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2009年09月06日
公明党敗北 出直しに与党経験を生かせ
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 6, 2009)
For New Komeito a time to reflect, rebuild
公明党敗北 出直しに与党経験を生かせ（9月6日付・読売社説）
The two highest-ranking members of New Komeito--its leader and secretary general--lost their seats in last Sunday's House of Representatives election, marking the most crushing defeat for the party since its foundation.
総選挙の結果は、党首と幹事長のトップ２人が共に落選するという、結党以来かつてない惨敗である。
It should now calmly examine the causes of its defeat and learn lessons from it for its renewal.
敗因を冷静に分析し、再出発の糧としなければならない。
All eight Komeito candidates fielded in single-seat constituencies lost their seats and the party won 21 seats in the proportional representation section of the election, which is fewer than the 25 seats it gained in the 1967 lower house election, the first lower house poll in which Komeito participated. It is no exaggeration to say the party is now facing its greatest crisis.
公明党は、８人の小選挙区候補が全員落選し、比例選のみで獲得した２１議席は、衆院に初めて進出した１９６７年衆院選の２５議席を下回った。最大の危機に直面していると言っても誇張ではない。
Natsuo Yamaguchi, chairman of the party's Policy Research Council, is expected to become the new party leader. What he and the new leadership must do first is rebuild the party ahead of the House of Councillors election next summer.
新代表には山口那津男政調会長が就任する見通しで、新執行部の最初の仕事は、来年夏の参院選に向けた体制立て直しだ。
===
Tied to falling LDP
There is no doubt that the resounding defeat of Komeito--which has a solid support base in lay buddhist organization Soka Gakkai--is due to the strong headwind of voter dissatisfaction that blew against the Liberal Democratic Party. Komeito was effectively toppled with its coalition partner.
創価学会という強固な支持基盤を持つ公明党が大敗したのは、自民党への強い逆風のあおりをまともに受けたためであることは間違いない。
Komeito garnered about 8.05 million votes in the proportional representation section of the election, about 700,000 to 900,000 votes fewer than it achieved in the previous two polls. The party's defeat may also be attributed to the fact that the party was not able to collect many votes cast by supporters of the LDP this time.
比例選の得票が約８０５万票にとどまり、過去２回と比べて７０万〜９０万票も減った。連立相手の自民党支持層からの得票が伸び悩んだことも、敗因の一つだろう。
Moreover, it is undeniable that the election result was partly due to the fact that Komeito was tarred with the same brush as the scandal-hit LDP. Komeito was unable to promote itself as a unique party, finding that it had slowly been cast into oblivion over the past decade spent as the LDP's junior coalition partner.
それ以上に、１０年にわたる自民党との連立政権下で、公明党がその持ち味を発揮できずに埋没した揚げ句、不祥事続きの自民党と同列視されたことが影響した面も否めない。
Komeito apparently had some problems in deciding on its policies. For example, the party always took a reluctant stance toward the utilization of the Self-Defense Forces at key moments, including the Afghan and Iraq wars launched after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States, because they succumbed to the deep-rooted "nonmilitarism and peace" orientation of Soka Gakkai members.
政策対応にも、問題はなかったか。例えば、米同時テロ後のアフガン戦争やイラク戦争といった節目で、創価学会員に根強い「非軍事・平和」志向に押されるまま、自衛隊の活用に常に消極的な姿勢を取った。
It was Komeito that took the initiative in realizing the flat-sum cash benefit program on which the administration of Prime Minister Taro Aso spent a hefty 2 trillion yen. However, the program has had a limited effect in terms of stimulating the economy and was criticized as pork-barreling.
麻生政権が２兆円もの巨費を投じた定額給付金は、公明党が主導したものだ。景気刺激効果は限定的と言われ、バラマキ的政策と批判を浴びた。
During the final stage of the administration of former Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda, senior Komeito members made remarks that could be construed as calling for Fukuda to be replaced. Some observers also have pointed out that Komeito grew conceited due to its increased influence over the LDP it achieved through vital support it gave the LDP in elections.
福田政権の末期には、党幹部から「福田降ろし」を促すかのような発言もあった。選挙支援を通じて自民党への影響力を強めたことで、驕(おご)りとも言える対応が増えたという指摘もある。
On the other hand, the experience gained by Komeito during its time in the LDP-Komeito coalition must surely be a valuable asset. Previously in perpetual opposition as a force that only criticized the ruling party, Komeito's time in power has made it aware of the political responsibilities of a ruling party, and has given it experience in planning and implementing realistic policies and formulating foreign and national security policies from a global standpoint.
反面、自公政権下の経験は、批判勢力としての万年野党的立場から、政権与党としての政治責任の自覚、現実的政策の立案や遂行、国際的視野での外交・安全保障政策への対応などの面で、貴重な財産になったのではないか。
===
Avoid cozying up to DPJ
We hope Komeito will rebuild itself by studying and drawing on its experiences as a ruling coalition party, which are formed of both good and bad aspects.
功罪両面を持った連立与党経験を検証した上で、党再建につなげてもらいたい。
Komeito likely will adopt an issue-by-issue stance toward the Democratic Party of Japan, but it must avoid the foolish act of snuggling up to the new administration without first considering its policies.
民主党には、是々非々の姿勢で臨む方針のようだが、政策抜きで政権にすり寄る愚は避けなければなるまい。
Komeito must act with courage in taking policies to the public, even if they might cause an increased burden, and convince them of the need for hard-to-sell policies rather than pandering to populism.
大衆迎合に陥らず、痛みを伴う政策への理解を国民に求める勇気と説得力が必要だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 6, 2009)
（2009年9月6日01時21分 読売新聞）
For New Komeito a time to reflect, rebuild
公明党敗北 出直しに与党経験を生かせ（9月6日付・読売社説）
The two highest-ranking members of New Komeito--its leader and secretary general--lost their seats in last Sunday's House of Representatives election, marking the most crushing defeat for the party since its foundation.
総選挙の結果は、党首と幹事長のトップ２人が共に落選するという、結党以来かつてない惨敗である。
It should now calmly examine the causes of its defeat and learn lessons from it for its renewal.
敗因を冷静に分析し、再出発の糧としなければならない。
All eight Komeito candidates fielded in single-seat constituencies lost their seats and the party won 21 seats in the proportional representation section of the election, which is fewer than the 25 seats it gained in the 1967 lower house election, the first lower house poll in which Komeito participated. It is no exaggeration to say the party is now facing its greatest crisis.
