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2010年05月07日
首相沖縄訪問 遅すぎた方針転換と説得工作
The Yomiuri Shimbun (May. 7, 2010)
Futenma policy change, efforts to persuade too late
首相沖縄訪問 遅すぎた方針転換と説得工作（5月5日付・読売社説）
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama at last visited Okinawa Prefecture, his first visit since he took office in September.
鳩山首相がようやく、昨年９月の就任以来初めて沖縄県を訪れた。
While the self-imposed deadline of May 31 is approaching for concluding the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa Prefecture, Hatoyama could not even express concrete relocation plans.
米軍普天間飛行場の移設問題の期限が今月末に迫る中、具体的な移設案を明示することさえできなかった。
As his change of policy, from one that would relocate the functions of the Futenma base outside the prefecture to one that would relocate them mostly within the prefecture, came too late, his efforts to persuade the people of Okinawa into accepting his new policy has become even more difficult.
「県内移設」への方針転換が遅すぎたため、地元への説得工作は一段と困難な状況にある。
During his talks with Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima on Tuesday, Hatoyama said: "It would be difficult to relocate all the functions [of the Futenma base] outside the prefecture. I have to ask the residents of Okinawa to bear a burden."
鳩山首相は沖縄県の仲井真弘多知事との会談で、移設先について「すべて県外というのは難しい。沖縄に負担をお願いしなければならない」と語った。
By saying this, Hatoyama hinted he planned to keep part of the functions of the Futenma air base within the prefecture.
普天間飛行場の機能の一部は沖縄県内に残すとの考えを示したものだ。
The government is coordinating views to replace the existing plan--agreed on in 2006 between Tokyo and Washington--to construct a V-shaped pair of runways by reclaiming land from the sea near the marines' Camp Schwab in the Henoko district of Nago in the prefecture with one to build part of the runway on a so-called quick installation platform, coupled with transferring helicopter troops to Tokunoshima island in Kagoshima Prefecture.
政府は、沖縄県名護市の米軍キャンプ・シュワブ沿岸部を埋め立てる現行計画を杭(くい)打ち桟橋方式に変更する案と、鹿児島県・徳之島へのヘリ部隊の移転を組み合わせる方向で調整している。
===
U.S. unhappy with plan
Yet the U.S. side showed its disapproval of transferring the helicopter troops to Tokunoshima island, which is far from Okinawa Prefecture, where other marines are stationed. Furthermore, because of safety concerns, it remains uncertain whether the U.S. side would agree to the installation platform method.
だが、米側は、他の海兵隊部隊の駐留する沖縄から遠い徳之島への移転に難色を示す。杭打ち桟橋方式にも安全面などの理由から同意するかどうかは不透明だ。
Hatoyama made no reference to any specific relocation sites during his visit to Okinawa, presumably because of these circumstances.
首相が今回、具体的な移設先に言及しなかったのは、こうした事情があるようだ。
If he was earnestly considering settling the relocation issue by the end of May, he should have presented to Okinawa concrete plans and started coordinating views with the local governments much earlier. It is no longer the time for Hatoyama to meet with heads of local governments concerned as if he was merely setting up an excuse for failure.
本気で５月末の問題決着を考えていたのなら、もっと早期に具体案を示し、地元との調整に入るべきだった。もはやアリバイ作りのように地元の首長らと顔合わせをしている段階ではない。
The meandering course of action taken so far by the government is just dreadful.
ここに至る政府の迷走ぶりは目を覆うばかりだ。
To protect the honor of its coalition partner, the Social Democratic Party, which calls for relocating the Futenma base functions outside the country, the government wasted precious time by inspecting alternative sites, including Guam.
国外移転を主張する社民党の顔を立ててグアムなどを視察し、貴重な時間を浪費する。
Meanwhile, ideas surfaced and then sank, such as the one of building a land-based replacement facility for Futenma in Camp Schwab or the one of reclaiming an area off the U.S. Navy's White Beach facility in Uruma, also in Okinawa Prefecture. Both ideas were rejected in the past. The quick installation platform method was also taken up for study 14 years ago.
過去に否定されたシュワブ陸上部案やホワイトビーチ沖合案が浮上しては消える。杭打ち桟橋方式も、１４年前にも検討されたことがある。
===
Past lessons ignored
While the government has not made any use whatsoever of the results and knowledge accumulated through many years of study done by Japan and the United States, and politicians have offered one relocation plan after another--with none of them informed by principle--every new plan seems to have been giving the people of Okinawa the runaround.
長年の検討作業の成果・蓄積を何ら活用せず、政治家がにわか勉強でまとめた移設案を無定見に打ち出し、その度に、移設先の地元を振り回した。
This can be considered a typical example of the pernicious results of "initiatives taken by politicians in forming policies," which the Democratic Party of Japan much advocates.
「政治主導」の悪弊の典型と言えよう。
Needless to say, it is Hatoyama who is most to blame.
無論、最も罪が重いのは鳩山首相である。
While Hatoyama fanned expectations of the people of Okinawa for realizing "the relocation outside the prefecture at a minimum" but now says, "It would be difficult to relocate all the functions from the viewpoint of deterrence," it is only natural for the people of Okinawa to feel resentful.
「最低でも県外移設」と沖縄県民の期待をあおり、今になって「抑止力の観点から県外移設は難しい」と言うのでは、沖縄県側が反発するのは当然だ。
Hatoyama should have changed his policy much earlier to aim at relocating the functions within the prefecture from the viewpoint of security and have apologized to the people of Okinawa for the policy shift.
もっと早く安全保障の観点から県内移設を目指す方針に転換し、沖縄県民に謝るのが筋だった。
It is also absurd for him to condemn the existing plan. Hatoyama recently began calling the land reclamation of the waters near Camp Schwab as envisaged under the plan a "sacrilege against nature." If he truly believes this, he should have said so in the first place. It appears that Hatoyama is trying to modify the existing plan merely for the sake of saving face.
現行計画を否定しているのもおかしい。首相は最近、埋め立てを「自然への冒涜(ぼうとく)」と言い出した。本当にそう考えるなら、最初にそう言うべきだろう。単に自らのメンツを守るため、現行計画の修正を図っているとしか見えない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 5, 2010)
（2010年5月5日01時21分 読売新聞）
Futenma policy change, efforts to persuade too late
首相沖縄訪問 遅すぎた方針転換と説得工作（5月5日付・読売社説）
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama at last visited Okinawa Prefecture, his first visit since he took office in September.
鳩山首相がようやく、昨年９月の就任以来初めて沖縄県を訪れた。
While the self-imposed deadline of May 31 is approaching for concluding the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa Prefecture, Hatoyama could not even express concrete relocation plans.
米軍普天間飛行場の移設問題の期限が今月末に迫る中、具体的な移設案を明示することさえできなかった。
As his change of policy, from one that would relocate the functions of the Futenma base outside the prefecture to one that would relocate them mostly within the prefecture, came too late, his efforts to persuade the people of Okinawa into accepting his new policy has become even more difficult.
「県内移設」への方針転換が遅すぎたため、地元への説得工作は一段と困難な状況にある。
During his talks with Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima on Tuesday, Hatoyama said: "It would be difficult to relocate all the functions [of the Futenma base] outside the prefecture. I have to ask the residents of Okinawa to bear a burden."
鳩山首相は沖縄県の仲井真弘多知事との会談で、移設先について「すべて県外というのは難しい。沖縄に負担をお願いしなければならない」と語った。
By saying this, Hatoyama hinted he planned to keep part of the functions of the Futenma air base within the prefecture.
普天間飛行場の機能の一部は沖縄県内に残すとの考えを示したものだ。
The government is coordinating views to replace the existing plan--agreed on in 2006 between Tokyo and Washington--to construct a V-shaped pair of runways by reclaiming land from the sea near the marines' Camp Schwab in the Henoko district of Nago in the prefecture with one to build part of the runway on a so-called quick installation platform, coupled with transferring helicopter troops to Tokunoshima island in Kagoshima Prefecture.
政府は、沖縄県名護市の米軍キャンプ・シュワブ沿岸部を埋め立てる現行計画を杭(くい)打ち桟橋方式に変更する案と、鹿児島県・徳之島へのヘリ部隊の移転を組み合わせる方向で調整している。
===
U.S. unhappy with plan
Yet the U.S. side showed its disapproval of transferring the helicopter troops to Tokunoshima island, which is far from Okinawa Prefecture, where other marines are stationed. Furthermore, because of safety concerns, it remains uncertain whether the U.S. side would agree to the installation platform method.
だが、米側は、他の海兵隊部隊の駐留する沖縄から遠い徳之島への移転に難色を示す。杭打ち桟橋方式にも安全面などの理由から同意するかどうかは不透明だ。
Hatoyama made no reference to any specific relocation sites during his visit to Okinawa, presumably because of these circumstances.
首相が今回、具体的な移設先に言及しなかったのは、こうした事情があるようだ。
If he was earnestly considering settling the relocation issue by the end of May, he should have presented to Okinawa concrete plans and started coordinating views with the local governments much earlier. It is no longer the time for Hatoyama to meet with heads of local governments concerned as if he was merely setting up an excuse for failure.
本気で５月末の問題決着を考えていたのなら、もっと早期に具体案を示し、地元との調整に入るべきだった。もはやアリバイ作りのように地元の首長らと顔合わせをしている段階ではない。
The meandering course of action taken so far by the government is just dreadful.
ここに至る政府の迷走ぶりは目を覆うばかりだ。
To protect the honor of its coalition partner, the Social Democratic Party, which calls for relocating the Futenma base functions outside the country, the government wasted precious time by inspecting alternative sites, including Guam.
国外移転を主張する社民党の顔を立ててグアムなどを視察し、貴重な時間を浪費する。
Meanwhile, ideas surfaced and then sank, such as the one of building a land-based replacement facility for Futenma in Camp Schwab or the one of reclaiming an area off the U.S. Navy's White Beach facility in Uruma, also in Okinawa Prefecture. Both ideas were rejected in the past. The quick installation platform method was also taken up for study 14 years ago.
