読売新聞）
2013年07月20日
１３参院選 規制改革 成長促す緩和策を見極めよう
The Yomiuri Shimbun July 19, 2013
We should clearly comprehend parties’ deregulatory proposals
１３参院選 規制改革 成長促す緩和策を見極めよう（7月18日付・読売社説）
To foster new industries and put the economy on a growth track, it is necessary to remove excessive regulations. We should form a clear view of which political parties advocate realistic and effective regulatory reforms.
新しい産業を育て、経済を成長軌道に乗せるには、過剰な規制を取り払う必要がある。
現実的で実効性ある規制改革を掲げる政党を、しっかりと見極めたい。
The administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has been leading his Liberal Democratic Party’s campaign for the House of Councillors election by making regulatory reforms the top priority in the administration’s growth strategy.
安倍政権は、規制改革を成長戦略の「一丁目一番地」に位置付けて参院選に臨んだ。
One of the most important points of contention is a review of employment regulations.
重要な論点の一つは、雇用に関する規制の見直しである。
Many experts have pointed out that many businesses have redundant staff in loss-making divisions. Such surplus workforce strains companies’ business performance, causing the overall economy to stagnate.
多くの企業が不採算部門に余剰人員を抱えている。それが企業業績を圧迫し、経済の停滞を招いている一因との指摘は多い。
As a way to deal with such problems, the government is studying the idea of institutionalizing “limited regular workers,” whose job descriptions, job locations and working hours are limited as stipulated in their job contracts, while easing regulations on the ability of employers to dismiss such workers. Abe has also shown an interest in introducing this system.
その対策として、政府は、職務や勤務地、労働時間を限定する代わりに、解雇の規制を緩める「限定正社員」を制度化することを検討中だ。首相もこの制度導入に意欲を示している。
For companies, it would become easier to close down unnecessary operations and eliminate obsolete job categories. For the limited regular workers themselves, there would be the merit of greater job stability, compared with the status of nonregular workers, although job insecurity would not be fully eliminated.
企業にとっては、役割を終えた事業所の閉鎖や職種廃止がしやすくなる。労働者側は、雇用不安はぬぐえないものの、非正規社員に比べると雇用は安定するというメリットもある。
Workforce redeployment
Regarding employment issues, the LDP, Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) and Your Party advocate in their respective election platforms that workers should be shifted from declining industries to sectors with higher productivity. New Komeito advocates the expansion of the system concerning “regular workers with shorter work hours,” showing common ground with these three parties when it comes to increasing the diversity of employment patterns.
雇用については、自民党はじめ日本維新の会、みんなの党が、衰退産業から生産性の高い分野に労働力を移動させることを公約に掲げている。公明党は短時間正社員の拡充を打ち出した。雇用形態の多様化では共通する立場だ。
The Democratic Party of Japan, meanwhile, opposes the idea of easing employment regulations, such as institutionalizing limited regular workers. People’s Life Party, the Japanese Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party take similar stances.
民主党は、限定正社員など労働規制緩和に反対している。生活、共産、社民の各党も同様だ。
If low-paid nonregular workers are the only category in which numbers increase, the average income of workers will decline, which will not lead to sustainable economic growth.
賃金の低い非正規雇用が増えるばかりでは、所得は下がり、持続的な成長にもつながらない。
How can the smooth transition of workers from one sector to another be realized while protecting employment security? We should listen carefully to what these parties are saying about related issues, including assistance such as vocational training for those who want to change jobs or rejoin the workforce.
雇用を守りつつ、いかにして円滑な労働力移動を実現するか。職業訓練などの再就職・転職支援のあり方についても、各党の主張を聞きたい。
Mixed treatment
Regarding the relaxation of regulations in the medical field, the main issue is so-called mixed treatment, meaning the combination of medical treatments that are covered by public health insurance with those that are not. Such combinations are currently allowed only in exceptional cases.
医療分野の規制緩和を巡っては、公的医療保険で認められた検査や投薬と、保険適用外の治療とを併用する「混合診療」が主要な論点となっている。現在は例外的にしか認められていない。
The LDP advocates the expanded application of mixed treatment so that the most advanced drugs and medical equipment can be used promptly. If renegerative medicine or other cutting-edge techniques that are not covered by public health insurance were approved as part of mixed treatment, it would help patients in terms of their other medical expenses that would remain covered by the insurance.
自民党は、最先端の医薬品や医療機器が迅速に使えるよう、混合診療の適用範囲の拡大を掲げた。再生医療など保険適用外の先進的医療が混合診療に認められれば、患者の利益にかなうだろう。
Your Party and Ishin no Kai call for complete approval of mixed treatment, while PLP and the SDP oppose expanding it.
一方、みんな、維新は混合診療の全面解禁を主張し、生活や社民は適用拡大に反対している。
Implementing regulatory reforms would mean addressing a thorny tangle of interests among organizations concerned. Although the political parties make differing assertions on reform, and tend to focus on different aspects, important issues having to do with the future of this nation have been presented.
規制改革には関係団体の利害が絡み合う。各党の主張の隔たりは大きく、論議は拡散気味だが、日本の将来にかかわる重要な問題が提示されている。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 18, 2013)
（2013年7月18日01時18分 読売新聞）
We should clearly comprehend parties’ deregulatory proposals
１３参院選 規制改革 成長促す緩和策を見極めよう（7月18日付・読売社説）
To foster new industries and put the economy on a growth track, it is necessary to remove excessive regulations. We should form a clear view of which political parties advocate realistic and effective regulatory reforms.
新しい産業を育て、経済を成長軌道に乗せるには、過剰な規制を取り払う必要がある。
現実的で実効性ある規制改革を掲げる政党を、しっかりと見極めたい。
The administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has been leading his Liberal Democratic Party’s campaign for the House of Councillors election by making regulatory reforms the top priority in the administration’s growth strategy.
安倍政権は、規制改革を成長戦略の「一丁目一番地」に位置付けて参院選に臨んだ。
One of the most important points of contention is a review of employment regulations.
重要な論点の一つは、雇用に関する規制の見直しである。
Many experts have pointed out that many businesses have redundant staff in loss-making divisions. Such surplus workforce strains companies’ business performance, causing the overall economy to stagnate.
多くの企業が不採算部門に余剰人員を抱えている。それが企業業績を圧迫し、経済の停滞を招いている一因との指摘は多い。
As a way to deal with such problems, the government is studying the idea of institutionalizing “limited regular workers,” whose job descriptions, job locations and working hours are limited as stipulated in their job contracts, while easing regulations on the ability of employers to dismiss such workers. Abe has also shown an interest in introducing this system.
その対策として、政府は、職務や勤務地、労働時間を限定する代わりに、解雇の規制を緩める「限定正社員」を制度化することを検討中だ。首相もこの制度導入に意欲を示している。
For companies, it would become easier to close down unnecessary operations and eliminate obsolete job categories. For the limited regular workers themselves, there would be the merit of greater job stability, compared with the status of nonregular workers, although job insecurity would not be fully eliminated.
企業にとっては、役割を終えた事業所の閉鎖や職種廃止がしやすくなる。労働者側は、雇用不安はぬぐえないものの、非正規社員に比べると雇用は安定するというメリットもある。
Workforce redeployment
Regarding employment issues, the LDP, Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) and Your Party advocate in their respective election platforms that workers should be shifted from declining industries to sectors with higher productivity. New Komeito advocates the expansion of the system concerning “regular workers with shorter work hours,” showing common ground with these three parties when it comes to increasing the diversity of employment patterns.