公明党は、８人の小選挙区候補が全員落選し、比例選のみで獲得した２１議席は、衆院に初めて進出した１９６７年衆院選の２５議席を下回った。最大の危機に直面していると言っても誇張ではない。
Natsuo Yamaguchi, chairman of the party's Policy Research Council, is expected to become the new party leader. What he and the new leadership must do first is rebuild the party ahead of the House of Councillors election next summer.
新代表には山口那津男政調会長が就任する見通しで、新執行部の最初の仕事は、来年夏の参院選に向けた体制立て直しだ。
===
Tied to falling LDP
There is no doubt that the resounding defeat of Komeito--which has a solid support base in lay buddhist organization Soka Gakkai--is due to the strong headwind of voter dissatisfaction that blew against the Liberal Democratic Party. Komeito was effectively toppled with its coalition partner.
創価学会という強固な支持基盤を持つ公明党が大敗したのは、自民党への強い逆風のあおりをまともに受けたためであることは間違いない。
Komeito garnered about 8.05 million votes in the proportional representation section of the election, about 700,000 to 900,000 votes fewer than it achieved in the previous two polls. The party's defeat may also be attributed to the fact that the party was not able to collect many votes cast by supporters of the LDP this time.
比例選の得票が約８０５万票にとどまり、過去２回と比べて７０万〜９０万票も減った。連立相手の自民党支持層からの得票が伸び悩んだことも、敗因の一つだろう。
Moreover, it is undeniable that the election result was partly due to the fact that Komeito was tarred with the same brush as the scandal-hit LDP. Komeito was unable to promote itself as a unique party, finding that it had slowly been cast into oblivion over the past decade spent as the LDP's junior coalition partner.
それ以上に、１０年にわたる自民党との連立政権下で、公明党がその持ち味を発揮できずに埋没した揚げ句、不祥事続きの自民党と同列視されたことが影響した面も否めない。
Komeito apparently had some problems in deciding on its policies. For example, the party always took a reluctant stance toward the utilization of the Self-Defense Forces at key moments, including the Afghan and Iraq wars launched after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States, because they succumbed to the deep-rooted "nonmilitarism and peace" orientation of Soka Gakkai members.
政策対応にも、問題はなかったか。例えば、米同時テロ後のアフガン戦争やイラク戦争といった節目で、創価学会員に根強い「非軍事・平和」志向に押されるまま、自衛隊の活用に常に消極的な姿勢を取った。
It was Komeito that took the initiative in realizing the flat-sum cash benefit program on which the administration of Prime Minister Taro Aso spent a hefty 2 trillion yen. However, the program has had a limited effect in terms of stimulating the economy and was criticized as pork-barreling.
麻生政権が２兆円もの巨費を投じた定額給付金は、公明党が主導したものだ。景気刺激効果は限定的と言われ、バラマキ的政策と批判を浴びた。
During the final stage of the administration of former Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda, senior Komeito members made remarks that could be construed as calling for Fukuda to be replaced. Some observers also have pointed out that Komeito grew conceited due to its increased influence over the LDP it achieved through vital support it gave the LDP in elections.
福田政権の末期には、党幹部から「福田降ろし」を促すかのような発言もあった。選挙支援を通じて自民党への影響力を強めたことで、驕(おご)りとも言える対応が増えたという指摘もある。
On the other hand, the experience gained by Komeito during its time in the LDP-Komeito coalition must surely be a valuable asset. Previously in perpetual opposition as a force that only criticized the ruling party, Komeito's time in power has made it aware of the political responsibilities of a ruling party, and has given it experience in planning and implementing realistic policies and formulating foreign and national security policies from a global standpoint.
反面、自公政権下の経験は、批判勢力としての万年野党的立場から、政権与党としての政治責任の自覚、現実的政策の立案や遂行、国際的視野での外交・安全保障政策への対応などの面で、貴重な財産になったのではないか。
===
Avoid cozying up to DPJ
We hope Komeito will rebuild itself by studying and drawing on its experiences as a ruling coalition party, which are formed of both good and bad aspects.
功罪両面を持った連立与党経験を検証した上で、党再建につなげてもらいたい。
Komeito likely will adopt an issue-by-issue stance toward the Democratic Party of Japan, but it must avoid the foolish act of snuggling up to the new administration without first considering its policies.
民主党には、是々非々の姿勢で臨む方針のようだが、政策抜きで政権にすり寄る愚は避けなければなるまい。
Komeito must act with courage in taking policies to the public, even if they might cause an increased burden, and convince them of the need for hard-to-sell policies rather than pandering to populism.
大衆迎合に陥らず、痛みを伴う政策への理解を国民に求める勇気と説得力が必要だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 6, 2009)
（2009年9月6日01時21分 読売新聞）
2009年09月05日
小沢民主幹事長 試される鳩山代表の統率力
Yomiuri Shinbun より抜粋
翻訳、通訳、どちらも専門用語をしっかり覚えていなければ役目を果たせません。
その意味で英和辞典も必要です。
英英辞典だけにすべきだという人もいますが、
達成目的によって使い分けるべきだと思います。
大臣、ministers,
副大臣、vice ministers,
政務官、parliamentary secretaries,
大臣補佐官、advisers to ministers
secretary general、 幹事長
専門用語は予習をしっかりしておかないと本番ではじをかくことになります。
（スラチャイ）
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 5, 2009)
Ozawa will test Hatoyama's mettle
小沢民主幹事長 試される鳩山代表の統率力（9月5日付・読売社説）
Acting Democratic Party of Japan President Ichiro Ozawa is set to become the party's secretary general, a crucial position at the heart of the administration to be inaugurated under prime minister in waiting Yukio Hatoyama.
鳩山新政権の要である民主党幹事長に、小沢代表代行が就任することになった。
Hatoyama, who is DPJ president, has been at pains to explain that he appointed Ozawa because he guided the DPJ to a landslide victory in the House of Representatives election Sunday.
"We managed to win more than 300 seats thanks to Acting President Ozawa," Hatoyama said.
鳩山代表は、「小沢代行のお陰で３００を超える議席を得た」として、衆院選を指揮した小沢氏の功労に応えたものと強調した。
Of course, this cannot be the only reason for his appointment.
無論、それだけではない。
Hatoyama apparently plans to put Ozawa in charge of the DPJ campaign for next summer's House of Councillors election so the party can snatch a single-party majority in the upper house and form an administration that can hold sway over both chambers of the Diet.