過去に否定されたシュワブ陸上部案やホワイトビーチ沖合案が浮上しては消える。杭打ち桟橋方式も、１４年前にも検討されたことがある。
===
Past lessons ignored
While the government has not made any use whatsoever of the results and knowledge accumulated through many years of study done by Japan and the United States, and politicians have offered one relocation plan after another--with none of them informed by principle--every new plan seems to have been giving the people of Okinawa the runaround.
長年の検討作業の成果・蓄積を何ら活用せず、政治家がにわか勉強でまとめた移設案を無定見に打ち出し、その度に、移設先の地元を振り回した。
This can be considered a typical example of the pernicious results of "initiatives taken by politicians in forming policies," which the Democratic Party of Japan much advocates.
「政治主導」の悪弊の典型と言えよう。
Needless to say, it is Hatoyama who is most to blame.
無論、最も罪が重いのは鳩山首相である。
While Hatoyama fanned expectations of the people of Okinawa for realizing "the relocation outside the prefecture at a minimum" but now says, "It would be difficult to relocate all the functions from the viewpoint of deterrence," it is only natural for the people of Okinawa to feel resentful.
「最低でも県外移設」と沖縄県民の期待をあおり、今になって「抑止力の観点から県外移設は難しい」と言うのでは、沖縄県側が反発するのは当然だ。
Hatoyama should have changed his policy much earlier to aim at relocating the functions within the prefecture from the viewpoint of security and have apologized to the people of Okinawa for the policy shift.
もっと早く安全保障の観点から県内移設を目指す方針に転換し、沖縄県民に謝るのが筋だった。
It is also absurd for him to condemn the existing plan. Hatoyama recently began calling the land reclamation of the waters near Camp Schwab as envisaged under the plan a "sacrilege against nature." If he truly believes this, he should have said so in the first place. It appears that Hatoyama is trying to modify the existing plan merely for the sake of saving face.
現行計画を否定しているのもおかしい。首相は最近、埋め立てを「自然への冒涜(ぼうとく)」と言い出した。本当にそう考えるなら、最初にそう言うべきだろう。単に自らのメンツを守るため、現行計画の修正を図っているとしか見えない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 5, 2010)
（2010年5月5日01時21分 読売新聞）
2010年05月06日
派遣法改正―働き方を正す一歩として
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 4
EDITORIAL: Dispatched workers.THE ASAHI SHIMBUN
派遣法改正―働き方を正す一歩として
The Diet is currently debating a bill to amend the law on dispatched workers. The proposed legislation is far from perfect, but at least the Diet can explore ways to correct income disparities that breed poverty.
問題点は少なくないとしても、貧困や格差を是正していくための一歩として役立てる道を考えたい。
Dispatched, or haken, workers have no employment stability. Their jobs, which are found by temporary staffing agencies, can be terminated at a moment's notice in what is known as haken-giri. As a result, people on occasion have suddenly found themselves homeless.
国会で労働者派遣法改正案の審議が進められている。「派遣切り」で仕事を失うと、路頭に迷ってしまう。
The Diet must debate this issue in earnest and find ways to improve job security for dispatched workers.
そんな姿に象徴される不安定な働き方を、どう安定させていくか。そこをしっかりと論じ合うべきである。
The bill aims to protect dispatched workers and overhaul the dispatch system itself. The least protected among these workers are those who are registered with temp staff agencies and gain employment contracts only when jobs are available. This practice will be banned under the amended law, except in 26 fields that require special skills, such as interpreting.
改正案は、派遣労働者の保護と制度の抜本的見直しを掲げる。仕事があるときだけ派遣会社と雇用契約を結ぶ「登録型」は、不安定な働き方の典型だ。これは専門知識が必要な通訳など２６業務を除き、禁止される。
The dispatch of workers to manufacturing companies, where massive dismissals became commonplace, will be allowed only in cases where temp staff agencies are expected to hire workers for more than one year.
大量の「派遣切り」の背景となった製造業への派遣は、派遣元が１年以上雇う見込みのある「常用型」に限られる。
The amended law will also put an end to the illegal practice of giso ukeoi. This is when temp staffing agencies dispatch workers to client companies under disguised contracts that amount to outsourcing. The revised law will force offending client companies to conclude employment contracts directly with dispatched workers. One-day dispatches will, in principle, also be banned.
偽装請負のような違法な働き方をさせた場合は、派遣先に強制的に雇わせる「みなし雇用」制度も創設される。「日雇い」も原則禁止だ。
Since the dispatched workers law came into effect in 1986, the dispatch system has been deregulated time and again. The proposed amendment represents a major turning point.
同法が１９８６年に制定されて以来、派遣労働の規制緩和が続いてきた。今回の改正は大きな転換である。
However, many workers are skeptical of the proposed revisions because they do not expect any substantive results. Some point out that regulating the dispatch system further will only result in a change of their status to workers under ukeoi and other equally unstable contracts. Approximately 440,000 dispatched workers will be affected by the revised law. A private research institute estimates that 180,000 of them could end up jobless.
だが、改正案には派遣労働者の側から「形だけで、効果は期待できない」との批判がある。派遣を規制しても請負など別の不安定な働き方に変わるだけだ、という指摘もある。法改正で禁止対象となる派遣社員は約４４万人。このうち、１８万人が失職する可能性があるという民間研究所の試算もある。
These criticisms stem from the amendment bill's failure to address structural problems inherent in the dispatch system.
こうした批判が生まれるのは、改正案が構造的な問題に切り込むことができていないことにも原因がある。
Of the nation's current work force of about 54 million, one-third are non-regular employees, including about 2 million dispatched workers.
日本の労働者は約５４００万人。非正社員が３分の１を占める。派遣労働者は約２００万人だ。
Non-regular workers come in handy for companies that want cheap labor. The shift by companies to non-regular workers has resulted in widening income and other gaps among workers.
必要なときに、安く使える非正社員の人たちは、経営側にとっては都合がいい。そこに寄りかかり、労働者間の格差が広がった。
The Diet must address this situation without delay.
この状況を抜本的に是正するための議論こそ、国会に期待したい。めざすべき方向は見えてきつつある。
Wage systems based on the concept of "equal pay for jobs of equal value" are taking hold in Europe. Put simply, it means paying the same wages to regular and non-regular employees alike whose jobs generate the same results.
同じ成果を生む働きについては正社員にも非正社員にも同じ賃金で報いる。そんな「同一価値労働・同一賃金」の考えに基づく賃金方式が欧州で広がってきている。
What should be done to put this concept into practice in our society and, specifically, at individual companies?
日本の社会全体や個々の企業でもそうした方式を実現させていくには、どうすればいいのか。
Companies must be prepared to cut their regular employees' working hours and review the wage structure to equalize the treatment of regular and non-regular employees.
企業ごとに正社員の長時間労働を減らすと同時に給与体系を見直し、非正社員との待遇均等化を進める、といった覚悟も問われるのではないか。
For the time being, the main challenge will be to expand the responsibilities of companies that accept dispatched workers and tighten pertinent regulations.
当面は、派遣先企業の使用者責任の拡大や規制強化にどう取り組むかが重要な課題だろう。
It will also be necessary for the government to realize what companies are doing to replace dispatched workers with other contract workers in anticipation of the legal amendment.
法制化を見越して派遣から請負などに切り替える実態の把握も必要だ。
There is a mountain of work to be done to make sure that everybody is able to work without being treated unfairly.
すべての労働者が不当な扱いを受けることなく働けるようにするための課題は、山のようにある。
EDITORIAL: Dispatched workers.THE ASAHI SHIMBUN
派遣法改正―働き方を正す一歩として
The Diet is currently debating a bill to amend the law on dispatched workers. The proposed legislation is far from perfect, but at least the Diet can explore ways to correct income disparities that breed poverty.
問題点は少なくないとしても、貧困や格差を是正していくための一歩として役立てる道を考えたい。
Dispatched, or haken, workers have no employment stability. Their jobs, which are found by temporary staffing agencies, can be terminated at a moment's notice in what is known as haken-giri. As a result, people on occasion have suddenly found themselves homeless.
国会で労働者派遣法改正案の審議が進められている。「派遣切り」で仕事を失うと、路頭に迷ってしまう。
The Diet must debate this issue in earnest and find ways to improve job security for dispatched workers.
そんな姿に象徴される不安定な働き方を、どう安定させていくか。そこをしっかりと論じ合うべきである。
The bill aims to protect dispatched workers and overhaul the dispatch system itself. The least protected among these workers are those who are registered with temp staff agencies and gain employment contracts only when jobs are available. This practice will be banned under the amended law, except in 26 fields that require special skills, such as interpreting.
改正案は、派遣労働者の保護と制度の抜本的見直しを掲げる。仕事があるときだけ派遣会社と雇用契約を結ぶ「登録型」は、不安定な働き方の典型だ。これは専門知識が必要な通訳など２６業務を除き、禁止される。
The dispatch of workers to manufacturing companies, where massive dismissals became commonplace, will be allowed only in cases where temp staff agencies are expected to hire workers for more than one year.
大量の「派遣切り」の背景となった製造業への派遣は、派遣元が１年以上雇う見込みのある「常用型」に限られる。
The amended law will also put an end to the illegal practice of giso ukeoi. This is when temp staffing agencies dispatch workers to client companies under disguised contracts that amount to outsourcing. The revised law will force offending client companies to conclude employment contracts directly with dispatched workers. One-day dispatches will, in principle, also be banned.
偽装請負のような違法な働き方をさせた場合は、派遣先に強制的に雇わせる「みなし雇用」制度も創設される。「日雇い」も原則禁止だ。
Since the dispatched workers law came into effect in 1986, the dispatch system has been deregulated time and again. The proposed amendment represents a major turning point.
同法が１９８６年に制定されて以来、派遣労働の規制緩和が続いてきた。今回の改正は大きな転換である。
However, many workers are skeptical of the proposed revisions because they do not expect any substantive results. Some point out that regulating the dispatch system further will only result in a change of their status to workers under ukeoi and other equally unstable contracts. Approximately 440,000 dispatched workers will be affected by the revised law. A private research institute estimates that 180,000 of them could end up jobless.