雇用については、自民党はじめ日本維新の会、みんなの党が、衰退産業から生産性の高い分野に労働力を移動させることを公約に掲げている。公明党は短時間正社員の拡充を打ち出した。雇用形態の多様化では共通する立場だ。
The Democratic Party of Japan, meanwhile, opposes the idea of easing employment regulations, such as institutionalizing limited regular workers. People’s Life Party, the Japanese Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party take similar stances.
民主党は、限定正社員など労働規制緩和に反対している。生活、共産、社民の各党も同様だ。
If low-paid nonregular workers are the only category in which numbers increase, the average income of workers will decline, which will not lead to sustainable economic growth.
賃金の低い非正規雇用が増えるばかりでは、所得は下がり、持続的な成長にもつながらない。
How can the smooth transition of workers from one sector to another be realized while protecting employment security? We should listen carefully to what these parties are saying about related issues, including assistance such as vocational training for those who want to change jobs or rejoin the workforce.
雇用を守りつつ、いかにして円滑な労働力移動を実現するか。職業訓練などの再就職・転職支援のあり方についても、各党の主張を聞きたい。
Mixed treatment
Regarding the relaxation of regulations in the medical field, the main issue is so-called mixed treatment, meaning the combination of medical treatments that are covered by public health insurance with those that are not. Such combinations are currently allowed only in exceptional cases.
医療分野の規制緩和を巡っては、公的医療保険で認められた検査や投薬と、保険適用外の治療とを併用する「混合診療」が主要な論点となっている。現在は例外的にしか認められていない。
The LDP advocates the expanded application of mixed treatment so that the most advanced drugs and medical equipment can be used promptly. If renegerative medicine or other cutting-edge techniques that are not covered by public health insurance were approved as part of mixed treatment, it would help patients in terms of their other medical expenses that would remain covered by the insurance.
自民党は、最先端の医薬品や医療機器が迅速に使えるよう、混合診療の適用範囲の拡大を掲げた。再生医療など保険適用外の先進的医療が混合診療に認められれば、患者の利益にかなうだろう。
Your Party and Ishin no Kai call for complete approval of mixed treatment, while PLP and the SDP oppose expanding it.
一方、みんな、維新は混合診療の全面解禁を主張し、生活や社民は適用拡大に反対している。
Implementing regulatory reforms would mean addressing a thorny tangle of interests among organizations concerned. Although the political parties make differing assertions on reform, and tend to focus on different aspects, important issues having to do with the future of this nation have been presented.
規制改革には関係団体の利害が絡み合う。各党の主張の隔たりは大きく、論議は拡散気味だが、日本の将来にかかわる重要な問題が提示されている。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 18, 2013)
（2013年7月18日01時18分 読売新聞）
2013年07月19日
燃料電池車競争 低価格実現が普及のカギ握る
The Yomiuri Shimbun July 18, 2013
Developing budget fuel cell cars is a key task for automakers
燃料電池車競争 低価格実現が普及のカギ握る（7月17日付・読売社説）
The race among carmakers to develop vehicles powered by fuel cells is heating up. With no direct carbon dioxide emissions, electric automobiles with fuel cells are envisioned as the preeminent next-generation eco-car.
二酸化炭素（ＣＯ２）を排出せず、次世代エコカーの本命とも言われる「燃料電池車」の開発競争が白熱してきた。
When will the world’s major automakers be able to reduce the price of such a vehicle through mass production? Drivers around the world are keenly watching to see which carmaker will be the first to achieve an affordable fuel cell car.
日米欧の主要メーカーが、いつ量産化による低価格を実現できるか。世界のユーザーが注目する先陣争いだ。
Honda Motor Co. and General Motors Co. have agreed to jointly develop a fuel cell-powered vehicle. The Japanese and U.S. carmakers hope technical cooperation in such fields as developing the basic system for a fuel cell car will result in a jointly devised system fit for practical use as early as 2020.
ホンダと米ゼネラル・モーターズ（ＧＭ）が燃料電池車を共同開発することで合意した。基幹システム開発などで技術協力し、２０２０年ごろの実用化をめざす。
Sharing the burden
The Honda-GM tie-up marks a change in their respective strategies for developing fuel cell electric vehicles. The two corporations have been separately working to develop such automobiles in recent years. Their alliance can be seen as an attempt to reduce the otherwise massive financial burden of developing fuel cell cars, while also completing the development project in a shorter period.
燃料電池車を独自開発してきた両社にとっては方針転換である。巨額の開発費負担を抑え、開発期間を短縮させる狙いと言える。
The motive behind their decision is a desire not to fall behind alliances formed by their rivals in developing fuel cell vehicles.
両社に決断を促したのは、燃料電池車の開発を巡るライバル企業の合従連衡の動きだ。
Toyota Motor Corp. and BMW AG have signed an accord on joint development. Nissan Motor Co. has also said it will carry out a similar project with Renault SA, Daimler AG and Ford Motor Co. The Toyota-BMW tie-up aims at mass production in 2020, while the latter group hopes to reach a similar goal in 2017.
トヨタ自動車と独ＢＭＷが共同開発で合意した。日産自動車も仏ルノー、独ダイムラー、米フォード・モーターとの共同開発を決めた。トヨタ・ＢＭＷは２０年、日産勢も１７年の量産化が目標だ。
All this means the development race will be bitterly fought by carmakers around the world, including South Korean and Chinese competitors and other corporations unrelated to the Japanese, U.S. and European manufacturers.
日米欧３陣営以外の企業や、韓国、中国メーカーなども含めて、しのぎを削ることになる。
The fuel cell vehicle is powered by a motor run by electricity generated through a hydrogen-oxygen reaction. It is comparable to an electric vehicle (EV) in that neither automobile emits carbon dioxide.
燃料電池車は、水素と酸素を反応させて電気を起こし、モーターを回して走行する仕組みだ。電気自動車（ＥＶ）と同じく、走行中にＣＯ２を出さない。
Another advantage the fuel cell car offers is mileage. A hydrogen refill for a fuel cell vehicle enables a 500-kilometer drive, nearly twice the range of an EV car. Moreover, refueling takes only three minutes.
しかも、１回の水素の充填(じゅうてん)で走れる距離が約５００キロ・メートルとＥＶのほぼ２倍で、充填時間もわずか３分で済むという利点がある。
About 10 years ago, fuel cell cars were priced at a hefty 100 million yen per unit. Although prices have fallen sharply, a fuel cell vehicle still carries a price tag of about 10 million yen today.
約１０年前に１台１億円だった価格は大幅に値下がりしたが、まだ約１０００万円と高い。
Toyota and Honda are seeking to lower the price to 5 million yen or so. An important challenge facing each car manufacturer is reducing the price through technical innovation. This task also must be complemented by efforts to ensure the safety of such vehicles.
トヨタ、ホンダの目標は５００万円程度だ。各社の技術革新による価格引き下げが課題になる。安全性の確保も求められよう。
Another key task is to expedite efforts to build more hydrogen stations. Companies in the oil and other industries are planning to set up 100 stations nationwide by the end of 2015. However, that would be too few to encourage the spread of fuel cell car use.
水素ステーションの整備も急がねばならない。石油など関係業界は、１５年までに全国で１００か所を整備する計画だが、普及に弾みをつけるには、これでは不十分ではないか。
Infrastructure needed
The government’s growth strategy includes a plan to reconsider regulations with regard to the installation of hydrogen stations. It is essential for the government to further support the efforts of related businesses to spread such facilities.