来年夏の参院選対策を引き続き小沢氏に委ね、参院でも単独過半数を制し、本格政権を樹立させる狙いだろう。
The DPJ has grown into a political juggernaut holding a total of nearly 420 seats in the upper and lower houses. Hatoyama seems to believe that he needs the influence and experience of Ozawa, who once served as secretary general of the Liberal Democratic Party, to ensure all the members of the big party keep pulling in the same direction.
民主党は、衆参両院で４２０近い議席を持つ大所帯になった。巨大政党を束ねるには、自民党でも幹事長を務めた小沢氏の力量と経験に頼らざるを得ない、との判断もあったとみられる。
However, Ozawa's appointment as DPJ secretary general also has raised some concerns in the political arena.
だが、小沢氏の起用には、懸念も指摘されている。
===
New kids on the block
The ranks of Ozawa supporters within the DPJ have swollen with the arrival of dozens of rookie candidates--dubbed "Ozawa kids" because he managed their nominations and campaign preparations--in the last election. Some observers have suggested Ozawa could end up wielding too much influence over the management of party affairs.
「小沢チルドレン」とも言われる新人の大量当選で、グループ勢力を膨張させた小沢氏が、党運営で過大な影響力を行使するようになるのでは、というわけだ。
Under LDP-led governments, the party held more influence over policy decisions than the administration did. However, the DPJ wants to reverse this balance and give more power to the envisaged administration.
民主党は、自民党政権での「党高政低」的な政策決定を「政高党低」に変えたいようだ。
However, achieving this goal will be no easy feat if Ozawa, who is a top party official but not a member of the envisaged cabinet, throws his weight around on policy decisions.
小沢氏が党の立場で政府の外側から力を行使しては、この目標の達成が困難になりかねない。
Hatoyama quoted Ozawa as saying during their talks Thursday night that he would not, in principle, be involved in making policy decisions since the government is supposed to do that.
鳩山代表によれば、３日の鳩山―小沢会談で小沢氏は、「政策はすべて政府が決定することになるので、私は基本的にはかかわらない」と述べたという。
Ozawa's remark about his "nonintervention in policy decisions" emboldened Hatoyama enough to tell reporters that Ozawa's appointment would not create a dual system of power. But we have doubts about whether this will really be the case.
この“政策不介入”発言を受けて、鳩山代表は、記者団に「権力の二重構造にはならない」と説明している。果たしてそうか。
===
DPJ must stay united
Hatoyama said a total of about 100 lawmakers would be allocated to government ministries and agencies as ministers, vice ministers, parliamentary secretaries, advisers to ministers and in other positions so the government can be the sole arbiter of policy decisions.
鳩山代表は、政府による一元的な政策決定を図るため、各府省に大臣、副大臣、政務官、大臣補佐官など国会議員約１００人を配置するとしている。
However, policies drafted by such lawmakers cannot be implemented unless they are written up as bills and pass both Diet chambers. Enacting bills requires the cooperation of the party--including the secretary general, who has responsibility over Diet affairs as part of party management.
しかし、そこで政策を立案しても、それを法案化し衆参両院で成立させなければ実施できない。法案成立には、党運営の一環として国会対策に責任を持つ幹事長以下、党の協力が不可欠だ。
Hatoyama has a responsibility to exercise firm leadership to keep Ozawa on a short leash so he does not run away with the party.
鳩山代表は形はどうであれ、自らの責任と指導力で小沢氏の“独走”を防ぐことが肝要である。
Meanwhile, preparations for the transition of power are running late. Even a brief intermission is impermissible in politics. Hatoyama should choose his lineup of key ministers as soon as possible.
それにしても、政権移行の準備が遅れている。政治は一時の休止も許されない。主要閣僚の陣容は早く整えるべきだろう。
Ozawa has been criticized in the past for his attitude and high-handed behavior, such as missing important meetings or refusing to provide detailed explanations. Ozawa will have to correct his ways if he is to become secretary general of the nation's largest party.
小沢氏は普段、丁寧な説明を欠いたり、会議に出なかったり、その態度や姿勢が批判されてきた。最大政党の幹事長なら、これは改めなければなるまい。
Now, more than ever, Ozawa will need to offer greater accountability over the scandal involving illicit donations from Nishimatsu Construction Co. that eventually led to the indictment of his government-funded secretary.
公設秘書が起訴された西松建設違法献金事件では、従来以上に説明責任が求められる。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 5, 2009)
（2009年9月5日01時16分 読売新聞）
翻訳、通訳、どちらも専門用語をしっかり覚えていなければ役目を果たせません。
その意味で英和辞典も必要です。
英英辞典だけにすべきだという人もいますが、
達成目的によって使い分けるべきだと思います。
大臣、ministers,
副大臣、vice ministers,
政務官、parliamentary secretaries,
大臣補佐官、advisers to ministers
secretary general、 幹事長
専門用語は予習をしっかりしておかないと本番ではじをかくことになります。
（スラチャイ）
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 5, 2009)
Ozawa will test Hatoyama's mettle
小沢民主幹事長 試される鳩山代表の統率力（9月5日付・読売社説）
Acting Democratic Party of Japan President Ichiro Ozawa is set to become the party's secretary general, a crucial position at the heart of the administration to be inaugurated under prime minister in waiting Yukio Hatoyama.
鳩山新政権の要である民主党幹事長に、小沢代表代行が就任することになった。
Hatoyama, who is DPJ president, has been at pains to explain that he appointed Ozawa because he guided the DPJ to a landslide victory in the House of Representatives election Sunday.
"We managed to win more than 300 seats thanks to Acting President Ozawa," Hatoyama said.
鳩山代表は、「小沢代行のお陰で３００を超える議席を得た」として、衆院選を指揮した小沢氏の功労に応えたものと強調した。
Of course, this cannot be the only reason for his appointment.
無論、それだけではない。
Hatoyama apparently plans to put Ozawa in charge of the DPJ campaign for next summer's House of Councillors election so the party can snatch a single-party majority in the upper house and form an administration that can hold sway over both chambers of the Diet.
来年夏の参院選対策を引き続き小沢氏に委ね、参院でも単独過半数を制し、本格政権を樹立させる狙いだろう。
The DPJ has grown into a political juggernaut holding a total of nearly 420 seats in the upper and lower houses. Hatoyama seems to believe that he needs the influence and experience of Ozawa, who once served as secretary general of the Liberal Democratic Party, to ensure all the members of the big party keep pulling in the same direction.