だが、改正案には派遣労働者の側から「形だけで、効果は期待できない」との批判がある。派遣を規制しても請負など別の不安定な働き方に変わるだけだ、という指摘もある。法改正で禁止対象となる派遣社員は約４４万人。このうち、１８万人が失職する可能性があるという民間研究所の試算もある。
These criticisms stem from the amendment bill's failure to address structural problems inherent in the dispatch system.
こうした批判が生まれるのは、改正案が構造的な問題に切り込むことができていないことにも原因がある。
Of the nation's current work force of about 54 million, one-third are non-regular employees, including about 2 million dispatched workers.
日本の労働者は約５４００万人。非正社員が３分の１を占める。派遣労働者は約２００万人だ。
Non-regular workers come in handy for companies that want cheap labor. The shift by companies to non-regular workers has resulted in widening income and other gaps among workers.
必要なときに、安く使える非正社員の人たちは、経営側にとっては都合がいい。そこに寄りかかり、労働者間の格差が広がった。
The Diet must address this situation without delay.
この状況を抜本的に是正するための議論こそ、国会に期待したい。めざすべき方向は見えてきつつある。
Wage systems based on the concept of "equal pay for jobs of equal value" are taking hold in Europe. Put simply, it means paying the same wages to regular and non-regular employees alike whose jobs generate the same results.
同じ成果を生む働きについては正社員にも非正社員にも同じ賃金で報いる。そんな「同一価値労働・同一賃金」の考えに基づく賃金方式が欧州で広がってきている。
What should be done to put this concept into practice in our society and, specifically, at individual companies?
日本の社会全体や個々の企業でもそうした方式を実現させていくには、どうすればいいのか。
Companies must be prepared to cut their regular employees' working hours and review the wage structure to equalize the treatment of regular and non-regular employees.
企業ごとに正社員の長時間労働を減らすと同時に給与体系を見直し、非正社員との待遇均等化を進める、といった覚悟も問われるのではないか。
For the time being, the main challenge will be to expand the responsibilities of companies that accept dispatched workers and tighten pertinent regulations.
当面は、派遣先企業の使用者責任の拡大や規制強化にどう取り組むかが重要な課題だろう。
It will also be necessary for the government to realize what companies are doing to replace dispatched workers with other contract workers in anticipation of the legal amendment.
法制化を見越して派遣から請負などに切り替える実態の把握も必要だ。
There is a mountain of work to be done to make sure that everybody is able to work without being treated unfairly.
すべての労働者が不当な扱いを受けることなく働けるようにするための課題は、山のようにある。
2010年05月05日
ＮＰＴ会議 核不拡散の強化を打ち出せ
The Yomiuri Shimbun (May. 5, 2010)
Strengthen NPT regime for sake of global security
ＮＰＴ会議 核不拡散の強化を打ち出せ（5月4日付・読売社説）
How can we stop the proliferation of nuclear weapons, which threatens global security?
世界の安全保障を脅かす核拡散をいかにして阻止していくのか。
A U.N. conference to review the performance of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, which began in New York on Monday and runs through May 28, provides an important opportunity to implement tangible measures toward that goal.
３日から２８日までニューヨークで開かれる核拡散防止条約（ＮＰＴ）の運用状況を検討する会議は、その具体策を講じる重要な機会だ。
The NPT is an international agreement aimed at preventing the spread of nuclear weapons.
ＮＰＴは、核兵器の拡散防止を図る国際的な取り決めである。
By limiting nuclear weapon states to just the five countries that tested nuclear weapons before 1967--Britain, China, France, Russia and the United States--and committing all the signatories to nuclear nonproliferation, the treaty inhibits the further appearance of such states.
核兵器保有国を、１９６７年以前に核実験をした米露英仏中の５か国に限定し、全加盟国に不拡散を義務づけることで新たな核兵器国の出現を抑止するのが目的だ。
About 190 countries, including Japan, currently belong to the treaty, which came into force 40 years ago.
日本など約１９０か国が加盟し、発効から４０年を迎えた。
However, the NPT regime has been seriously undermined recently.
だが、このＮＰＴ体制は大きく揺らいでいる。
North Korea conducted nuclear weapons tests twice after announcing its withdrawal from the pact, and has set a dangerous precedent of developing nuclear arms under the guise of the peaceful use of nuclear energy.
北朝鮮はＮＰＴからの脱退を宣言し、核実験を２度も強行した。「原子力の平和利用」を隠れみのにした核兵器開発、という危険な先例を作った。
Iran also violated the treaty by avoiding inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency and enriching uranium. It has continued enriching uranium in repeated defiance of U.N. Security Council resolutions demanding the country stop, trying to follow a similar course to that of North Korea.
イランも国際原子力機関（ＩＡＥＡ）の査察をかいくぐり、ウラン濃縮を行う違反を犯した。国連安全保障理事会の再三の決議を無視して濃縮活動を続け、北朝鮮と同じ道をたどろうとしている。
Nuclear materials have been traded, and technology to produce nuclear bombs has spread in the global black market. This has increased the risk of rogue nations and terrorist organizations arming themselves with nuclear weapons.
世界の闇市場で核関連物質が取引され、核爆弾の製造技術が広まった。ならず者国家やテロ組織の核武装の危険は高まっている。
===
Cooperation vital
It is essential for the safety of the world to rebuild the NPT regime, a linchpin for preventing the global proliferation of nuclear arms. Member nations should try to agree on practical measures to enhance the NPT at the ongoing conference.
世界の安全にとって、グローバルな不拡散体制の要であるＮＰＴの立て直しが不可欠だ。今回の会議で各国は、実質的なＮＰＴ強化策で合意を目指すべきである。
To realize this, nuclear weapon and nonnuclear weapon states have to cooperate with each other. Nuclear powers should more swiftly fulfill their obligations to reduce their stores of nuclear weapons, while nonnuclear weapon states must prove they are not developing nuclear arms through IAEA inspections.
それには、核兵器国と非核国が協力する必要がある。核兵器国は核軍縮の義務履行を加速化すべきだ。非核国はＩＡＥＡの査察を通じて核開発していないことを立証しなければならない。
International cooperation toward the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons can be enhanced only if both sides tackle the issue seriously. But the current international situation does not allow us to be optimistic.
双方が真摯(しんし)に取り組んでこそ不拡散の国際連携は強化できるが、現状は楽観できない。
The biggest destabilizing factor is Iran. President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad attended the U.N. conference to stop the adoption of a final consensus document for the event, which in principle requires a unanimous vote.
最大の攪乱(かくらん)要因はイランだ。大統領自らが会議に出席し、全会一致が原則の「最終合意文書」の採択を阻む構えだ。
===
Middle East frustrated
Japan and some European countries will demand at the conference the universalization of additional protocols, including provisions to reinforce the IAEA's powers to conduct inspections, and measures to prevent the misuse of announcements that countries are withdrawing from the NPT. More than a few developing countries are cautious, however, seeing this as interference from advanced countries.
日本や欧米諸国は、ＮＰＴ脱退通告の乱用防止策や、ＩＡＥＡの査察権限を強化する追加議定書の普遍化を求める方針だ。だが、それを先進国による介入とみて警戒する途上国は少なくない。
Middle Eastern countries are very frustrated with the United States and European countries that play up the Iranian issue but do not acknowledge Israel's nuclear development because Israel is not a NPT signatory.
中東諸国には、欧米諸国はイラン問題を重視しても、ＮＰＴ未加盟のイスラエルの核問題に向き合わない、との強い不満がある。
If mistrust grows between NPT members, their solidarity for nonproliferation will weaken.
各国の相互不信が募れば不拡散のタガは緩む。
If this latest conference becomes a mere duplication of the previous gathering, which ended in failure, it will simply allow countries that violate the NPT, such as North Korea and Iran, to run rampant. A strong current must be created toward the enhancement of nuclear nonproliferation.
決裂に終わった前回会議の再現となっては、北朝鮮やイランのような違反国家の跋扈(ばっこ)を招くだけだ。不拡散強化へ大きな流れを作り出す必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 4, 2010)
（2010年5月4日01時18分 読売新聞）
Strengthen NPT regime for sake of global security
ＮＰＴ会議 核不拡散の強化を打ち出せ（5月4日付・読売社説）
How can we stop the proliferation of nuclear weapons, which threatens global security?
世界の安全保障を脅かす核拡散をいかにして阻止していくのか。
A U.N. conference to review the performance of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, which began in New York on Monday and runs through May 28, provides an important opportunity to implement tangible measures toward that goal.
３日から２８日までニューヨークで開かれる核拡散防止条約（ＮＰＴ）の運用状況を検討する会議は、その具体策を講じる重要な機会だ。
The NPT is an international agreement aimed at preventing the spread of nuclear weapons.
ＮＰＴは、核兵器の拡散防止を図る国際的な取り決めである。
By limiting nuclear weapon states to just the five countries that tested nuclear weapons before 1967--Britain, China, France, Russia and the United States--and committing all the signatories to nuclear nonproliferation, the treaty inhibits the further appearance of such states.
核兵器保有国を、１９６７年以前に核実験をした米露英仏中の５か国に限定し、全加盟国に不拡散を義務づけることで新たな核兵器国の出現を抑止するのが目的だ。
About 190 countries, including Japan, currently belong to the treaty, which came into force 40 years ago.
日本など約１９０か国が加盟し、発効から４０年を迎えた。
However, the NPT regime has been seriously undermined recently.
だが、このＮＰＴ体制は大きく揺らいでいる。
North Korea conducted nuclear weapons tests twice after announcing its withdrawal from the pact, and has set a dangerous precedent of developing nuclear arms under the guise of the peaceful use of nuclear energy.
北朝鮮はＮＰＴからの脱退を宣言し、核実験を２度も強行した。「原子力の平和利用」を隠れみのにした核兵器開発、という危険な先例を作った。
Iran also violated the treaty by avoiding inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency and enriching uranium. It has continued enriching uranium in repeated defiance of U.N. Security Council resolutions demanding the country stop, trying to follow a similar course to that of North Korea.