政府は、水素ステーション整備に関する規制の見直しを成長戦略に盛り込んだ。政府のさらなる後押しが必要である。
As circumstances stand today, hybrid vehicles (HVs) have become a common choice for ecologically friendly vehicles. The race to develop hybrid cars, which combine an internal combustion engine and an electric motor, has been led by Toyota and Honda. The situation contrasts with the slow progress in the spread of EVs, partly due to the short distance covered by such automobiles for each recharge.
エコカーを巡っては、トヨタとホンダが先行した、電気モーターとガソリンエンジンで走るハイブリッド車（ＨＶ）が普及している。一方、ＥＶは走行距離の短さなどから伸び悩んでいる。
We hope Japanese automakers will strive to improve the performance of HVs and EVs while at the same time stepping up efforts to develop fuel cell vehicles, a move that will provide consumers with more choices for an eco-car purchase. If they can lead the development race, it would do much to shore up Japan’s industrial competitiveness in the global market.
日本各社は、ＨＶとＥＶの性能向上を目指すとともに、燃料電池車の開発を急ぎ、エコカーの選択肢を増やしてもらいたい。開発を主導できれば、日本の産業競争力の強化にもつながるだろう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 17, 2013)
（2013年7月17日01時19分 読売新聞）
Developing budget fuel cell cars is a key task for automakers
燃料電池車競争 低価格実現が普及のカギ握る（7月17日付・読売社説）
The race among carmakers to develop vehicles powered by fuel cells is heating up. With no direct carbon dioxide emissions, electric automobiles with fuel cells are envisioned as the preeminent next-generation eco-car.
二酸化炭素（ＣＯ２）を排出せず、次世代エコカーの本命とも言われる「燃料電池車」の開発競争が白熱してきた。
When will the world’s major automakers be able to reduce the price of such a vehicle through mass production? Drivers around the world are keenly watching to see which carmaker will be the first to achieve an affordable fuel cell car.
日米欧の主要メーカーが、いつ量産化による低価格を実現できるか。世界のユーザーが注目する先陣争いだ。
Honda Motor Co. and General Motors Co. have agreed to jointly develop a fuel cell-powered vehicle. The Japanese and U.S. carmakers hope technical cooperation in such fields as developing the basic system for a fuel cell car will result in a jointly devised system fit for practical use as early as 2020.
ホンダと米ゼネラル・モーターズ（ＧＭ）が燃料電池車を共同開発することで合意した。基幹システム開発などで技術協力し、２０２０年ごろの実用化をめざす。
Sharing the burden
The Honda-GM tie-up marks a change in their respective strategies for developing fuel cell electric vehicles. The two corporations have been separately working to develop such automobiles in recent years. Their alliance can be seen as an attempt to reduce the otherwise massive financial burden of developing fuel cell cars, while also completing the development project in a shorter period.
燃料電池車を独自開発してきた両社にとっては方針転換である。巨額の開発費負担を抑え、開発期間を短縮させる狙いと言える。
The motive behind their decision is a desire not to fall behind alliances formed by their rivals in developing fuel cell vehicles.
両社に決断を促したのは、燃料電池車の開発を巡るライバル企業の合従連衡の動きだ。
Toyota Motor Corp. and BMW AG have signed an accord on joint development. Nissan Motor Co. has also said it will carry out a similar project with Renault SA, Daimler AG and Ford Motor Co. The Toyota-BMW tie-up aims at mass production in 2020, while the latter group hopes to reach a similar goal in 2017.
トヨタ自動車と独ＢＭＷが共同開発で合意した。日産自動車も仏ルノー、独ダイムラー、米フォード・モーターとの共同開発を決めた。トヨタ・ＢＭＷは２０年、日産勢も１７年の量産化が目標だ。
All this means the development race will be bitterly fought by carmakers around the world, including South Korean and Chinese competitors and other corporations unrelated to the Japanese, U.S. and European manufacturers.
日米欧３陣営以外の企業や、韓国、中国メーカーなども含めて、しのぎを削ることになる。
The fuel cell vehicle is powered by a motor run by electricity generated through a hydrogen-oxygen reaction. It is comparable to an electric vehicle (EV) in that neither automobile emits carbon dioxide.
燃料電池車は、水素と酸素を反応させて電気を起こし、モーターを回して走行する仕組みだ。電気自動車（ＥＶ）と同じく、走行中にＣＯ２を出さない。
Another advantage the fuel cell car offers is mileage. A hydrogen refill for a fuel cell vehicle enables a 500-kilometer drive, nearly twice the range of an EV car. Moreover, refueling takes only three minutes.
しかも、１回の水素の充填(じゅうてん)で走れる距離が約５００キロ・メートルとＥＶのほぼ２倍で、充填時間もわずか３分で済むという利点がある。
About 10 years ago, fuel cell cars were priced at a hefty 100 million yen per unit. Although prices have fallen sharply, a fuel cell vehicle still carries a price tag of about 10 million yen today.
約１０年前に１台１億円だった価格は大幅に値下がりしたが、まだ約１０００万円と高い。
Toyota and Honda are seeking to lower the price to 5 million yen or so. An important challenge facing each car manufacturer is reducing the price through technical innovation. This task also must be complemented by efforts to ensure the safety of such vehicles.
トヨタ、ホンダの目標は５００万円程度だ。各社の技術革新による価格引き下げが課題になる。安全性の確保も求められよう。
Another key task is to expedite efforts to build more hydrogen stations. Companies in the oil and other industries are planning to set up 100 stations nationwide by the end of 2015. However, that would be too few to encourage the spread of fuel cell car use.
水素ステーションの整備も急がねばならない。石油など関係業界は、１５年までに全国で１００か所を整備する計画だが、普及に弾みをつけるには、これでは不十分ではないか。
Infrastructure needed
The government’s growth strategy includes a plan to reconsider regulations with regard to the installation of hydrogen stations. It is essential for the government to further support the efforts of related businesses to spread such facilities.
政府は、水素ステーション整備に関する規制の見直しを成長戦略に盛り込んだ。政府のさらなる後押しが必要である。
As circumstances stand today, hybrid vehicles (HVs) have become a common choice for ecologically friendly vehicles. The race to develop hybrid cars, which combine an internal combustion engine and an electric motor, has been led by Toyota and Honda. The situation contrasts with the slow progress in the spread of EVs, partly due to the short distance covered by such automobiles for each recharge.
エコカーを巡っては、トヨタとホンダが先行した、電気モーターとガソリンエンジンで走るハイブリッド車（ＨＶ）が普及している。一方、ＥＶは走行距離の短さなどから伸び悩んでいる。
We hope Japanese automakers will strive to improve the performance of HVs and EVs while at the same time stepping up efforts to develop fuel cell vehicles, a move that will provide consumers with more choices for an eco-car purchase. If they can lead the development race, it would do much to shore up Japan’s industrial competitiveness in the global market.
日本各社は、ＨＶとＥＶの性能向上を目指すとともに、燃料電池車の開発を急ぎ、エコカーの選択肢を増やしてもらいたい。開発を主導できれば、日本の産業競争力の強化にもつながるだろう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 17, 2013)
（2013年7月17日01時19分 読売新聞）
2013年07月18日
米中戦略対話 世界の安定に責任を果たせ
The Yomiuri Shimbun July 17, 2013
China must act responsibly for sake of global stability
米中戦略対話 世界の安定に責任を果たせ（7月16日付・読売社説）
The fifth round of the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue was held recently in Washington, D.C. For the stability of not only the Asia-Pacific region but also the entire world, it is vital that cabinet members of the world’s two largest economic powers hold talks to confirm the need for bilateral cooperation in a wide range of areas, including diplomatic relations, national security and economic matters.