民主党は、衆参両院で４２０近い議席を持つ大所帯になった。巨大政党を束ねるには、自民党でも幹事長を務めた小沢氏の力量と経験に頼らざるを得ない、との判断もあったとみられる。
However, Ozawa's appointment as DPJ secretary general also has raised some concerns in the political arena.
だが、小沢氏の起用には、懸念も指摘されている。
===
New kids on the block
The ranks of Ozawa supporters within the DPJ have swollen with the arrival of dozens of rookie candidates--dubbed "Ozawa kids" because he managed their nominations and campaign preparations--in the last election. Some observers have suggested Ozawa could end up wielding too much influence over the management of party affairs.
「小沢チルドレン」とも言われる新人の大量当選で、グループ勢力を膨張させた小沢氏が、党運営で過大な影響力を行使するようになるのでは、というわけだ。
Under LDP-led governments, the party held more influence over policy decisions than the administration did. However, the DPJ wants to reverse this balance and give more power to the envisaged administration.
民主党は、自民党政権での「党高政低」的な政策決定を「政高党低」に変えたいようだ。
However, achieving this goal will be no easy feat if Ozawa, who is a top party official but not a member of the envisaged cabinet, throws his weight around on policy decisions.
小沢氏が党の立場で政府の外側から力を行使しては、この目標の達成が困難になりかねない。
Hatoyama quoted Ozawa as saying during their talks Thursday night that he would not, in principle, be involved in making policy decisions since the government is supposed to do that.
鳩山代表によれば、３日の鳩山―小沢会談で小沢氏は、「政策はすべて政府が決定することになるので、私は基本的にはかかわらない」と述べたという。
Ozawa's remark about his "nonintervention in policy decisions" emboldened Hatoyama enough to tell reporters that Ozawa's appointment would not create a dual system of power. But we have doubts about whether this will really be the case.
この“政策不介入”発言を受けて、鳩山代表は、記者団に「権力の二重構造にはならない」と説明している。果たしてそうか。
===
DPJ must stay united
Hatoyama said a total of about 100 lawmakers would be allocated to government ministries and agencies as ministers, vice ministers, parliamentary secretaries, advisers to ministers and in other positions so the government can be the sole arbiter of policy decisions.
鳩山代表は、政府による一元的な政策決定を図るため、各府省に大臣、副大臣、政務官、大臣補佐官など国会議員約１００人を配置するとしている。
However, policies drafted by such lawmakers cannot be implemented unless they are written up as bills and pass both Diet chambers. Enacting bills requires the cooperation of the party--including the secretary general, who has responsibility over Diet affairs as part of party management.
しかし、そこで政策を立案しても、それを法案化し衆参両院で成立させなければ実施できない。法案成立には、党運営の一環として国会対策に責任を持つ幹事長以下、党の協力が不可欠だ。
Hatoyama has a responsibility to exercise firm leadership to keep Ozawa on a short leash so he does not run away with the party.
鳩山代表は形はどうであれ、自らの責任と指導力で小沢氏の“独走”を防ぐことが肝要である。
Meanwhile, preparations for the transition of power are running late. Even a brief intermission is impermissible in politics. Hatoyama should choose his lineup of key ministers as soon as possible.
それにしても、政権移行の準備が遅れている。政治は一時の休止も許されない。主要閣僚の陣容は早く整えるべきだろう。
Ozawa has been criticized in the past for his attitude and high-handed behavior, such as missing important meetings or refusing to provide detailed explanations. Ozawa will have to correct his ways if he is to become secretary general of the nation's largest party.
小沢氏は普段、丁寧な説明を欠いたり、会議に出なかったり、その態度や姿勢が批判されてきた。最大政党の幹事長なら、これは改めなければなるまい。
Now, more than ever, Ozawa will need to offer greater accountability over the scandal involving illicit donations from Nishimatsu Construction Co. that eventually led to the indictment of his government-funded secretary.
公設秘書が起訴された西松建設違法献金事件では、従来以上に説明責任が求められる。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 5, 2009)
（2009年9月5日01時16分 読売新聞）
2009年09月04日
鳩山対米外交 信頼構築へ言動が問われる
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 4, 2009)
Actions speak louder than words on U.S. ties
鳩山対米外交 信頼構築へ言動が問われる（9月4日付・読売社説）
Words alone are not enough to build a relationship of trust between Japan and the United States. Actions also will be important for crafting deeper ties.
日米の信頼関係を築くには、「言葉」だけでなく「行動」が肝心だ。
During his telephone conversation with U.S. President Barack Obama, Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama said the Japan-U.S. security alliance remained the "foundation" of Japan's foreign policy. The two leaders also agreed that their nations would build future-oriented relations. Hatoyama echoed these comments during his meeting Thursday with new U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos.
民主党の鳩山代表がオバマ米大統領との電話会談で「日米同盟が基軸」との意向を表明し、未来志向の関係を築くことで一致した。ジョン・ルース駐日大使との会談でも、日米関係の強化を確認した。
A call from the U.S. president and a visit by the ambassador so soon after the DPJ's landslide victory in the House of Representatives election indicates that the U.S. government attaches great importance to ties with Japan but, at the same time, is concerned about the future bilateral relationship.
民主党の衆院選勝利後早々の大統領からの電話や大使の表敬訪問は、米政府が日本を重視すると同時に、今後の日米関係を心配しているため、と見るべきだろう。
These anxieties stemmed partly from Hatoyama's recent op-ed piece in The New York Times that caused a stir by expressing views that appeared to be critical of the United States.
というのも、米紙に最近掲載された鳩山代表の論文が、「反米的だ」などと米側に受け止められ、波紋を広げているからだ。
===
Article invited confusion
The article, which was published in the newspaper's electronic version as a translated excerpt from an article originally carried in a monthly Japanese magazine, contained comments including, "Japan has been continually buffeted by the winds of market fundamentalism in a U.S.-led movement...Consequently, human dignity is lost," and Japan and other Asian nations "want to restrain U.S. political and economic excesses."
論文には、「日本は米国主導の市場原理主義に翻弄(ほんろう)され続け、人間の尊厳が失われた」「米国の政治的、経済的行き過ぎは抑制したい」といった表現がある。
Hatoyama later explained that he did not intend to espouse anti-U.S. views in the article. But it is undeniable that the article included expressions critical of the United States and, as a result, gave the impression it was anti-U.S.