イランも国際原子力機関（ＩＡＥＡ）の査察をかいくぐり、ウラン濃縮を行う違反を犯した。国連安全保障理事会の再三の決議を無視して濃縮活動を続け、北朝鮮と同じ道をたどろうとしている。
Nuclear materials have been traded, and technology to produce nuclear bombs has spread in the global black market. This has increased the risk of rogue nations and terrorist organizations arming themselves with nuclear weapons.
世界の闇市場で核関連物質が取引され、核爆弾の製造技術が広まった。ならず者国家やテロ組織の核武装の危険は高まっている。
===
Cooperation vital
It is essential for the safety of the world to rebuild the NPT regime, a linchpin for preventing the global proliferation of nuclear arms. Member nations should try to agree on practical measures to enhance the NPT at the ongoing conference.
世界の安全にとって、グローバルな不拡散体制の要であるＮＰＴの立て直しが不可欠だ。今回の会議で各国は、実質的なＮＰＴ強化策で合意を目指すべきである。
To realize this, nuclear weapon and nonnuclear weapon states have to cooperate with each other. Nuclear powers should more swiftly fulfill their obligations to reduce their stores of nuclear weapons, while nonnuclear weapon states must prove they are not developing nuclear arms through IAEA inspections.
それには、核兵器国と非核国が協力する必要がある。核兵器国は核軍縮の義務履行を加速化すべきだ。非核国はＩＡＥＡの査察を通じて核開発していないことを立証しなければならない。
International cooperation toward the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons can be enhanced only if both sides tackle the issue seriously. But the current international situation does not allow us to be optimistic.
双方が真摯(しんし)に取り組んでこそ不拡散の国際連携は強化できるが、現状は楽観できない。
The biggest destabilizing factor is Iran. President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad attended the U.N. conference to stop the adoption of a final consensus document for the event, which in principle requires a unanimous vote.
最大の攪乱(かくらん)要因はイランだ。大統領自らが会議に出席し、全会一致が原則の「最終合意文書」の採択を阻む構えだ。
===
Middle East frustrated
Japan and some European countries will demand at the conference the universalization of additional protocols, including provisions to reinforce the IAEA's powers to conduct inspections, and measures to prevent the misuse of announcements that countries are withdrawing from the NPT. More than a few developing countries are cautious, however, seeing this as interference from advanced countries.
日本や欧米諸国は、ＮＰＴ脱退通告の乱用防止策や、ＩＡＥＡの査察権限を強化する追加議定書の普遍化を求める方針だ。だが、それを先進国による介入とみて警戒する途上国は少なくない。
Middle Eastern countries are very frustrated with the United States and European countries that play up the Iranian issue but do not acknowledge Israel's nuclear development because Israel is not a NPT signatory.
中東諸国には、欧米諸国はイラン問題を重視しても、ＮＰＴ未加盟のイスラエルの核問題に向き合わない、との強い不満がある。
If mistrust grows between NPT members, their solidarity for nonproliferation will weaken.
各国の相互不信が募れば不拡散のタガは緩む。
If this latest conference becomes a mere duplication of the previous gathering, which ended in failure, it will simply allow countries that violate the NPT, such as North Korea and Iran, to run rampant. A strong current must be created toward the enhancement of nuclear nonproliferation.
決裂に終わった前回会議の再現となっては、北朝鮮やイランのような違反国家の跋扈(ばっこ)を招くだけだ。不拡散強化へ大きな流れを作り出す必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 4, 2010)
（2010年5月4日01時18分 読売新聞）
2010年05月04日
憲法記念日 改正論議を危機打開の一助に
The Yomiuri Shimbun (May. 4, 2010)
Time to restoke debate on top law revision
憲法記念日 改正論議を危機打開の一助に（5月3日付・読売社説）
Many people might say that with Japan in the economic and political doldrums, the nation cannot afford to spare any time or effort to discuss revision of the Constitution.
八方ふさがりの日本。いま、憲法改正論議の暇(いとま)はない、と言う人は少なくないかもしれない。
But just because Japan is in such a feeble state, we wonder if perhaps it is all the more necessary to get back to the issue of the Constitution since it provides the fundamentals for governing the state.
だが、こうした時だからこそ、国の統治の基本を定めた憲法の問題に立ち返ってみることが必要ではないか。
Giving constitutional debate a push could help overcome the political and economic crises confronting the country today.
政治や経済の危機的な状況を打開する一助になるはずだ。
Today marks Constitution Day, a national holiday to commemorate the day the Constitution came into force on May 3, 1947. We want people to observe this day by thinking again about whether the national charter should be revised.
きょうは憲法記念日。改憲を改めて考える一日にしたい。
◆憲法審査会を動かせ◆
The National Referendum Law, which stipulates the procedure for constitutional revision, will come into effect on May 18, three years after its enactment. This law allows revision proposals to be submitted to the Diet at any time.
今月１８日、憲法改正手続きを定めた国民投票法が、同法成立後３年を経てようやく施行される。これからは、いつでも憲法改正原案の国会提出が可能になる。
===
Diet panels twiddling thumbs
But each Diet chamber's Deliberative Council on the Constitution, where draft revision proposals are to be deliberated, have been twiddling their thumbs.
だが、原案などを審査する場になる、国会の憲法審査会が動いていない。
The House of Representatives has only decided to work out provisions for managing its council. The House of Councillors, for its part, has yet to even establish such rules, a vacuum Takeo Nishioka, chairman of the upper house Committee on Rules and Administration, has denounced as "illegitimate."
衆院は審査会を運営するための審査会規程を定めただけだ。参院に至っては規程すらない。民主党の西岡武夫参院議院運営委員長が「違法状態」と言っている。
The primary responsibility for negligence of constitutional debate lies with the Democratic Party of Japan, which has been mothballing the issue for politically motivated reasons. By the same token, the Liberal Democratic Party should take responsibility for lacking the power to promote the debate even though it lists constitutional revision as a party platform.
最大の責任は、政略的思惑から改憲論議を棚上げしている民主党にある。さらに改憲を党是としながら、推進力を欠く自民党の責任も否めない。
The Constitution stipulates provisions for amendments, but the Diet enacted a law on the procedure for revising the top law only a few years ago. The Diet finally ironed out this wrinkle when it enacted the National Referendum Law. However, the fact that its deliberative councils have yet to function is tantamount to the continuation of their nonfeasance.
憲法に改正条項があるのに、手続き法を作ってこなかった国会の“不作為”は解消されたが、審査会始動をサボタージュしていては、不作為の継続に等しい。
===
DPJ stance problematic
◆気がかりな憲法解釈◆
Worryingly, the DPJ, which came to power in September, has a unique interpretation on some constitutional issues.
政権が交代した昨年来、気になるのが、与党・民主党による独自の憲法解釈だ。
DPJ Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa and some other party members are supportive of moves to give local suffrage to permanent foreign residents in this country.
小沢幹事長らは、永住外国人への地方参政権付与について積極姿勢をみせている。
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama said in a Diet interpellation that giving such suffrage "wouldn't constitute a violation of the Constitution." However, his argument is based on an obiter dictum given unrelated to a Supreme Court ruling in 1995.
鳩山首相も、国会で「憲法に抵触する話ではない」と答弁した。だが、これは１９９５年の最高裁判決での、判決の結論とは関係のない傍論を根拠としていた。
Article 15 of the Constitution stipulates that "the people have the inalienable right to choose their public officials and to dismiss them." The top court ruled in 1995 that such a right was limited to the Japanese people and not granted to people with other nationalities. The content of the ruling, rather than the obiter dictum, should be respected.
憲法の国民主権に照らせば、憲法１５条の公務員を選定・罷免する権利の保障は、日本国籍を持つ「日本国民」を対象とし、外国人には及ばない。この判決の本論こそ尊重すべき考え方である。
The DPJ also says it plans to establish "regional sovereignty."
民主党は「地域主権国家」を目指すとしている。
The definition of "sovereignty" under the Constitution includes a state's ruling power. The expression "regional sovereignty" could give rise to a misunderstanding that state power will be transferred to local governments, as if this nation was being transformed into a federal system. The DPJ's usage of the expression is misleading and incorrect.
憲法で明記した「主権」の意味の一つは、国家の統治権だ。「地域主権」という表現は、国の統治権を地方に移譲し、連邦制に移行するかのような誤解を与える。不適切な用い方だ。
Speaking at the Diet, Deputy Prime Minister Naoto Kan said: "No word on the separation of powers is mentioned in the Constitution. The Diet is the parent organization that brings forth a cabinet. Because of this, the Diet and the cabinet could never be independent of each other."
菅副総理は国会で、「憲法には三権分立という言葉はない。国会は内閣を生み出す親。国会と内閣は独立した関係ではありえない」という趣旨を述べている。
However, the Constitution has separate chapters on the Diet, the cabinet and judiciary. This clearly indicates the Constitution is based on the principle of the separation of powers.
しかし、憲法は各章に「国会」「内閣」「司法」を設けており、権力分立原則に立っていることは明らかだろう。
The emperor's audience with a foreign dignitary is not "an act in matters of state" as stipulated in Article 7 of the Constitution, but "an act in public matters."
天皇と外国要人との会見は、憲法７条の「天皇の国事行為」ではなく、「公的行為」である。
Ozawa misinterpreted this constitutional definition in connection with the government's unusually hasty arrangement of an audience with the Emperor for a Chinese dignitary in December. Moreover, Ozawa went as far as to surmise the Emperor would say he would "meet with him" if asked to do so. This set off a maelstrom of criticism that the government was exploiting the Emperor as a "political tool."
小沢幹事長は、天皇陛下と中国要人との「特例会見」問題で、そこを取り違えたうえ、天皇陛下も会うと「必ずおっしゃる」と陛下の判断に言及するなど、「天皇の政治利用」批判を招いた。
Hatoyama finds himself with little room to move due to his clumsy handling of the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa Prefecture. Many analysts suggest the political confusion stems from the lack of a firm security policy by the Hatoyama administration despite its assertion that the Japan-U.S. relationship "should be on an equal footing."