米国の首都ワシントンで第５回米中戦略・経済対話が開かれた。
世界第１位と２位の経済大国の閣僚が外交や安全保障、経済など幅広い分野で協調を確認することは、アジア太平洋地域のみならず世界の安定にとって極めて重要だ。
This was the first strategic and economic dialogue for the Chinese government under President Xi Jinping since it was launched earlier this year. Building on summit talks held last month, Washington and Beijing hope to deepen bilateral ties.
中国の習近平政権にとっては、発足後初めて臨む戦略・経済対話となった。先の首脳会談を踏まえて、関係を一層深めたいとの思惑では、米中とも一致している。
Their agreements on drawing up an action plan to fight global warming and starting working-level talks for concluding a bilateral investment accord are positive results of the dialogue.
地球温暖化防止の行動計画策定や、投資協定締結に向けた実質協議入りで合意したのは成果だ。
In step on North Korea
The two countries also shared the recognition that it is important for North Korea to take concrete steps to end its nuclear development program.
北朝鮮の核問題でも、非核化へ北朝鮮が具体的措置を取ることの重要性で認識を共有した。
We hope China will not only urge Pyongyang to resume six-nation talks on its nuclear program, but also warn North Korea that sanctions against that country will not be eased unless it takes tangible steps to eliminate its existing nuclear weapons.
中国は、北朝鮮に対し、６か国協議の再開を促すだけでなく、非核化へ動くまで制裁は緩めないとクギを刺してもらいたい。
However, the United States and China found little else on which their positions matched.
米中の主張は、その他の分野ではかみ合わない点が目立った。
They have been at loggerheads over cybertheft. The United States condemned China’s actions of illicitly obtaining information of U.S. companies through cyber-attacks. Although both sides agreed to continue discussing the issue at working-level talks, they remain far apart.
特に激しく対立したサイバー問題では、米国は、サイバー攻撃で米企業の情報を不正入手する中国の行為を強く非難した。作業部会で協議を継続することにはなったが、隔たりは依然大きい。
The Chinese side reiterated its previous assertions that it is also has been a victim of hacking. Yet as long as China only tries to avoid dealing with this problem, it does not deserve to be called a “responsible major power.”
中国側は「我々も被害者だ」と従来の主張を繰り返した。問題を先送りにするだけなら、「責任ある大国」とは言えまい。
Territorial tussles
Territorial and maritime issues have also been a bugbear in U.S.-China relations.
領土・海洋問題も対立事項だ。
During the dialogue, U.S. Vice President Joe Biden expressed concern and said the future of “the freedom of navigation” will depend on how China deals with territorial disputes with its neighboring countries.
バイデン米副大統領は、「航行の自由」の将来は、「中国が隣国との領土紛争にどう対応するかで決まる」と、懸念を表明した。
U.S. President Barack Obama, during his meeting at the White House with Chinese officials who attended the dialogue, also urged China to peacefully handle maritime territorial issues with its neighbors, rather than use threats or coercion.
オバマ大統領も、戦略対話の出席者とホワイトハウスで面会した際、海洋を巡る近隣諸国との争いには威嚇や強制ではなく、平和的に対処するよう注文を付けた。
Chinese surveillance vessels have repeatedly entered Japanese waters around the Senkaku Islands in Okinawa Prefecture. In January, a Chinese Navy vessel locked its fire-control radar onto a Maritime Self-Defense Force destroyer. China’s intimidation of the Philippines and Vietnam over islets in the South China Sea has been escalating.
沖縄県・尖閣諸島周辺では、中国監視船の領海侵入が相次ぎ、１月には中国海軍のレーダー照射事件が起きた。南シナ海ではフィリピンやベトナムへの中国の威圧行動がエスカレートしている。
The Obama administration has attempted to strongly restrain China, which has threatened U.S. allies and their sea lanes, with intolerable acts of provocation.
そうした目に余る挑発行為で、米国の同盟国や海上交通路（シーレーン）を脅かす中国を、オバマ政権が強く牽制(けんせい)したものだ。
Not to be outdone, China called on the United States not to meddle in territorial issues in the East China and South China seas. Beijing maintained its stance that it would resolutely defend its territory and that the disputes would be resolved properly through talks with the nations concerned.
中国は逆に、東シナ海や南シナ海で介入しないよう米国に求めた。「断固として主権を守る。当事国が協議を通じて適切に解決する」との姿勢を崩さなかった。
As long as the Xi administration continues intimidating neighboring countries with shows of force and unilaterally pursues its “pivotal interests,” there will not be stability in the region.
習政権が近隣諸国を力で威圧し、自国の「核心的利益」を一方的に追求する限り、地域の安定は望めない。
If China genuinely aims to build “a new type of relationship as major powers,” a relationship of coexistance on an equal footing with the United States, it needs to fulfill the responsibilities commensurate to such a power.
中国が米国と対等の共存関係である「新しいタイプの大国関係」を目指すのであれば、相応の責任を果たす必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 16, 2013)
（2013年7月16日01時37分 読売新聞）
China must act responsibly for sake of global stability
米中戦略対話 世界の安定に責任を果たせ（7月16日付・読売社説）
The fifth round of the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue was held recently in Washington, D.C. For the stability of not only the Asia-Pacific region but also the entire world, it is vital that cabinet members of the world’s two largest economic powers hold talks to confirm the need for bilateral cooperation in a wide range of areas, including diplomatic relations, national security and economic matters.
米国の首都ワシントンで第５回米中戦略・経済対話が開かれた。
世界第１位と２位の経済大国の閣僚が外交や安全保障、経済など幅広い分野で協調を確認することは、アジア太平洋地域のみならず世界の安定にとって極めて重要だ。
This was the first strategic and economic dialogue for the Chinese government under President Xi Jinping since it was launched earlier this year. Building on summit talks held last month, Washington and Beijing hope to deepen bilateral ties.
中国の習近平政権にとっては、発足後初めて臨む戦略・経済対話となった。先の首脳会談を踏まえて、関係を一層深めたいとの思惑では、米中とも一致している。
Their agreements on drawing up an action plan to fight global warming and starting working-level talks for concluding a bilateral investment accord are positive results of the dialogue.
地球温暖化防止の行動計画策定や、投資協定締結に向けた実質協議入りで合意したのは成果だ。
In step on North Korea
The two countries also shared the recognition that it is important for North Korea to take concrete steps to end its nuclear development program.
北朝鮮の核問題でも、非核化へ北朝鮮が具体的措置を取ることの重要性で認識を共有した。
We hope China will not only urge Pyongyang to resume six-nation talks on its nuclear program, but also warn North Korea that sanctions against that country will not be eased unless it takes tangible steps to eliminate its existing nuclear weapons.
中国は、北朝鮮に対し、６か国協議の再開を促すだけでなく、非核化へ動くまで制裁は緩めないとクギを刺してもらいたい。
However, the United States and China found little else on which their positions matched.
米中の主張は、その他の分野ではかみ合わない点が目立った。
They have been at loggerheads over cybertheft. The United States condemned China’s actions of illicitly obtaining information of U.S. companies through cyber-attacks. Although both sides agreed to continue discussing the issue at working-level talks, they remain far apart.