鳩山代表は「反米的な考え方を示したものでない」と説明する。だが、論文が米国批判を含み、結果的に「反米的」との印象を与えた事実は否定できない。
Reaction in the United States also has been shaped by mounting distrust against DPJ policy planks such as opposition to the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling activities in the Indian Ocean and calls for reviewing the planned realignment of U.S. forces stationed in Japan.
米側の反応の背景には、インド洋での海上自衛隊の給油活動への反対や、在日米軍再編の見直しなど、従来の民主党の主張に対する不信感の蓄積もあるだろう。
Hatoyama is no longer a mere opposition leader; he will soon become this nation's prime minister. He should remember that his remarks carry considerable weight.
鳩山代表は、もはや単なる野党党首でなく、次期首相の立場だ。その発言の重みを自覚し、行動することが求められる。
He should not simply stick to underlining differences between his party and the government and ruling parties, as he did while he was an opposition member. Rather, Hatoyama should commit himself to preserving policies that deserve to be kept in place and develop them into better ones.
野党時代のように、政府・与党との違いを強調することばかりに固執すべきではない。継承すべき政策はしっかりと継承し、むしろ発展させる発想が大切だ。
Hatoyama has a busy--and important--diplomatic schedule coming up. He is expected to hold his first summit meeting with Obama later this month around the time when a U.N. General Assembly meeting is to be held. U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates is expected to visit Japan in October, and Obama is penciled in to visit Japan in November.
今月下旬の国連総会に合わせた初の日米首脳会談、１０月にゲーツ国防長官来日、１１月にオバマ大統領来日と、重要な外交日程が続く。
===
United stance needed
Initially, Hatoyama might only be obliged to pay lip service to the importance of the Japan-U.S. alliance. But words by themselves will certainly not be enough over the long term.
最初は、日米同盟の重要性を「言葉」で確認すればいいが、それだけではすまされない。
Tokyo and Washington face a raft of important issues that must be tackled together, such as the fight against terrorism, North Korea's nuclear ambitions, the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, and reviving the staggering world economy. What role will Japan play to resolve these issues? If the DPJ intends to end the refueling mission, it must present concrete alternative measures.
テロとの戦い、北朝鮮の核、在日米軍再編、世界経済の回復など日米が連携して取り組むべき重要課題は多い。日本は、問題解決のためにどんな役割を果たすのか。例えば給油活動を中止するなら、具体的な代案を示すべきだ。
During talks with the Social Democratic Party and the People's New Party aimed at striking a deal on forming a coalition, the DPJ proposed that pursuing a close and equal alliance with the United States be included as a policy in a consensus document among the parties. The DPJ apparently wants to make more demands of the United States than ever before.
民主党は社民、国民新両党との連立政権協議で、「緊密で対等な日米同盟関係」を合意文書に盛り込むよう提案している。従来以上に米国に注文する狙いだろう。
However, the party should not forget that, as long as it intends to be more willing to speak its mind, it must bear due responsibilities in the international community.
だが、物を言う以上は、当然、日本が相応の国際的な責任を担う覚悟を忘れてはなるまい。
Hatoyama's repeated verbal overtures seeking a relationship of trust with Obama will not amount to anything unless they are backed up with actions.
鳩山代表が再三口にする「オバマ大統領との信頼関係」は、「行動」なしに実現しない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 4, 2009)
（2009年9月4日01時28分 読売新聞）
Actions speak louder than words on U.S. ties
鳩山対米外交 信頼構築へ言動が問われる（9月4日付・読売社説）
Words alone are not enough to build a relationship of trust between Japan and the United States. Actions also will be important for crafting deeper ties.
日米の信頼関係を築くには、「言葉」だけでなく「行動」が肝心だ。
During his telephone conversation with U.S. President Barack Obama, Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama said the Japan-U.S. security alliance remained the "foundation" of Japan's foreign policy. The two leaders also agreed that their nations would build future-oriented relations. Hatoyama echoed these comments during his meeting Thursday with new U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos.
民主党の鳩山代表がオバマ米大統領との電話会談で「日米同盟が基軸」との意向を表明し、未来志向の関係を築くことで一致した。ジョン・ルース駐日大使との会談でも、日米関係の強化を確認した。
A call from the U.S. president and a visit by the ambassador so soon after the DPJ's landslide victory in the House of Representatives election indicates that the U.S. government attaches great importance to ties with Japan but, at the same time, is concerned about the future bilateral relationship.
民主党の衆院選勝利後早々の大統領からの電話や大使の表敬訪問は、米政府が日本を重視すると同時に、今後の日米関係を心配しているため、と見るべきだろう。
These anxieties stemmed partly from Hatoyama's recent op-ed piece in The New York Times that caused a stir by expressing views that appeared to be critical of the United States.
というのも、米紙に最近掲載された鳩山代表の論文が、「反米的だ」などと米側に受け止められ、波紋を広げているからだ。
===
Article invited confusion
The article, which was published in the newspaper's electronic version as a translated excerpt from an article originally carried in a monthly Japanese magazine, contained comments including, "Japan has been continually buffeted by the winds of market fundamentalism in a U.S.-led movement...Consequently, human dignity is lost," and Japan and other Asian nations "want to restrain U.S. political and economic excesses."
論文には、「日本は米国主導の市場原理主義に翻弄(ほんろう)され続け、人間の尊厳が失われた」「米国の政治的、経済的行き過ぎは抑制したい」といった表現がある。
Hatoyama later explained that he did not intend to espouse anti-U.S. views in the article. But it is undeniable that the article included expressions critical of the United States and, as a result, gave the impression it was anti-U.S.
鳩山代表は「反米的な考え方を示したものでない」と説明する。だが、論文が米国批判を含み、結果的に「反米的」との印象を与えた事実は否定できない。
Reaction in the United States also has been shaped by mounting distrust against DPJ policy planks such as opposition to the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling activities in the Indian Ocean and calls for reviewing the planned realignment of U.S. forces stationed in Japan.
米側の反応の背景には、インド洋での海上自衛隊の給油活動への反対や、在日米軍再編の見直しなど、従来の民主党の主張に対する不信感の蓄積もあるだろう。
Hatoyama is no longer a mere opposition leader; he will soon become this nation's prime minister. He should remember that his remarks carry considerable weight.
鳩山代表は、もはや単なる野党党首でなく、次期首相の立場だ。その発言の重みを自覚し、行動することが求められる。
He should not simply stick to underlining differences between his party and the government and ruling parties, as he did while he was an opposition member. Rather, Hatoyama should commit himself to preserving policies that deserve to be kept in place and develop them into better ones.