鳩山首相は、米軍普天間飛行場移設問題の処理を誤り、立ち往生している。混乱は「対等な日米関係」を唱えながら政権として確固たる安全保障政策をもたないため、という指摘は多い。
Time to restoke debate on top law revision
憲法記念日 改正論議を危機打開の一助に（5月3日付・読売社説）
Many people might say that with Japan in the economic and political doldrums, the nation cannot afford to spare any time or effort to discuss revision of the Constitution.
八方ふさがりの日本。いま、憲法改正論議の暇(いとま)はない、と言う人は少なくないかもしれない。
But just because Japan is in such a feeble state, we wonder if perhaps it is all the more necessary to get back to the issue of the Constitution since it provides the fundamentals for governing the state.
だが、こうした時だからこそ、国の統治の基本を定めた憲法の問題に立ち返ってみることが必要ではないか。
Giving constitutional debate a push could help overcome the political and economic crises confronting the country today.
政治や経済の危機的な状況を打開する一助になるはずだ。
Today marks Constitution Day, a national holiday to commemorate the day the Constitution came into force on May 3, 1947. We want people to observe this day by thinking again about whether the national charter should be revised.
きょうは憲法記念日。改憲を改めて考える一日にしたい。
◆憲法審査会を動かせ◆
The National Referendum Law, which stipulates the procedure for constitutional revision, will come into effect on May 18, three years after its enactment. This law allows revision proposals to be submitted to the Diet at any time.
今月１８日、憲法改正手続きを定めた国民投票法が、同法成立後３年を経てようやく施行される。これからは、いつでも憲法改正原案の国会提出が可能になる。
===
Diet panels twiddling thumbs
But each Diet chamber's Deliberative Council on the Constitution, where draft revision proposals are to be deliberated, have been twiddling their thumbs.
だが、原案などを審査する場になる、国会の憲法審査会が動いていない。
The House of Representatives has only decided to work out provisions for managing its council. The House of Councillors, for its part, has yet to even establish such rules, a vacuum Takeo Nishioka, chairman of the upper house Committee on Rules and Administration, has denounced as "illegitimate."
衆院は審査会を運営するための審査会規程を定めただけだ。参院に至っては規程すらない。民主党の西岡武夫参院議院運営委員長が「違法状態」と言っている。
The primary responsibility for negligence of constitutional debate lies with the Democratic Party of Japan, which has been mothballing the issue for politically motivated reasons. By the same token, the Liberal Democratic Party should take responsibility for lacking the power to promote the debate even though it lists constitutional revision as a party platform.
最大の責任は、政略的思惑から改憲論議を棚上げしている民主党にある。さらに改憲を党是としながら、推進力を欠く自民党の責任も否めない。
The Constitution stipulates provisions for amendments, but the Diet enacted a law on the procedure for revising the top law only a few years ago. The Diet finally ironed out this wrinkle when it enacted the National Referendum Law. However, the fact that its deliberative councils have yet to function is tantamount to the continuation of their nonfeasance.
憲法に改正条項があるのに、手続き法を作ってこなかった国会の“不作為”は解消されたが、審査会始動をサボタージュしていては、不作為の継続に等しい。
===
DPJ stance problematic
◆気がかりな憲法解釈◆
Worryingly, the DPJ, which came to power in September, has a unique interpretation on some constitutional issues.
政権が交代した昨年来、気になるのが、与党・民主党による独自の憲法解釈だ。
DPJ Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa and some other party members are supportive of moves to give local suffrage to permanent foreign residents in this country.
小沢幹事長らは、永住外国人への地方参政権付与について積極姿勢をみせている。
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama said in a Diet interpellation that giving such suffrage "wouldn't constitute a violation of the Constitution." However, his argument is based on an obiter dictum given unrelated to a Supreme Court ruling in 1995.
鳩山首相も、国会で「憲法に抵触する話ではない」と答弁した。だが、これは１９９５年の最高裁判決での、判決の結論とは関係のない傍論を根拠としていた。
Article 15 of the Constitution stipulates that "the people have the inalienable right to choose their public officials and to dismiss them." The top court ruled in 1995 that such a right was limited to the Japanese people and not granted to people with other nationalities. The content of the ruling, rather than the obiter dictum, should be respected.
憲法の国民主権に照らせば、憲法１５条の公務員を選定・罷免する権利の保障は、日本国籍を持つ「日本国民」を対象とし、外国人には及ばない。この判決の本論こそ尊重すべき考え方である。
The DPJ also says it plans to establish "regional sovereignty."
民主党は「地域主権国家」を目指すとしている。
The definition of "sovereignty" under the Constitution includes a state's ruling power. The expression "regional sovereignty" could give rise to a misunderstanding that state power will be transferred to local governments, as if this nation was being transformed into a federal system. The DPJ's usage of the expression is misleading and incorrect.
憲法で明記した「主権」の意味の一つは、国家の統治権だ。「地域主権」という表現は、国の統治権を地方に移譲し、連邦制に移行するかのような誤解を与える。不適切な用い方だ。
Speaking at the Diet, Deputy Prime Minister Naoto Kan said: "No word on the separation of powers is mentioned in the Constitution. The Diet is the parent organization that brings forth a cabinet. Because of this, the Diet and the cabinet could never be independent of each other."
菅副総理は国会で、「憲法には三権分立という言葉はない。国会は内閣を生み出す親。国会と内閣は独立した関係ではありえない」という趣旨を述べている。
However, the Constitution has separate chapters on the Diet, the cabinet and judiciary. This clearly indicates the Constitution is based on the principle of the separation of powers.
しかし、憲法は各章に「国会」「内閣」「司法」を設けており、権力分立原則に立っていることは明らかだろう。
The emperor's audience with a foreign dignitary is not "an act in matters of state" as stipulated in Article 7 of the Constitution, but "an act in public matters."
天皇と外国要人との会見は、憲法７条の「天皇の国事行為」ではなく、「公的行為」である。
Ozawa misinterpreted this constitutional definition in connection with the government's unusually hasty arrangement of an audience with the Emperor for a Chinese dignitary in December. Moreover, Ozawa went as far as to surmise the Emperor would say he would "meet with him" if asked to do so. This set off a maelstrom of criticism that the government was exploiting the Emperor as a "political tool."
小沢幹事長は、天皇陛下と中国要人との「特例会見」問題で、そこを取り違えたうえ、天皇陛下も会うと「必ずおっしゃる」と陛下の判断に言及するなど、「天皇の政治利用」批判を招いた。
Hatoyama finds himself with little room to move due to his clumsy handling of the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa Prefecture. Many analysts suggest the political confusion stems from the lack of a firm security policy by the Hatoyama administration despite its assertion that the Japan-U.S. relationship "should be on an equal footing."
鳩山首相は、米軍普天間飛行場移設問題の処理を誤り、立ち往生している。混乱は「対等な日米関係」を唱えながら政権として確固たる安全保障政策をもたないため、という指摘は多い。
2010年05月03日
日銀リポート デフレ脱却には時間がかかる
The Yomiuri Shimbun (May. 3, 2010)
Escaping deflationary environment takes time
日銀リポート デフレ脱却には時間がかかる（5月2日付・読売社説）
When will the nation's persistent deflation come to an end? The Bank of Japan presented one answer to this question in its recent "Outlook for Economic Activity and Prices" report, in which the central bank envisages the prospects of economic growth and consumer price trends.
しつこいデフレはいつ終わるのか。日銀が、経済成長や物価の先行きを示す「展望リポート」で一つの答えを示した。
With respect to the outlook for consumer prices, the Bank of Japan maintained its projection that the core consumer price index for fiscal 2010 would fall 0.5 percent from a year earlier.
For fiscal 2011, however, the central bank revised its previous forecast, from a 0.2 percent drop to a 0.1 percent increase. If realized, it would be the first time in three years that the core CPI will have risen.
消費者物価の見通しについて、２０１０年度はこれまでと同じ「前年度比０・５％下落」としたが、１１年度は「０・２％の下落」から、「０・１％の上昇」へと修正した。実現すれば３年ぶりの物価上昇となる。
However, it is premature to state that the data enables us to see a way out of the deflationary environment. The government and the Bank of Japan should not become optimistic and must not relax their policies to ensure the nation's economy escapes from deflation.
だが、これをもってデフレの出口が見えてきたと考えるのは早計だろう。政府・日銀は決して楽観せず、デフレ脱却に向けた政策の手を緩めてはならない。
===
Light at end of tunnel?
The Bank of Japan also projected in its report the possibility that prices would enter positive territory during fiscal 2011.
展望リポートは、物価が１１年度中に「プラスの領域に入る可能性が展望できる」とした。
Meanwhile, the central bank predicts steady positive growth for the nation's real gross domestic product, with 1.8 percent growth in fiscal 2010 and 2 percent growth in fiscal 2011.
国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）の実質成長率も、１０年度が１・８％、１１年度も２・０％と、堅調なプラス成長を見込んでいる。
In view of the current economic and price conditions, however, the bank's projections appear to be somewhat optimistic.
だが、現在の経済・物価の情勢からみて、日銀の見立ては少々、甘くないだろうか。
The nation's economy continues to experience weakening prices, with supply exceeding demand by as much as 30 trillion yen. Consumers, who have become accustomed to deflation, continue to sit on their wallets, while retailers and manufacturers continue to engage in fierce price wars.
日本経済は、３０兆円も需要が足りず、物価が下がりやすい状態が続いている。デフレに慣れた消費者の財布のひもはすっかり固くなり、小売業界やメーカーの安売り競争は依然として激しい。
The government data showed the nation's core CPI fell 1.2 percent in March from a year earlier, the same rate as in February. The recovery in consumer prices has been marking time recently.
３月の消費者物価は、下落率が１・２％と前月と同じだった。物価の回復は、このところ足踏み状態が続いている。
In March, prices of flat-panel TVs fell 36 percent while those of air conditioners dropped 21 percent from a year earlier, pushing down the entire CPI. The current deflationary environment is extremely stubborn. Even energy-saving electrical appliances that have been selling relatively well thanks to the government's subsidy program saw poor sales unless they were perceived to be bargains.