特に激しく対立したサイバー問題では、米国は、サイバー攻撃で米企業の情報を不正入手する中国の行為を強く非難した。作業部会で協議を継続することにはなったが、隔たりは依然大きい。
The Chinese side reiterated its previous assertions that it is also has been a victim of hacking. Yet as long as China only tries to avoid dealing with this problem, it does not deserve to be called a “responsible major power.”
中国側は「我々も被害者だ」と従来の主張を繰り返した。問題を先送りにするだけなら、「責任ある大国」とは言えまい。
Territorial tussles
Territorial and maritime issues have also been a bugbear in U.S.-China relations.
領土・海洋問題も対立事項だ。
During the dialogue, U.S. Vice President Joe Biden expressed concern and said the future of “the freedom of navigation” will depend on how China deals with territorial disputes with its neighboring countries.
バイデン米副大統領は、「航行の自由」の将来は、「中国が隣国との領土紛争にどう対応するかで決まる」と、懸念を表明した。
U.S. President Barack Obama, during his meeting at the White House with Chinese officials who attended the dialogue, also urged China to peacefully handle maritime territorial issues with its neighbors, rather than use threats or coercion.
オバマ大統領も、戦略対話の出席者とホワイトハウスで面会した際、海洋を巡る近隣諸国との争いには威嚇や強制ではなく、平和的に対処するよう注文を付けた。
Chinese surveillance vessels have repeatedly entered Japanese waters around the Senkaku Islands in Okinawa Prefecture. In January, a Chinese Navy vessel locked its fire-control radar onto a Maritime Self-Defense Force destroyer. China’s intimidation of the Philippines and Vietnam over islets in the South China Sea has been escalating.
沖縄県・尖閣諸島周辺では、中国監視船の領海侵入が相次ぎ、１月には中国海軍のレーダー照射事件が起きた。南シナ海ではフィリピンやベトナムへの中国の威圧行動がエスカレートしている。
The Obama administration has attempted to strongly restrain China, which has threatened U.S. allies and their sea lanes, with intolerable acts of provocation.
そうした目に余る挑発行為で、米国の同盟国や海上交通路（シーレーン）を脅かす中国を、オバマ政権が強く牽制(けんせい)したものだ。
Not to be outdone, China called on the United States not to meddle in territorial issues in the East China and South China seas. Beijing maintained its stance that it would resolutely defend its territory and that the disputes would be resolved properly through talks with the nations concerned.
中国は逆に、東シナ海や南シナ海で介入しないよう米国に求めた。「断固として主権を守る。当事国が協議を通じて適切に解決する」との姿勢を崩さなかった。
As long as the Xi administration continues intimidating neighboring countries with shows of force and unilaterally pursues its “pivotal interests,” there will not be stability in the region.
習政権が近隣諸国を力で威圧し、自国の「核心的利益」を一方的に追求する限り、地域の安定は望めない。
If China genuinely aims to build “a new type of relationship as major powers,” a relationship of coexistance on an equal footing with the United States, it needs to fulfill the responsibilities commensurate to such a power.
中国が米国と対等の共存関係である「新しいタイプの大国関係」を目指すのであれば、相応の責任を果たす必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 16, 2013)
（2013年7月16日01時37分 読売新聞）
2013年07月17日
食品ロス削減 消費者の意識改める第一歩に
The Yomiuri Shimbun July 16, 2013
New rule should be used to make society aware of immense food loss
食品ロス削減 消費者の意識改める第一歩に（7月15日付・読売社説）
The amount of food loss, or food that is still edible but is discarded, is increasing. Business corporations, consumers and the government must cooperate with each other to reduce this waste.
まだ食べられるのに廃棄される「食品ロス」が増えている。企業と消費者、政府が連携し、削減に取り組みたい。
Seventeen million tons of food is discarded annually in this country. It is estimated that between 5 million and 8 million tons of the total is food loss. This almost equals the annual domestic rice crop and represents an immense waste.
日本では年間１７００万トンの食品廃棄物が発生し、このうち食品ロスは推計で５００万〜８００万トンに上る。国内のコメの収穫量とほぼ同規模で、あまりにも巨大な損失である。
lst step forward
Under the leadership of the government, which had discussed ways to deal with food loss, about 40 food producers, wholesalers, and retailers such as operators of convenience stores and supermarket chains decided to start reviewing their trade practices concerning the best-before date of processed food. This can be a first step forward in the efforts to reduce food waste.
対策を検討してきた政府が主導し、食品メーカーや卸業者、コンビニ、スーパーなど約４０社が加工食品の賞味期限に関する商慣行の見直しに着手することを決めた。削減に向けた第一歩と言える。
In the food production and retail industries, there is a trade practice called the “one-third rule.” Under this rule, foodstuff is to be delivered to retailers in the first one-third of the period from the food production date to the best-before date, while in the remaining two-thirds of the period, the food is to be sold by retailers.
食品・流通業界には「３分の１ルール」と呼ぶ商慣行がある。製造日から賞味期限までの３分の１にあたる時期を小売店への納品期限とし、残り３分の２の期間を店頭での販売期間とする。
Food whose time limit for delivery passes is returned from wholesalers to producers, and most of it is discarded, a leading factor behind the increase in food loss.
納品期限を過ぎた食品は、卸売業者からメーカーに返品され、ほとんどが廃棄されるため、食品ロスが増える要因となってきた。
Starting next month, the 40 companies will change the one-third rule and extend the time limit for delivery to retailers to one-half of the period from the food production date to the best-before date, if only for a certain type of processed food, such as confectionery and beverages.
約４０社は８月から３分の１ルールを改め、菓子や飲料など加工食品の一部の納品期限を賞味期限の２分の１まで延ばす方針だ。
This will reduce food inventories, but it may also reduce the amount of food that is discarded.
これによって、在庫を削減できれば、廃棄される商品を減らす効果が期待できよう。
Trimming the costs needed for returning and discarding products, and for managing inventories can lower the products’ prices, which would also benefit consumers.
返品や廃棄、在庫管理にかかる費用を抑えることで、商品の値下げにつながり、消費者にも恩恵が及ぶのではないか。
Unless the review of the one-third rule spreads through the entire industry, however, the effect of reducing food waste will be limited. Therefore, it is important for the government and related businesses to increase the number of those businesses adopting the new rule.
ただ、ルールの見直しが業界全体に広がらないと、削減効果は限られる。政府と業界は、参加企業の拡大を図ることが大事だ。
Business firms also need to make efforts to develop new technologies to improve such things as containers and packaging to extend the best-before date.
企業は、容器や包装の改良で賞味期限自体を延ばすなど技術開発にも力を注ぐ必要がある。
It is also necessary to raise consumers’ awareness about food waste, primarily because households account for one-half of food loss. The government must also proactively work to raise consumers’ awareness.
併せて問われているのは、消費者の意識改革だろう。食品ロスの半分は家庭で発生するからだ。政府は消費者の啓発活動にも積極的に取り組むべきである。
One-third rule deep rooted
The one-third rule has taken root in our society primarily because consumers prefer to buy fresher goods.
３分の１ルールが定着した背景には、少しでも新しい食品を好む消費者の「鮮度志向」がある。
The best-before date for processed food is considered to mark the end of the period during which the food tastes its best.
Therefore, even if the food passes its best-before date, there is no need for it to be discarded right away.