野党時代のように、政府・与党との違いを強調することばかりに固執すべきではない。継承すべき政策はしっかりと継承し、むしろ発展させる発想が大切だ。
Hatoyama has a busy--and important--diplomatic schedule coming up. He is expected to hold his first summit meeting with Obama later this month around the time when a U.N. General Assembly meeting is to be held. U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates is expected to visit Japan in October, and Obama is penciled in to visit Japan in November.
今月下旬の国連総会に合わせた初の日米首脳会談、１０月にゲーツ国防長官来日、１１月にオバマ大統領来日と、重要な外交日程が続く。
===
United stance needed
Initially, Hatoyama might only be obliged to pay lip service to the importance of the Japan-U.S. alliance. But words by themselves will certainly not be enough over the long term.
最初は、日米同盟の重要性を「言葉」で確認すればいいが、それだけではすまされない。
Tokyo and Washington face a raft of important issues that must be tackled together, such as the fight against terrorism, North Korea's nuclear ambitions, the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, and reviving the staggering world economy. What role will Japan play to resolve these issues? If the DPJ intends to end the refueling mission, it must present concrete alternative measures.
テロとの戦い、北朝鮮の核、在日米軍再編、世界経済の回復など日米が連携して取り組むべき重要課題は多い。日本は、問題解決のためにどんな役割を果たすのか。例えば給油活動を中止するなら、具体的な代案を示すべきだ。
During talks with the Social Democratic Party and the People's New Party aimed at striking a deal on forming a coalition, the DPJ proposed that pursuing a close and equal alliance with the United States be included as a policy in a consensus document among the parties. The DPJ apparently wants to make more demands of the United States than ever before.
民主党は社民、国民新両党との連立政権協議で、「緊密で対等な日米同盟関係」を合意文書に盛り込むよう提案している。従来以上に米国に注文する狙いだろう。
However, the party should not forget that, as long as it intends to be more willing to speak its mind, it must bear due responsibilities in the international community.
だが、物を言う以上は、当然、日本が相応の国際的な責任を担う覚悟を忘れてはなるまい。
Hatoyama's repeated verbal overtures seeking a relationship of trust with Obama will not amount to anything unless they are backed up with actions.
鳩山代表が再三口にする「オバマ大統領との信頼関係」は、「行動」なしに実現しない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 4, 2009)
（2009年9月4日01時28分 読売新聞）
2009年09月03日
連立政権協議 現実的な安保政策が不可欠だ
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 3, 2009)
New coalition govt needs realistic security policy
連立政権協議 現実的な安保政策が不可欠だ（9月3日付・読売社説）
The Democratic Party of Japan, the Social Democratic Party and the People's New Party began talks Wednesday on forming a tripartite coalition government.
民主、社民、国民新の３党が、連立政権樹立に向けた協議を始めた。
However, before forming their coalition, it is vital that they reach a consensus over policy issues, as any outstanding ambiguities will lead to serious problems in the future. All three parties must be prepared to make necessary adjustments to their respective policies.
連立政権は政策の合意が前提となる。あいまいな合意は禍根を残す。十分な政策のすり合わせが肝要だ。
The DPJ won an unprecedented 308 seats in Sunday's House of Representatives election, though it has less than a single-party majority in the House of Councillors. The DPJ is thus forging a coalition government with the SDP and the PNP in an apparent attempt to ensure policy measures are carried out in a stable manner.
民主党は衆院で空前の３０８議席を獲得したが、参院では単独過半数に満たない。社民、国民新両党との連立を目指すのは、より安定した政権運営のためだろう。
In previous coalition governments, there have been a number of cases in which small parties have stuck steadfastly to their individual policies to stress the significance of their existence within the government. However, this merely caused confusion. The DPJ should learn lessons from such precedents and be wary about making easy concessions.
ただ、過去の連立政権では、少数政党が存在意義をアピールしようと、自らの主張に固執し、混乱した例も少なくない。安易な譲歩は禁物である。
The SDP is demanding that a ruling coalition organ be established to review bills and other policies before they are approved by the Cabinet. Though this kind of body has existed in the past, it likely would cause problems this time around, as it would contradict the DPJ's policy to make its administration the sole arbiter vis-a-vis policy decisions.
社民党は、法案などを閣議決定前に事前審査するための与党協議機関の設置を要求している。こうした機関は過去にも存在した。だが、今回、問題なのは、民主党が目指す「政策決定の政府への一元化」と矛盾することだ。
Meanwhile, it is rumored that DPJ Acting President Ichiro Ozawa likely will be given an important post within the DPJ, but not as part of the Cabinet. However, Ozawa has many supporters and wields considerable influence, and if he has a large say in policy decisions, it would lead once again to a dual system of power.
民主党の小沢一郎代表代行は入閣せず、党の要職にとどまる方向とされる。実力者の小沢氏が党内の支持勢力を背景に、政策決定面で強い影響力を持てば、「権力の二重構造」の再現になろう。
===
Common policies
The coalition talks are based on "common policies" for six items--including a freeze on the consumption tax rate--that the three parties agreed upon prior to the lower house election.
連立協議は、３党が衆院選前に合意した、消費税率据え置きなど６項目の「共通政策」が土台となる。
However, the real issues to be thrashed out during the talks are foreign and security policies. These topics were not included in the common policies because the parties' respective stances are so different.
焦点は、各党の立場の隔たりが大きく、共通政策に含まれなかった外交・安全保障政策だ。
For example, the DPJ believes that Maritime Self-Defense Force vessels should continue their refueling mission in the Indian Ocean until January, but the SDP is demanding an immediate pullout.
インド洋での海上自衛隊の給油活動について、民主党は来年１月まで続ける考えだが、社民党は公約で即時撤退を求めた。
In addition, the DPJ approves of the MSDF's antipiracy mission in waters off Somalia, while the SDP insists the Japan Coast Guard should be running the operation.
民主党はソマリア沖での海自の海賊対処活動を容認するが、社民党は海上保安庁への切り替えを主張する。
The refueling mission represents Japan's sole contribution of personnel to international efforts against terrorism, and the nation's efforts are highly appreciated by the countries concerned. We believe it is a matter of course that this mission continue, even after January.
給油活動は、「テロとの戦い」における日本唯一の人的支援策で関係国の評価も高い。本来、来年１月以降も継続すべきである。
Furthermore, it is unrealistic for the JCG to take the place of the MSDF in the antipiracy mission in light of differences in their respective equipment and backup systems.