３月は、薄型テレビが３６％、エアコンも２１％下落して、物価全体を押し下げた。政府の購入支援で販売が好調な省エネ家電でさえ、割安感がないと売れない状況が、デフレのしぶとさを示す。
===
'Good' vs 'bad' escape
Meanwhile, gasoline prices rose 16 percent in March, reducing the overall fall in the CPI by 0.3 percentage point.
一方で、ガソリン価格は１６％上がり、物価全体の下落率を０・３ポイント圧縮させた。
The increase in gasoline prices continued last month, while the costs of public utilities, including electricity and gas, are scheduled to be hiked in the future. Prices of raw materials, including iron and steel, and chemical fiber, also are on the rise.
４月もガソリン価格の上昇は続き、これから電気・ガスなど公共料金の値上げも予定されている。鉄鋼や化学繊維などの原材料も高くなってきた。
One reason that the Bank of Japan revised its price projections upward is due to the growing trend of price increases for energy and other items related to natural resources, in line with rising prices in those categories internationally.
国際市況の上昇を背景に、エネルギーや資源関連の品目で価格上昇が広がってきたことも、日銀が物価見通しを上方修正した一因と見られている。
However, high prices for utilities and raw materials negatively impact the nation's economy. This is because companies' profits wane as firms cannot raise prices to desired levels amid severe competition.
だが、光熱費や原材料が先導する物価高は、景気にマイナスとなる。厳しい販売競争の中で、企業は思うように販売価格を上げられず、利益が薄くなるからだ。
This "bad escape from deflation" is problematic, whereas the "good escape from deflation" through increased demand is desirable.
こうした「悪いデフレ脱却」では困る。需要の増加による「良いデフレ脱却」が望ましい。
Conquering deflation is still at the halfway point. Toward this end, the Bank of Japan should actively continue its monetary easing policy and should not hesitate to implement additional measures when necessary.
デフレの克服は道半ばである。日銀は積極的な金融緩和を続け、必要に応じて追加策もためらうべきではない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 2, 2010)
（2010年5月2日01時16分 読売新聞）
Escaping deflationary environment takes time
日銀リポート デフレ脱却には時間がかかる（5月2日付・読売社説）
When will the nation's persistent deflation come to an end? The Bank of Japan presented one answer to this question in its recent "Outlook for Economic Activity and Prices" report, in which the central bank envisages the prospects of economic growth and consumer price trends.
しつこいデフレはいつ終わるのか。日銀が、経済成長や物価の先行きを示す「展望リポート」で一つの答えを示した。
With respect to the outlook for consumer prices, the Bank of Japan maintained its projection that the core consumer price index for fiscal 2010 would fall 0.5 percent from a year earlier.
For fiscal 2011, however, the central bank revised its previous forecast, from a 0.2 percent drop to a 0.1 percent increase. If realized, it would be the first time in three years that the core CPI will have risen.
消費者物価の見通しについて、２０１０年度はこれまでと同じ「前年度比０・５％下落」としたが、１１年度は「０・２％の下落」から、「０・１％の上昇」へと修正した。実現すれば３年ぶりの物価上昇となる。
However, it is premature to state that the data enables us to see a way out of the deflationary environment. The government and the Bank of Japan should not become optimistic and must not relax their policies to ensure the nation's economy escapes from deflation.
だが、これをもってデフレの出口が見えてきたと考えるのは早計だろう。政府・日銀は決して楽観せず、デフレ脱却に向けた政策の手を緩めてはならない。
===
Light at end of tunnel?
The Bank of Japan also projected in its report the possibility that prices would enter positive territory during fiscal 2011.
展望リポートは、物価が１１年度中に「プラスの領域に入る可能性が展望できる」とした。
Meanwhile, the central bank predicts steady positive growth for the nation's real gross domestic product, with 1.8 percent growth in fiscal 2010 and 2 percent growth in fiscal 2011.
国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）の実質成長率も、１０年度が１・８％、１１年度も２・０％と、堅調なプラス成長を見込んでいる。
In view of the current economic and price conditions, however, the bank's projections appear to be somewhat optimistic.
だが、現在の経済・物価の情勢からみて、日銀の見立ては少々、甘くないだろうか。
The nation's economy continues to experience weakening prices, with supply exceeding demand by as much as 30 trillion yen. Consumers, who have become accustomed to deflation, continue to sit on their wallets, while retailers and manufacturers continue to engage in fierce price wars.
日本経済は、３０兆円も需要が足りず、物価が下がりやすい状態が続いている。デフレに慣れた消費者の財布のひもはすっかり固くなり、小売業界やメーカーの安売り競争は依然として激しい。
The government data showed the nation's core CPI fell 1.2 percent in March from a year earlier, the same rate as in February. The recovery in consumer prices has been marking time recently.
３月の消費者物価は、下落率が１・２％と前月と同じだった。物価の回復は、このところ足踏み状態が続いている。
In March, prices of flat-panel TVs fell 36 percent while those of air conditioners dropped 21 percent from a year earlier, pushing down the entire CPI. The current deflationary environment is extremely stubborn. Even energy-saving electrical appliances that have been selling relatively well thanks to the government's subsidy program saw poor sales unless they were perceived to be bargains.
３月は、薄型テレビが３６％、エアコンも２１％下落して、物価全体を押し下げた。政府の購入支援で販売が好調な省エネ家電でさえ、割安感がないと売れない状況が、デフレのしぶとさを示す。
===
'Good' vs 'bad' escape
Meanwhile, gasoline prices rose 16 percent in March, reducing the overall fall in the CPI by 0.3 percentage point.
一方で、ガソリン価格は１６％上がり、物価全体の下落率を０・３ポイント圧縮させた。
The increase in gasoline prices continued last month, while the costs of public utilities, including electricity and gas, are scheduled to be hiked in the future. Prices of raw materials, including iron and steel, and chemical fiber, also are on the rise.
４月もガソリン価格の上昇は続き、これから電気・ガスなど公共料金の値上げも予定されている。鉄鋼や化学繊維などの原材料も高くなってきた。
One reason that the Bank of Japan revised its price projections upward is due to the growing trend of price increases for energy and other items related to natural resources, in line with rising prices in those categories internationally.
国際市況の上昇を背景に、エネルギーや資源関連の品目で価格上昇が広がってきたことも、日銀が物価見通しを上方修正した一因と見られている。
However, high prices for utilities and raw materials negatively impact the nation's economy. This is because companies' profits wane as firms cannot raise prices to desired levels amid severe competition.
だが、光熱費や原材料が先導する物価高は、景気にマイナスとなる。厳しい販売競争の中で、企業は思うように販売価格を上げられず、利益が薄くなるからだ。
This "bad escape from deflation" is problematic, whereas the "good escape from deflation" through increased demand is desirable.
こうした「悪いデフレ脱却」では困る。需要の増加による「良いデフレ脱却」が望ましい。
Conquering deflation is still at the halfway point. Toward this end, the Bank of Japan should actively continue its monetary easing policy and should not hesitate to implement additional measures when necessary.
デフレの克服は道半ばである。日銀は積極的な金融緩和を続け、必要に応じて追加策もためらうべきではない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 2, 2010)
（2010年5月2日01時16分 読売新聞）
2010年05月02日
社説：普天間移設 筋通らぬ「辺野古」回帰
Hatoyama's modified Futenma plan runs counter to pledge to move base out of Okinawa
社説：普天間移設 筋通らぬ「辺野古」回帰
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, who had repeatedly pledged to relocate U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma out of Okinawa Prefecture, is now leaning toward building a substitute facility for the base off the Henoko district of Nago, Okinawa. But one cannot help wonder why he has changed his mind.
「最低でも県外」と主張していた鳩山由紀夫首相はいつ、沖縄の「辺野古の海」に基地を建設する考えに転じたのだろうか。理解に苦しむ。
The Hatoyama administration is reportedly considering building a runway on a so-called quick installation platform (QIP) to be built on piles driven into the sea bottom off the U.S. military's Camp Schwab. Furthermore, the government is studying a plan to either relocate up to 1,000 airborne troops from Futenma to Tokunoshima Island, Kagoshima Prefecture, or to shift the training site.
米軍普天間飛行場（沖縄県宜野湾市）移設問題で、政府は、（１）米軍キャンプ・シュワブ沿岸部（同県名護市辺野古）に「くい打ち桟橋（ＱＩＰ）方式」で滑走路を建設する（２）鹿児島県・徳之島に普天間の航空部隊のうち最大１０００人を移転する、または訓練を移す−−を柱にした案で最終調整しているとされる。
The government has claimed that the QIP method would pose less of a threat to the environment than the plan previously agreed upon between Tokyo and Washington to build a runway by reclaiming the sea off Camp Schwab.
ＱＩＰは多数の支柱を海底に打ち込み、その上に滑走路などの構造物を建設する工法である。日米合意の現行案である「埋め立て方式」に比べて環境に与える影響は少ない、と政府関係者は主張している。
Still, the construction of a runway off Henoko runs counter to Hatoyama's pledge to relocate Futenma base out of the prefecture. Okinawa, especially the city of Nago that would be required to host the substitute facility, is highly unlikely to accept the modified relocation plan as some 90,000 residents adopted a resolution in a rally on April 25, calling for relocation out of the prefecture and out of the country.
しかし、そうであっても、現行案と同じ辺野古の海に滑走路をつくるというのは明らかに首相の「約束」に反する。首相が国会などで繰り返し強調してきた「県外」とは相いれない。「９万人県民大会」で国外・県外移設を決議した沖縄、特に名護市が受け入れるとは到底思えない。
Experts have pointed out that even the QIP method would seriously affect sea creatures because the platform would block sunlight and thousands of piles would be driven into the sea floor.
ＱＩＰ方式も、滑走路による日照の遮断と数千本の支柱で、海洋生物や環境に与える影響は大きいという指摘がある。
If the prime minister approves the QIP method, it would be inconsistent with his earlier remarks describing the reclamation plan as "profanity against nature."
海の埋め立てを「自然への冒とく」と述べた首相が一転、ＱＩＰを容認したとすれば、真意を測りかねる。
Japan and the United States had considered building a runway off Henoko using the QIP method, but ruled it out because it is difficult to take anti-terrorism measures and it would cost a massive amount of money. The modified plan could spur speculation that the government has come up with the idea in a bid to drag U.S. officials, who are sticking to the previously agreed on plan, to the negotiation table.