加工食品の賞味期限はおいしく食べられる期限であり、期限を過ぎても直ちに捨てる必要はない。
The best-before date is different from the expiration date for perishable food, which means one should not consume it for safety reasons beyond that date.
期限を過ぎたら食べてはいけない生鮮食品の消費期限とは違う。
If consumers seek freshness of foodstuffs excessively, food prices are likely to rise, which would be against the interests of the consumer. Although it is important for consumers to take food safety seriously, they should refrain from seeking food freshness too much.
鮮度を過度に求めると、価格が割高になって、かえって消費者の利益を損ねる場合もある。消費者が食品の安全性に厳しい目を向けることは大切だが、過剰な鮮度志向は改めてもらいたい。
With the global supply-demand situation of foodstuffs tightening, Japan depends on imports for as much as 60 percent of its food. All of society should continue making efforts to reduce food loss.
世界の食料需給が逼迫(ひっぱく)する中で日本は食料の６割を輸入に頼る。社会全体で食品ロスを減らす努力を続けていかねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 15, 2013)
（2013年7月15日01時31分 読売新聞）
New rule should be used to make society aware of immense food loss
食品ロス削減 消費者の意識改める第一歩に（7月15日付・読売社説）
The amount of food loss, or food that is still edible but is discarded, is increasing. Business corporations, consumers and the government must cooperate with each other to reduce this waste.
まだ食べられるのに廃棄される「食品ロス」が増えている。企業と消費者、政府が連携し、削減に取り組みたい。
Seventeen million tons of food is discarded annually in this country. It is estimated that between 5 million and 8 million tons of the total is food loss. This almost equals the annual domestic rice crop and represents an immense waste.
日本では年間１７００万トンの食品廃棄物が発生し、このうち食品ロスは推計で５００万〜８００万トンに上る。国内のコメの収穫量とほぼ同規模で、あまりにも巨大な損失である。
lst step forward
Under the leadership of the government, which had discussed ways to deal with food loss, about 40 food producers, wholesalers, and retailers such as operators of convenience stores and supermarket chains decided to start reviewing their trade practices concerning the best-before date of processed food. This can be a first step forward in the efforts to reduce food waste.
対策を検討してきた政府が主導し、食品メーカーや卸業者、コンビニ、スーパーなど約４０社が加工食品の賞味期限に関する商慣行の見直しに着手することを決めた。削減に向けた第一歩と言える。
In the food production and retail industries, there is a trade practice called the “one-third rule.” Under this rule, foodstuff is to be delivered to retailers in the first one-third of the period from the food production date to the best-before date, while in the remaining two-thirds of the period, the food is to be sold by retailers.
食品・流通業界には「３分の１ルール」と呼ぶ商慣行がある。製造日から賞味期限までの３分の１にあたる時期を小売店への納品期限とし、残り３分の２の期間を店頭での販売期間とする。
Food whose time limit for delivery passes is returned from wholesalers to producers, and most of it is discarded, a leading factor behind the increase in food loss.
納品期限を過ぎた食品は、卸売業者からメーカーに返品され、ほとんどが廃棄されるため、食品ロスが増える要因となってきた。
Starting next month, the 40 companies will change the one-third rule and extend the time limit for delivery to retailers to one-half of the period from the food production date to the best-before date, if only for a certain type of processed food, such as confectionery and beverages.
約４０社は８月から３分の１ルールを改め、菓子や飲料など加工食品の一部の納品期限を賞味期限の２分の１まで延ばす方針だ。
This will reduce food inventories, but it may also reduce the amount of food that is discarded.
これによって、在庫を削減できれば、廃棄される商品を減らす効果が期待できよう。
Trimming the costs needed for returning and discarding products, and for managing inventories can lower the products’ prices, which would also benefit consumers.
返品や廃棄、在庫管理にかかる費用を抑えることで、商品の値下げにつながり、消費者にも恩恵が及ぶのではないか。
Unless the review of the one-third rule spreads through the entire industry, however, the effect of reducing food waste will be limited. Therefore, it is important for the government and related businesses to increase the number of those businesses adopting the new rule.
ただ、ルールの見直しが業界全体に広がらないと、削減効果は限られる。政府と業界は、参加企業の拡大を図ることが大事だ。
Business firms also need to make efforts to develop new technologies to improve such things as containers and packaging to extend the best-before date.
企業は、容器や包装の改良で賞味期限自体を延ばすなど技術開発にも力を注ぐ必要がある。
It is also necessary to raise consumers’ awareness about food waste, primarily because households account for one-half of food loss. The government must also proactively work to raise consumers’ awareness.
併せて問われているのは、消費者の意識改革だろう。食品ロスの半分は家庭で発生するからだ。政府は消費者の啓発活動にも積極的に取り組むべきである。
One-third rule deep rooted
The one-third rule has taken root in our society primarily because consumers prefer to buy fresher goods.
３分の１ルールが定着した背景には、少しでも新しい食品を好む消費者の「鮮度志向」がある。
The best-before date for processed food is considered to mark the end of the period during which the food tastes its best.
Therefore, even if the food passes its best-before date, there is no need for it to be discarded right away.
加工食品の賞味期限はおいしく食べられる期限であり、期限を過ぎても直ちに捨てる必要はない。
The best-before date is different from the expiration date for perishable food, which means one should not consume it for safety reasons beyond that date.
期限を過ぎたら食べてはいけない生鮮食品の消費期限とは違う。
If consumers seek freshness of foodstuffs excessively, food prices are likely to rise, which would be against the interests of the consumer. Although it is important for consumers to take food safety seriously, they should refrain from seeking food freshness too much.
鮮度を過度に求めると、価格が割高になって、かえって消費者の利益を損ねる場合もある。消費者が食品の安全性に厳しい目を向けることは大切だが、過剰な鮮度志向は改めてもらいたい。
With the global supply-demand situation of foodstuffs tightening, Japan depends on imports for as much as 60 percent of its food. All of society should continue making efforts to reduce food loss.
世界の食料需給が逼迫(ひっぱく)する中で日本は食料の６割を輸入に頼る。社会全体で食品ロスを減らす努力を続けていかねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 15, 2013)
（2013年7月15日01時31分 読売新聞）
2013年07月16日
１３参院選 憲法改正 新たな国家像の議論を深めよ
The Yomiuri Shimbun July 15, 2013
Deepen debate on Constitution to build consensus on revision
１３参院選 憲法改正 新たな国家像の議論を深めよ（7月14日付・読売社説）
◆与野党の合意形成を図りたい
The supreme law provides the framework of this country, but what form should it take?
国家の枠組みを定めた最高法規はどうあるべきだろうか――。
Revision of the Constitution is a major issue in the campaign for the July 21 House of Councillors election. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party, Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) and Your Party support revising the Constitution, and New Komeito is considering it.
参院選で憲法改正が主要な争点になっている。自民党と日本維新の会、みんなの党は改正に積極的で、公明党も改正を検討する。
Depending on results of the upper house election, political conditions allowing the Diet to propose constitutional revisions could be created for the first time since the end of World War II.
参院選の結果次第では、国会が憲法改正を発議できる政治状況が戦後初めて生まれよう。
Dealing with Article 96
◆ハードル高い発議要件
One bone of contention in the election campaign centers on Article 96 of the Constitution, which stipulates procedures to revise the supreme law.
参院選の論点の一つが、憲法改正手続きを定めた９６条である。
The article says a constitutional revision will be put to a national referendum after the Diet proposes it with a concurring vote of two-thirds or more of all members in each chamber. This requirement is said to be much stricter than that of other countries.