海賊対策も、装備・体制面で海保への切り替えは非現実的だ。
===
Wasted negotiations?
A more pressing concern is that both the DPJ and the SDP have policies to review the plan to relocate U.S. forces in Japan. According to the plan, the transfer of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Ginowan to the shores of Camp Schwab in Nago, both in Okinawa Prefecture, would occur five years from now.
より深刻な問題は、民主、社民両党がともに掲げる在日米軍再編の見直しだ。海兵隊普天間飛行場の沖縄県内移設は、あと５年で実現する段階にある。
If this planned transfer is canceled, 13 years of negotiations between the Japanese and U.S. governments will have been for naught, and the return of the air station site to Japan will be deferred. In addition, a plan to relocate 8,000 marines to Guam--a measure aimed at alleviating burdens on people in the prefecture--would be scrapped.
これを白紙に戻せば、１３年間の日米双方の努力が無に帰すうえ、飛行場返還は遠のく。在沖縄海兵隊８０００人のグアム移転という地元負担軽減策もなくなる。
It is completely understandable that a U.S. State Department spokesman on Monday said Washington will never renegotiate the relocation plan.
米国務省報道官が米軍再編について「再交渉しない」と言明したのは、十分理解できる。
In the world of diplomacy, it is not possible under normal circumstances for one nation's desires to be completely realized. Therefore, the DPJ should never compromise its flexibility nor reduce its options in diplomatic affairs by sticking to the various stances it adopted as the opposition when it was criticizing the government.
外交では、通常、自国の主張が１００％実現することはあり得ない。民主党は、政府批判に重点を置いた野党時代の主張にとらわれ、外交面での柔軟性と選択肢を自ら狭めるべきではあるまい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 3, 2009)
（2009年9月3日01時30分 読売新聞）
New coalition govt needs realistic security policy
連立政権協議 現実的な安保政策が不可欠だ（9月3日付・読売社説）
The Democratic Party of Japan, the Social Democratic Party and the People's New Party began talks Wednesday on forming a tripartite coalition government.
民主、社民、国民新の３党が、連立政権樹立に向けた協議を始めた。
However, before forming their coalition, it is vital that they reach a consensus over policy issues, as any outstanding ambiguities will lead to serious problems in the future. All three parties must be prepared to make necessary adjustments to their respective policies.
連立政権は政策の合意が前提となる。あいまいな合意は禍根を残す。十分な政策のすり合わせが肝要だ。
The DPJ won an unprecedented 308 seats in Sunday's House of Representatives election, though it has less than a single-party majority in the House of Councillors. The DPJ is thus forging a coalition government with the SDP and the PNP in an apparent attempt to ensure policy measures are carried out in a stable manner.
民主党は衆院で空前の３０８議席を獲得したが、参院では単独過半数に満たない。社民、国民新両党との連立を目指すのは、より安定した政権運営のためだろう。
In previous coalition governments, there have been a number of cases in which small parties have stuck steadfastly to their individual policies to stress the significance of their existence within the government. However, this merely caused confusion. The DPJ should learn lessons from such precedents and be wary about making easy concessions.
ただ、過去の連立政権では、少数政党が存在意義をアピールしようと、自らの主張に固執し、混乱した例も少なくない。安易な譲歩は禁物である。
The SDP is demanding that a ruling coalition organ be established to review bills and other policies before they are approved by the Cabinet. Though this kind of body has existed in the past, it likely would cause problems this time around, as it would contradict the DPJ's policy to make its administration the sole arbiter vis-a-vis policy decisions.
社民党は、法案などを閣議決定前に事前審査するための与党協議機関の設置を要求している。こうした機関は過去にも存在した。だが、今回、問題なのは、民主党が目指す「政策決定の政府への一元化」と矛盾することだ。
Meanwhile, it is rumored that DPJ Acting President Ichiro Ozawa likely will be given an important post within the DPJ, but not as part of the Cabinet. However, Ozawa has many supporters and wields considerable influence, and if he has a large say in policy decisions, it would lead once again to a dual system of power.
民主党の小沢一郎代表代行は入閣せず、党の要職にとどまる方向とされる。実力者の小沢氏が党内の支持勢力を背景に、政策決定面で強い影響力を持てば、「権力の二重構造」の再現になろう。
===
Common policies
The coalition talks are based on "common policies" for six items--including a freeze on the consumption tax rate--that the three parties agreed upon prior to the lower house election.
連立協議は、３党が衆院選前に合意した、消費税率据え置きなど６項目の「共通政策」が土台となる。
However, the real issues to be thrashed out during the talks are foreign and security policies. These topics were not included in the common policies because the parties' respective stances are so different.
焦点は、各党の立場の隔たりが大きく、共通政策に含まれなかった外交・安全保障政策だ。
For example, the DPJ believes that Maritime Self-Defense Force vessels should continue their refueling mission in the Indian Ocean until January, but the SDP is demanding an immediate pullout.
インド洋での海上自衛隊の給油活動について、民主党は来年１月まで続ける考えだが、社民党は公約で即時撤退を求めた。
In addition, the DPJ approves of the MSDF's antipiracy mission in waters off Somalia, while the SDP insists the Japan Coast Guard should be running the operation.
民主党はソマリア沖での海自の海賊対処活動を容認するが、社民党は海上保安庁への切り替えを主張する。
The refueling mission represents Japan's sole contribution of personnel to international efforts against terrorism, and the nation's efforts are highly appreciated by the countries concerned. We believe it is a matter of course that this mission continue, even after January.
給油活動は、「テロとの戦い」における日本唯一の人的支援策で関係国の評価も高い。本来、来年１月以降も継続すべきである。
Furthermore, it is unrealistic for the JCG to take the place of the MSDF in the antipiracy mission in light of differences in their respective equipment and backup systems.
海賊対策も、装備・体制面で海保への切り替えは非現実的だ。
===
Wasted negotiations?
A more pressing concern is that both the DPJ and the SDP have policies to review the plan to relocate U.S. forces in Japan. According to the plan, the transfer of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Ginowan to the shores of Camp Schwab in Nago, both in Okinawa Prefecture, would occur five years from now.