この工法は、かつて日米間で検討されたが、テロ対策の難しさや費用面などから排除された案だ。辺野古を前提にした現行案にこだわる米国側を協議のテーブルにつかせるために考えついた案ではないか、と勘ぐられても仕方ない。
Prime Minister Hatoyama is scheduled to visit Okinawa on Tuesday for the first time since he took office, and hold talks with Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima over the relocation of Futenma base. Attention will be focused on whether the prime minister himself came up with the modified plan. He is required to provide an explanation that will satisfy not only the governor but also Okinawa residents and the Japanese general public as a whole.
首相は４日に就任後初めて沖縄県入りし、仲井真弘多知事と普天間問題について話し合う。移設先の「辺野古回帰」が首相自身の案なのかどうかが焦点になる。首相は知事だけでなく沖縄県民、国民に対しても納得のいく説明をしてもらいたい。
The plan to relocate some of the Marines stationed at Futenma to Tokunoshima Island has also been deadlocked. The mayors of the three towns on Tokunoshima Island have expressed stiff opposition to the plan while Washington has shown reluctance to accept the plan, citing operational problems.
Late last month, Hatoyama asked former House of Representatives member Torao Tokuda, who had been elected from Tokunoshima and has influence on the local community, to cooperate in shifting some Marines to the island, only to be rejected.
一方、徳之島への一部移転については、首相は先月２８日、同島出身の有力者である徳田虎雄元衆院議員に協力を要請したが拒否された。同島の３町長は受け入れ拒否の姿勢を崩さず、米政府も部隊運用上の理由から強い難色を示し、暗礁に乗り上げたままだ。
Tokuda explained Tokunoshima residents' anti-U.S. forces sentiment, pointing out that the island was split from Japan's mainland following the end of World War II and placed under the control of U.S. forces until 1953. It goes without saying that the prime minister should take local residents' sentiment into consideration in studying the possibility of moving some U.S. Marines to the island.
徳之島は戦後、本土と分離され１９５３年まで米軍政下に置かれるなど複雑な歴史を持つ。徳田氏は首相にこの経緯を指摘した。「県外」の主力として徳之島への移転を検討するにあたっては、こうした島民感情を考慮しなければならないのは当然だろう。
There remains less than a month before Hatoyama's self-imposed deadline for settling the Futenma relocation issue at the end of May. The prime minister has declared that he will stake his position on the settlement of the issue before the deadline.
残り１カ月。首相は「５月末決着」に「職を賭す覚悟」を明言している。
The government is required to gain consent from the community of the area that will host a substitute facility. During his visit to Okinawa, Prime Minister Hatoyama should show his determination to settle the issue by forming a consensus among local residents.
決着には移設先地元の合意が不可欠だ。沖縄訪問時には、その覚悟の中身を示してもらいたい。
(Mainichi Japan) May 1, 2010
毎日新聞 2010年5月1日 2時31分
社説：普天間移設 筋通らぬ「辺野古」回帰
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, who had repeatedly pledged to relocate U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma out of Okinawa Prefecture, is now leaning toward building a substitute facility for the base off the Henoko district of Nago, Okinawa. But one cannot help wonder why he has changed his mind.
「最低でも県外」と主張していた鳩山由紀夫首相はいつ、沖縄の「辺野古の海」に基地を建設する考えに転じたのだろうか。理解に苦しむ。
The Hatoyama administration is reportedly considering building a runway on a so-called quick installation platform (QIP) to be built on piles driven into the sea bottom off the U.S. military's Camp Schwab. Furthermore, the government is studying a plan to either relocate up to 1,000 airborne troops from Futenma to Tokunoshima Island, Kagoshima Prefecture, or to shift the training site.
米軍普天間飛行場（沖縄県宜野湾市）移設問題で、政府は、（１）米軍キャンプ・シュワブ沿岸部（同県名護市辺野古）に「くい打ち桟橋（ＱＩＰ）方式」で滑走路を建設する（２）鹿児島県・徳之島に普天間の航空部隊のうち最大１０００人を移転する、または訓練を移す−−を柱にした案で最終調整しているとされる。
The government has claimed that the QIP method would pose less of a threat to the environment than the plan previously agreed upon between Tokyo and Washington to build a runway by reclaiming the sea off Camp Schwab.
ＱＩＰは多数の支柱を海底に打ち込み、その上に滑走路などの構造物を建設する工法である。日米合意の現行案である「埋め立て方式」に比べて環境に与える影響は少ない、と政府関係者は主張している。
Still, the construction of a runway off Henoko runs counter to Hatoyama's pledge to relocate Futenma base out of the prefecture. Okinawa, especially the city of Nago that would be required to host the substitute facility, is highly unlikely to accept the modified relocation plan as some 90,000 residents adopted a resolution in a rally on April 25, calling for relocation out of the prefecture and out of the country.
しかし、そうであっても、現行案と同じ辺野古の海に滑走路をつくるというのは明らかに首相の「約束」に反する。首相が国会などで繰り返し強調してきた「県外」とは相いれない。「９万人県民大会」で国外・県外移設を決議した沖縄、特に名護市が受け入れるとは到底思えない。
Experts have pointed out that even the QIP method would seriously affect sea creatures because the platform would block sunlight and thousands of piles would be driven into the sea floor.
ＱＩＰ方式も、滑走路による日照の遮断と数千本の支柱で、海洋生物や環境に与える影響は大きいという指摘がある。
If the prime minister approves the QIP method, it would be inconsistent with his earlier remarks describing the reclamation plan as "profanity against nature."
海の埋め立てを「自然への冒とく」と述べた首相が一転、ＱＩＰを容認したとすれば、真意を測りかねる。
Japan and the United States had considered building a runway off Henoko using the QIP method, but ruled it out because it is difficult to take anti-terrorism measures and it would cost a massive amount of money. The modified plan could spur speculation that the government has come up with the idea in a bid to drag U.S. officials, who are sticking to the previously agreed on plan, to the negotiation table.
この工法は、かつて日米間で検討されたが、テロ対策の難しさや費用面などから排除された案だ。辺野古を前提にした現行案にこだわる米国側を協議のテーブルにつかせるために考えついた案ではないか、と勘ぐられても仕方ない。
Prime Minister Hatoyama is scheduled to visit Okinawa on Tuesday for the first time since he took office, and hold talks with Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima over the relocation of Futenma base. Attention will be focused on whether the prime minister himself came up with the modified plan. He is required to provide an explanation that will satisfy not only the governor but also Okinawa residents and the Japanese general public as a whole.
首相は４日に就任後初めて沖縄県入りし、仲井真弘多知事と普天間問題について話し合う。移設先の「辺野古回帰」が首相自身の案なのかどうかが焦点になる。首相は知事だけでなく沖縄県民、国民に対しても納得のいく説明をしてもらいたい。
The plan to relocate some of the Marines stationed at Futenma to Tokunoshima Island has also been deadlocked. The mayors of the three towns on Tokunoshima Island have expressed stiff opposition to the plan while Washington has shown reluctance to accept the plan, citing operational problems.
Late last month, Hatoyama asked former House of Representatives member Torao Tokuda, who had been elected from Tokunoshima and has influence on the local community, to cooperate in shifting some Marines to the island, only to be rejected.
一方、徳之島への一部移転については、首相は先月２８日、同島出身の有力者である徳田虎雄元衆院議員に協力を要請したが拒否された。同島の３町長は受け入れ拒否の姿勢を崩さず、米政府も部隊運用上の理由から強い難色を示し、暗礁に乗り上げたままだ。
Tokuda explained Tokunoshima residents' anti-U.S. forces sentiment, pointing out that the island was split from Japan's mainland following the end of World War II and placed under the control of U.S. forces until 1953. It goes without saying that the prime minister should take local residents' sentiment into consideration in studying the possibility of moving some U.S. Marines to the island.
徳之島は戦後、本土と分離され１９５３年まで米軍政下に置かれるなど複雑な歴史を持つ。徳田氏は首相にこの経緯を指摘した。「県外」の主力として徳之島への移転を検討するにあたっては、こうした島民感情を考慮しなければならないのは当然だろう。
There remains less than a month before Hatoyama's self-imposed deadline for settling the Futenma relocation issue at the end of May. The prime minister has declared that he will stake his position on the settlement of the issue before the deadline.
残り１カ月。首相は「５月末決着」に「職を賭す覚悟」を明言している。
The government is required to gain consent from the community of the area that will host a substitute facility. During his visit to Okinawa, Prime Minister Hatoyama should show his determination to settle the issue by forming a consensus among local residents.
決着には移設先地元の合意が不可欠だ。沖縄訪問時には、その覚悟の中身を示してもらいたい。
(Mainichi Japan) May 1, 2010
毎日新聞 2010年5月1日 2時31分
2010年05月01日
独法見直し 仕分けの効果と限界が見えた
The Yomiuri Shimbun (May. 1, 2010)
Budget screening unit pulled its punches
独法見直し 仕分けの効果と限界が見えた（4月30日付・読売社説）
The government's latest session of budget screening was obviously inadequate in many respects, despite a certain degree of success in cutting projects undertaken by independent administrative institutions. This shows there is a limit to what can be accomplished through jigyo shiwake--the process of identifying wasteful government spending.
独立行政法人の事業の縮減などでは一定の成果があったが、切り込み不足も目立った。事業仕分けという手法の限界とも言えよう。
On Wednesday, the Government Revitalization Unit wrapped up a four-day budget screening session--the second held by the organ since November--that targeted 151 projects carried out by 47 of 104 independent administrative agencies.
１０４独法のうち、４７法人の１５１事業を対象とする４日間の事業仕分けが終了した。
Entities subject to the latest jigyo shiwake included the Urban Renaissance Agency. The revitalization unit concluded the agency's operations should be downsized by transferring its task of providing rental housing for elderly and low-income people to the national and local governments, while also selling upscale condominiums it had built to private sector corporations.