憲法改正は、衆参各院で「３分の２以上」の賛成により国会が発議し、その上で国民投票にかけられる。改正のハードルは海外と比べても極めて高いと言える。
The LDP advocates that the requirement for the initiative should be lowered to a simple majority so the public can more easily have “an opportunity to participate in a constitutional judgment” through a national referendum.
自民党は発議要件を「過半数」に緩和し、国民が国民投票を通じて「憲法判断に参加する機会」を得やすくすると主張している。
Ishin no Kai says that Article 96 should be revised first, and Your Party agrees with relaxation of the requirement. The main opposition Democratic Party of Japan and Komeito oppose amending this article first, but they do not disagree with the revision itself.
維新の会は９６条の「先行改正」を唱え、みんなの党も要件緩和に賛成だ。民主、公明両党は先行改正には反対だが、９６条の改正自体を否定はしていない。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has taken a flexible stance in consideration of the position of Komeito, the LDP’s coalition partner, suggesting that articles on basic human rights, pacifism and sovereignty of the people would not be subject to the relaxed requirement for revision.
安倍首相は、公明党の立場に配慮し、基本的人権や平和主義、国民主権に関わる条項を発議要件緩和の対象から除外する案に言及するなど、柔軟に対応する意向も示している。
The LDP needs to coordinate its opinions with the other parties to realize revision of the Constitution. The ruling party should take a pragmatic approach through consensus-building with other parties even if it has to revise its own draft.
憲法改正を実現するには、他党との調整が欠かせない。自民党案を修正してでも合意形成を目指すのは、現実的である。
The Japanese Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party oppose amending the Constitution, including Article 96, based on “constitutionalism,” the idea that harnessing power of the state and protecting the people are the essence of a constitution.
共産、社民両党は、国家権力を縛り、国民を守るのが憲法の本質だとする「立憲主義」を掲げて９６条改正などに反対している。
Abe has hit back at this interpretation of constitutionalism and said it is to rein in an autocratic government. The prime minister pointed out that a constitution will not only harness state power but also show what form a state should be.
首相は、この立憲主義の解釈について「専制主義的な政府に対する考え方だ」と反論し、憲法は権力を縛るとともに国の姿を示すものだ、と指摘している。
Of course, a constitution can restrict state power but it also provides the philosophy and role of a state.
憲法には権力の制限規範という側面もあるが、基本的な価値観や国家の役割も明示されている。
Even if the Diet’s requirement for a constitutional revision is relaxed, there will be no change in the need for a national referendum to revise the Constititution. We can hardly understand why some parties consider it incompatible with constitutionalism.
国会の発議要件を緩和しても、国民投票で改正を決めることに変わりはない。それなのに、なぜ立憲主義と相いれないことになるのか。理解に苦しむ。
Some people claim that revision of Article 96 will allow a person in power to revise the Constitution as easily as ordinary laws. Isn’t this rather simplistic?
９６条改正が実現すると、時の権力者が憲法を一般の法律並みに改正できるかのような論法もある。短絡的に過ぎないか。
◆自衛隊の規定が必要だ
Article 9 also is a major point of contention.
９条も重要な論点だ。
The LDP’s draft, released last year, for revising the supreme law calls for keeping the war-renouncing principle of Article 9 intact, while deleting its second paragraph, which prohibits this country from possessing any war potential. Instead, it calls for newly including a provision in Article 9 for establishment of a “military force for defense” and the state’s obligations for securing the nation’s territorial integrity in cooperation with the public.
自民党の改正草案は、９条の平和主義は堅持しつつ、戦力不保持の２項を削り、「国防軍」設置や領土の保全義務を新たに規定するとした。
Define status of SDF
Abe has stated, “Although the SDF are regarded by other countries as a military force, in this country they are not,” adding, “It is unreasonable for a large-scale organization of forces to have no status in the eyes of the Constitution.” Abe’s argument is reasonable.
首相が、「自衛隊は外国では軍隊と認識され、日本では軍隊ではないと言っている。大きな実力組織が憲法にないのはおかしい」と主張するのは至極当然である。
Revision of Article 9 is vitally important to deepen the Japan-U.S. alliance as well as to increase Japan’s participation in such international cooperation activities as U.N.-mandated peacekeeping operations.
９条の改正は、日米同盟を深化し、国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）など国際的な活動に積極的に参加するうえでも欠かせない。
In this connection, it is a major development that Komeito in its upper house election pledges has said the party’s stand of “reinforcing the postwar Constitution by adding new ideas and articles to the supreme law” does include studies about the wisdom of having the existence of the SDF explicitly stipulated by the Constitution.
公明党が、憲法の内容は変えずに新たな理念・条文を加える「加憲」を主張し、その中に自衛隊の存在の明記も検討すると公約したのは大きな前進だ。
Ishin no Kai, for its part, has been advocating the need for constitutional revisions “for the sake of solidly establishing the nation’s own security system on the basis of its right to self-defense.”
維新の会は、「自衛権に基づく自立した安全保障体制確立」に憲法改正が必要と唱えている。
Another opposition party, People’s Life Party, insists that the legal basis for the SDF’s participation in U.N. peacekeeping missions must be clearly laid down.
生活の党は自衛隊がＰＫＯに参加する根拠を定めるという。
In contrast, the JCP and the SDP have been dead set against any changes to Article 9, arguing that alteration of the article would be tantamount to “turning Japan into a country that could wage war.”
共産党や社民党は９条改正について「日本を戦争する国に作り替える」と反対している。
It is undoubtedly irresponsible to affix an extremely negative label to parties favoring constitutional revision without squarely facing up to reality. The aim is to unnecessarily stir voters’ anxieties.
現実を直視せず、極端なレッテル貼りで有権者の不安をあおるのは無責任である。
People’s Life Party leader Ichiro Ozawa, JCP Executive Committee Chairman Kazuo Shii and SDP head Mizuho Fukushima have criticized the LDP’s revision draft because it seeks to delete Article 97, which stipulates the inviolability of basic human rights.
憲法を巡っては、自民党の改正草案が、基本的人権の不可侵性をうたった９７条を削除していることを、生活の党の小沢代表や共産党の志位委員長、社民党の福島党首がやり玉に挙げた。
It seems they are keen to give the public the impression that the LDP is poised to crack down on basic human rights.
自民党案がいかにも基本的人権を軽視しているかのような印象を与えたかったのだろう。
In a rebuttal, Abe has stressed his party has no intention at all to change the fundamental principles of the Constitution, explaining that in the LDP draft Article 11 “absorbs” Article 97. Article 11 contains provisions that have the same effect as Article 97. Therefore, there seems to be no major problem.
安倍首相は、基本原則は変えていないと強調し、同趣旨の条文がある１１条に「吸収させた」と説明した。それならば、大きな問題ではないのではないか。
Deepen debate on Constitution to build consensus on revision
１３参院選 憲法改正 新たな国家像の議論を深めよ（7月14日付・読売社説）
◆与野党の合意形成を図りたい
The supreme law provides the framework of this country, but what form should it take?
国家の枠組みを定めた最高法規はどうあるべきだろうか――。
Revision of the Constitution is a major issue in the campaign for the July 21 House of Councillors election. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party, Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) and Your Party support revising the Constitution, and New Komeito is considering it.