都市再生機構（ＵＲ）の賃貸住宅事業については、高齢者・低所得者向け住宅は自治体や国に移管する一方、高級住宅は民間に売却し、全体の事業規模を縮減するよう求めた。
The unit also decided the Japan Railway Construction, Transport and Technology Agency should hand over its earned surplus of about 1.35 trillion yen to the state coffers.
鉄道建設・運輸施設整備支援機構が抱える約１兆３５００億円もの利益剰余金は、国庫に返納すべきだと判定した。
===
Easier said than done
Little progress can be made in achieving such goals as cuts in projects and the handover of surpluses if independent administrative corporations--and the Cabinet Office and ministries supervising these bodies, for that matter--are left to their own devices. Given this, it is necessary to eliminate wasteful expenditures and reconsider the propriety of each project from a third-party point of view.
こうした事業の縮減や剰余金の返納は、独法や所管府省に任せていてはなかなか実現しない。外部の第三者の視点で、無駄を省き、見直しを図ることが大切だ。
The revitalization unit failed to unreservedly plunge the scalpel into projects deemed unnecessary. The body decided only some projects should be abolished, including a loan program administered by the Center for National University Finance and Management to build and improve facilities at university hospitals. This will probably do little to curtail government spending.
一方で、廃止と判定されたのは国立大学財務・経営センターによる大学付属病院整備費の融資事業など、一部にとどまった。政府の財政支出を大幅に削減する効果は望めそうにない。
It should not be forgotten that the Democratic Party of Japan's manifesto for last year's House of Representatives election promised "a fundamental review of independent administrative institutions, including their overall abolition." That pledge is a far cry from what the latest jigyo shiwake session has accomplished. This clearly illustrates how slipshod the party was in working out the details of its manifesto.
忘れてならないのは、民主党が昨年の衆院選の政権公約で、独法の「全廃を含めた抜本的見直し」を掲げていたことだ。今回の作業の実態から、大きくかけ離れている。いかに政権公約がいいかげんだったかを物語るものだ。
First and foremost, the revitalization unit's method of budget screening is unreasonable. The body concludes whether each project should be maintained or scrapped, through discussions that last barely one hour. This rule is applied to any and every project in question, the operating cost of which can range from several million yen to hundreds of billions of yen.
そもそも、予算が数千億円から数百万円の事業まで、規模の大小を問わず、１テーマについて一律で、しかもわずか１時間足らずの議論で、その存廃の結論を出すという手法自体に無理がある。
===
Can unit follow through?
In conducting a jigyo shiwake review, it is not unreasonable to single out large institutions--including the Urban Renaissance Agency and the Japan Housing Finance Agency--for discussions during which sufficient time is taken to provide different perspectives.
ＵＲや住宅金融支援機構など大型の独法の見直しは本来、その法人だけに十分な時間をかけ、多角的に議論してもおかしくない。
The jigyo shiwake review is appropriate in its objective--that is, working to end wasteful projects and commissioning private corporations to undertake certain projects. However, the revitalization unit will alienate the public if it cites last year's change of government as a pretext for its unbending approach to budget screening and turns a deaf ear to any objections--as if to say jigyo shiwake inspectors are infallible.
無駄な事業はやめる。民間や自治体に任せられる事業は任せる。その方向性は間違っていない。だが、「政権交代」を錦の御旗に、あらゆる反論に聞く耳を持たず、仕分け人の判定が絶対正しいという姿勢では理解を得られない。
What is important is to arrange for the revitalization unit to properly follow up on the results of its latest jigyo shiwake and continue reform of independent administrative agencies, instead of treating these results as an unalterable conclusion.
重要なのは、今回の作業を最終結論とするのでなく、今後も、政府の行政刷新会議がきちんと事後点検する仕組みを整え、継続して独法改革に取り組むことだ。
Take the example of the body's call for the transfer of the Urban Renaissance Agency's rental housing business to the private sector and the national and local governments. It is necessary to form a final conclusion about the transfer in relation to what should be done to dispose of the 11 trillion yen debt incurred by the housing agency.
例えば、ＵＲの賃貸住宅事業を民間や自治体に移管するのなら、１１兆円にも上る債務をどう処理するのかという問題と一体で結論を出すことが必要だろう。
There are concerns that the results of the latest jigyo shiwake could be watered down if pertinent government ministries are left to decide how--and whether--the conclusions formed in the budget screening should be translated into action, which could allow bureaucrats to roll back their efforts. That should be averted.
所管府省任せにすれば、官僚が巻き返し、今回の判定結果を骨抜きにする恐れがある。そうした事態は避けるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun,April 30, 2010)
（2010年4月30日01時46分 読売新聞）
Budget screening unit pulled its punches
独法見直し 仕分けの効果と限界が見えた（4月30日付・読売社説）
The government's latest session of budget screening was obviously inadequate in many respects, despite a certain degree of success in cutting projects undertaken by independent administrative institutions. This shows there is a limit to what can be accomplished through jigyo shiwake--the process of identifying wasteful government spending.
独立行政法人の事業の縮減などでは一定の成果があったが、切り込み不足も目立った。事業仕分けという手法の限界とも言えよう。
On Wednesday, the Government Revitalization Unit wrapped up a four-day budget screening session--the second held by the organ since November--that targeted 151 projects carried out by 47 of 104 independent administrative agencies.
１０４独法のうち、４７法人の１５１事業を対象とする４日間の事業仕分けが終了した。
Entities subject to the latest jigyo shiwake included the Urban Renaissance Agency. The revitalization unit concluded the agency's operations should be downsized by transferring its task of providing rental housing for elderly and low-income people to the national and local governments, while also selling upscale condominiums it had built to private sector corporations.
都市再生機構（ＵＲ）の賃貸住宅事業については、高齢者・低所得者向け住宅は自治体や国に移管する一方、高級住宅は民間に売却し、全体の事業規模を縮減するよう求めた。
The unit also decided the Japan Railway Construction, Transport and Technology Agency should hand over its earned surplus of about 1.35 trillion yen to the state coffers.
鉄道建設・運輸施設整備支援機構が抱える約１兆３５００億円もの利益剰余金は、国庫に返納すべきだと判定した。
===
Easier said than done
Little progress can be made in achieving such goals as cuts in projects and the handover of surpluses if independent administrative corporations--and the Cabinet Office and ministries supervising these bodies, for that matter--are left to their own devices. Given this, it is necessary to eliminate wasteful expenditures and reconsider the propriety of each project from a third-party point of view.
こうした事業の縮減や剰余金の返納は、独法や所管府省に任せていてはなかなか実現しない。外部の第三者の視点で、無駄を省き、見直しを図ることが大切だ。
The revitalization unit failed to unreservedly plunge the scalpel into projects deemed unnecessary. The body decided only some projects should be abolished, including a loan program administered by the Center for National University Finance and Management to build and improve facilities at university hospitals. This will probably do little to curtail government spending.
一方で、廃止と判定されたのは国立大学財務・経営センターによる大学付属病院整備費の融資事業など、一部にとどまった。政府の財政支出を大幅に削減する効果は望めそうにない。
It should not be forgotten that the Democratic Party of Japan's manifesto for last year's House of Representatives election promised "a fundamental review of independent administrative institutions, including their overall abolition." That pledge is a far cry from what the latest jigyo shiwake session has accomplished. This clearly illustrates how slipshod the party was in working out the details of its manifesto.
忘れてならないのは、民主党が昨年の衆院選の政権公約で、独法の「全廃を含めた抜本的見直し」を掲げていたことだ。今回の作業の実態から、大きくかけ離れている。いかに政権公約がいいかげんだったかを物語るものだ。
First and foremost, the revitalization unit's method of budget screening is unreasonable. The body concludes whether each project should be maintained or scrapped, through discussions that last barely one hour. This rule is applied to any and every project in question, the operating cost of which can range from several million yen to hundreds of billions of yen.
そもそも、予算が数千億円から数百万円の事業まで、規模の大小を問わず、１テーマについて一律で、しかもわずか１時間足らずの議論で、その存廃の結論を出すという手法自体に無理がある。
===
Can unit follow through?
In conducting a jigyo shiwake review, it is not unreasonable to single out large institutions--including the Urban Renaissance Agency and the Japan Housing Finance Agency--for discussions during which sufficient time is taken to provide different perspectives.
ＵＲや住宅金融支援機構など大型の独法の見直しは本来、その法人だけに十分な時間をかけ、多角的に議論してもおかしくない。
The jigyo shiwake review is appropriate in its objective--that is, working to end wasteful projects and commissioning private corporations to undertake certain projects. However, the revitalization unit will alienate the public if it cites last year's change of government as a pretext for its unbending approach to budget screening and turns a deaf ear to any objections--as if to say jigyo shiwake inspectors are infallible.
無駄な事業はやめる。民間や自治体に任せられる事業は任せる。その方向性は間違っていない。だが、「政権交代」を錦の御旗に、あらゆる反論に聞く耳を持たず、仕分け人の判定が絶対正しいという姿勢では理解を得られない。
What is important is to arrange for the revitalization unit to properly follow up on the results of its latest jigyo shiwake and continue reform of independent administrative agencies, instead of treating these results as an unalterable conclusion.
重要なのは、今回の作業を最終結論とするのでなく、今後も、政府の行政刷新会議がきちんと事後点検する仕組みを整え、継続して独法改革に取り組むことだ。
Take the example of the body's call for the transfer of the Urban Renaissance Agency's rental housing business to the private sector and the national and local governments. It is necessary to form a final conclusion about the transfer in relation to what should be done to dispose of the 11 trillion yen debt incurred by the housing agency.
例えば、ＵＲの賃貸住宅事業を民間や自治体に移管するのなら、１１兆円にも上る債務をどう処理するのかという問題と一体で結論を出すことが必要だろう。
There are concerns that the results of the latest jigyo shiwake could be watered down if pertinent government ministries are left to decide how--and whether--the conclusions formed in the budget screening should be translated into action, which could allow bureaucrats to roll back their efforts. That should be averted.
所管府省任せにすれば、官僚が巻き返し、今回の判定結果を骨抜きにする恐れがある。そうした事態は避けるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun,April 30, 2010)
（2010年4月30日01時46分 読売新聞）