参院選で憲法改正が主要な争点になっている。自民党と日本維新の会、みんなの党は改正に積極的で、公明党も改正を検討する。
Depending on results of the upper house election, political conditions allowing the Diet to propose constitutional revisions could be created for the first time since the end of World War II.
参院選の結果次第では、国会が憲法改正を発議できる政治状況が戦後初めて生まれよう。
Dealing with Article 96
◆ハードル高い発議要件
One bone of contention in the election campaign centers on Article 96 of the Constitution, which stipulates procedures to revise the supreme law.
参院選の論点の一つが、憲法改正手続きを定めた９６条である。
The article says a constitutional revision will be put to a national referendum after the Diet proposes it with a concurring vote of two-thirds or more of all members in each chamber. This requirement is said to be much stricter than that of other countries.
憲法改正は、衆参各院で「３分の２以上」の賛成により国会が発議し、その上で国民投票にかけられる。改正のハードルは海外と比べても極めて高いと言える。
The LDP advocates that the requirement for the initiative should be lowered to a simple majority so the public can more easily have “an opportunity to participate in a constitutional judgment” through a national referendum.
自民党は発議要件を「過半数」に緩和し、国民が国民投票を通じて「憲法判断に参加する機会」を得やすくすると主張している。
Ishin no Kai says that Article 96 should be revised first, and Your Party agrees with relaxation of the requirement. The main opposition Democratic Party of Japan and Komeito oppose amending this article first, but they do not disagree with the revision itself.
維新の会は９６条の「先行改正」を唱え、みんなの党も要件緩和に賛成だ。民主、公明両党は先行改正には反対だが、９６条の改正自体を否定はしていない。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has taken a flexible stance in consideration of the position of Komeito, the LDP’s coalition partner, suggesting that articles on basic human rights, pacifism and sovereignty of the people would not be subject to the relaxed requirement for revision.
安倍首相は、公明党の立場に配慮し、基本的人権や平和主義、国民主権に関わる条項を発議要件緩和の対象から除外する案に言及するなど、柔軟に対応する意向も示している。
The LDP needs to coordinate its opinions with the other parties to realize revision of the Constitution. The ruling party should take a pragmatic approach through consensus-building with other parties even if it has to revise its own draft.
憲法改正を実現するには、他党との調整が欠かせない。自民党案を修正してでも合意形成を目指すのは、現実的である。
The Japanese Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party oppose amending the Constitution, including Article 96, based on “constitutionalism,” the idea that harnessing power of the state and protecting the people are the essence of a constitution.
共産、社民両党は、国家権力を縛り、国民を守るのが憲法の本質だとする「立憲主義」を掲げて９６条改正などに反対している。
Abe has hit back at this interpretation of constitutionalism and said it is to rein in an autocratic government. The prime minister pointed out that a constitution will not only harness state power but also show what form a state should be.
首相は、この立憲主義の解釈について「専制主義的な政府に対する考え方だ」と反論し、憲法は権力を縛るとともに国の姿を示すものだ、と指摘している。
Of course, a constitution can restrict state power but it also provides the philosophy and role of a state.
憲法には権力の制限規範という側面もあるが、基本的な価値観や国家の役割も明示されている。
Even if the Diet’s requirement for a constitutional revision is relaxed, there will be no change in the need for a national referendum to revise the Constititution. We can hardly understand why some parties consider it incompatible with constitutionalism.
国会の発議要件を緩和しても、国民投票で改正を決めることに変わりはない。それなのに、なぜ立憲主義と相いれないことになるのか。理解に苦しむ。
Some people claim that revision of Article 96 will allow a person in power to revise the Constitution as easily as ordinary laws. Isn’t this rather simplistic?
９６条改正が実現すると、時の権力者が憲法を一般の法律並みに改正できるかのような論法もある。短絡的に過ぎないか。
◆自衛隊の規定が必要だ
Article 9 also is a major point of contention.
９条も重要な論点だ。
The LDP’s draft, released last year, for revising the supreme law calls for keeping the war-renouncing principle of Article 9 intact, while deleting its second paragraph, which prohibits this country from possessing any war potential. Instead, it calls for newly including a provision in Article 9 for establishment of a “military force for defense” and the state’s obligations for securing the nation’s territorial integrity in cooperation with the public.
自民党の改正草案は、９条の平和主義は堅持しつつ、戦力不保持の２項を削り、「国防軍」設置や領土の保全義務を新たに規定するとした。
Define status of SDF
Abe has stated, “Although the SDF are regarded by other countries as a military force, in this country they are not,” adding, “It is unreasonable for a large-scale organization of forces to have no status in the eyes of the Constitution.” Abe’s argument is reasonable.
首相が、「自衛隊は外国では軍隊と認識され、日本では軍隊ではないと言っている。大きな実力組織が憲法にないのはおかしい」と主張するのは至極当然である。
Revision of Article 9 is vitally important to deepen the Japan-U.S. alliance as well as to increase Japan’s participation in such international cooperation activities as U.N.-mandated peacekeeping operations.
９条の改正は、日米同盟を深化し、国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）など国際的な活動に積極的に参加するうえでも欠かせない。
In this connection, it is a major development that Komeito in its upper house election pledges has said the party’s stand of “reinforcing the postwar Constitution by adding new ideas and articles to the supreme law” does include studies about the wisdom of having the existence of the SDF explicitly stipulated by the Constitution.
公明党が、憲法の内容は変えずに新たな理念・条文を加える「加憲」を主張し、その中に自衛隊の存在の明記も検討すると公約したのは大きな前進だ。
Ishin no Kai, for its part, has been advocating the need for constitutional revisions “for the sake of solidly establishing the nation’s own security system on the basis of its right to self-defense.”
維新の会は、「自衛権に基づく自立した安全保障体制確立」に憲法改正が必要と唱えている。
Another opposition party, People’s Life Party, insists that the legal basis for the SDF’s participation in U.N. peacekeeping missions must be clearly laid down.
生活の党は自衛隊がＰＫＯに参加する根拠を定めるという。
In contrast, the JCP and the SDP have been dead set against any changes to Article 9, arguing that alteration of the article would be tantamount to “turning Japan into a country that could wage war.”
共産党や社民党は９条改正について「日本を戦争する国に作り替える」と反対している。
It is undoubtedly irresponsible to affix an extremely negative label to parties favoring constitutional revision without squarely facing up to reality. The aim is to unnecessarily stir voters’ anxieties.
現実を直視せず、極端なレッテル貼りで有権者の不安をあおるのは無責任である。
People’s Life Party leader Ichiro Ozawa, JCP Executive Committee Chairman Kazuo Shii and SDP head Mizuho Fukushima have criticized the LDP’s revision draft because it seeks to delete Article 97, which stipulates the inviolability of basic human rights.
憲法を巡っては、自民党の改正草案が、基本的人権の不可侵性をうたった９７条を削除していることを、生活の党の小沢代表や共産党の志位委員長、社民党の福島党首がやり玉に挙げた。
It seems they are keen to give the public the impression that the LDP is poised to crack down on basic human rights.
自民党案がいかにも基本的人権を軽視しているかのような印象を与えたかったのだろう。
In a rebuttal, Abe has stressed his party has no intention at all to change the fundamental principles of the Constitution, explaining that in the LDP draft Article 11 “absorbs” Article 97. Article 11 contains provisions that have the same effect as Article 97. Therefore, there seems to be no major problem.
安倍首相は、基本原則は変えていないと強調し、同趣旨の条文がある１１条に「吸収させた」と説明した。それならば、大きな問題ではないのではないか。