より深刻な問題は、民主、社民両党がともに掲げる在日米軍再編の見直しだ。海兵隊普天間飛行場の沖縄県内移設は、あと５年で実現する段階にある。
If this planned transfer is canceled, 13 years of negotiations between the Japanese and U.S. governments will have been for naught, and the return of the air station site to Japan will be deferred. In addition, a plan to relocate 8,000 marines to Guam--a measure aimed at alleviating burdens on people in the prefecture--would be scrapped.
これを白紙に戻せば、１３年間の日米双方の努力が無に帰すうえ、飛行場返還は遠のく。在沖縄海兵隊８０００人のグアム移転という地元負担軽減策もなくなる。
It is completely understandable that a U.S. State Department spokesman on Monday said Washington will never renegotiate the relocation plan.
米国務省報道官が米軍再編について「再交渉しない」と言明したのは、十分理解できる。
In the world of diplomacy, it is not possible under normal circumstances for one nation's desires to be completely realized. Therefore, the DPJ should never compromise its flexibility nor reduce its options in diplomatic affairs by sticking to the various stances it adopted as the opposition when it was criticizing the government.
外交では、通常、自国の主張が１００％実現することはあり得ない。民主党は、政府批判に重点を置いた野党時代の主張にとらわれ、外交面での柔軟性と選択肢を自ら狭めるべきではあるまい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 3, 2009)
（2009年9月3日01時30分 読売新聞）
2009年09月02日
自民党再出発 後継総裁選びを急ぐべきだ
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 2, 2009)
Defeat leaves LDP at political crossroads
自民党再出発 後継総裁選びを急ぐべきだ（9月2日付・読売社説）
The Liberal Democratic Party has begun to choose a new party president to succeed Prime Minister Taro Aso, who has announced he will step down as party leader to take responsibility for the LDP's crushing defeat in Sunday's House of Representatives election.
自民党は、衆院選大敗の責任を取って辞任表明した麻生首相の後継総裁選びに入った。
Can the LDP play a role in a system in which power alternates between two major political parties? Can the LDP fulfill its role as an opposition party and keep a close eye on the administration led by Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama? The LDP still has serious responsibilities to live up to even after being relegated to the opposition benches.
政権交代可能な２大政党政治の一翼を担っていけるか。鳩山政権に対し、しっかりチェック機能を果たせるか。野党に転落しても、自民党に課せられた責任は重大だ。
The LDP must quickly select a new party president to lead its reconstruction.
党再建にあたっては、その先頭に立つ後継総裁の選出を急ぐ必要がある。
However, the LDP intends to put off the party presidential election until after mid-September when a special Diet session is to be called to elect the new prime minister. According to the LDP, the purpose is to listen to the opinions of the prefectural chapters and other local party organizations, and rank-and-file party members, and to reflect them in the party presidential election. But under such circumstances, LDP lawmakers will vote for the current prime minister and LDP president, Taro Aso, in the Diet session.
ところが、自民党は、今月中旬の特別国会での首相指名選挙の後に総裁選を先送りするという。地方組織や一般党員の声を反映させるためとしているが、これでは首相指名選挙で、現総裁の麻生首相に投票することになる。
It is a little pathetic that, even as a makeshift measure, the LDP will recommend as prime minster the party president who will step down from the post after voters said "no" to him in the general election.
一時しのぎとは言え、有権者に「ノー」を突きつけられて退陣する党首を首相に推挙するというのは、余りにお粗末ではないか。
===
Antipathy toward Aso
Several LDP lawmakers oppose the postponement of the party presidential election, asserting that they would rather cast a blank ballot than have to write "Aso" in the Diet's vote on the prime minister. If the party falls into confusion, it could lead to a party split. The LDP should take the current situation seriously.
党内でも、総裁選先送りに反発して、「『麻生』と書くぐらいなら白紙投票」と主張する議員が少なくない。混乱すれば党分裂の危機につながりかねない。状況を深刻に受け止めるべきだ。
It is important to listen to the voices of members of local party chapters and other related organizations, but does the LDP have a month to spare to reflect these opinions in the party presidential election?
地方党員、組織の声に耳を傾けるのは重要だ。しかし、地方の意見を後継総裁選びに反映させるのに、１か月近くかける余裕が、今の自民党にあるのだろうか。
It took only about 10 days to choose a new party president when changing from former Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa to Yohei Kono, and from former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to former Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda. It is time for the LDP to select a new party president as soon as possible and prepare to face the Hatoyama administration.
過去の例をみても、宮沢首相から河野総裁、安倍首相から福田首相と、１０日前後で後継を選出している。１日も早く麻生首相に代わる旗頭を立て、鳩山政権に立ち向かう体制を整える時だ。
Of course, when doing so, it is natural that the LDP should seek input from party chapters and members across the country and reflect those opinions in the efforts to reconstruct the party.
無論、その際は、地方の意向を十分に反映させるのは当然だ。
===
Party on the brink
The LDP faces the greatest crisis since its foundation. Whether a leader who can clearly display his intentions and vision for party reconstruction will emerge is of paramount importance. Politicians who are always keeping an eye on the movements of party factions are not qualified to lead.
自民党は今、結党以来最大の危機にある。肝心なのは、党再建の意志とビジョンを明確に示すリーダーが現れるかどうかだ。派閥の動向を様子見するようでは、リーダーの資格はない。
To rebuild the party, it is indispensable to thoroughly review the reasons for its crushing defeat in the general election.
再出発には、惨敗の原因を徹底して洗い出すことが必須だ。
Although the direction of the party's fundamental principles and policies is not basically wrong, the market fundamentalism and excessive structural changes under the administration of former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi have invited the expansion of the income gap and economically exhausted provincial areas. It also is necessary to review the "theatrical politics," or sensationalist political approach seen under the Koizumi administration.
党の理念や政策の方向性は基本的に間違ってはいないが、小泉政権時代の市場原理主義や行き過ぎた構造改革が、格差の拡大や地方の疲弊を招いた。「小泉劇場型政治」の総括も必要だろう。
Some observers point out that the LDP has never been an organized political party because support groups for individual party lawmakers virtually act as party chapters. In addition, the LDP election campaign strategy, which has more and more come to rely on coalition partner New Komeito and Soka Gakkai, a lay Buddhist organization that is New Komeito's main supporter, has weakened the foundations of the LDP's original support bases.
個人後援会を政党支部に衣替えしただけで、いまだに組織政党の体をなしていない、という指摘もある。公明党・創価学会に頼った選挙運動も、本来の支持基盤の足腰を弱めた。
The public will be watching closely to see whether the LDP can make a strong comeback and regain control of the government. If the party remains stupefied for long, the reputation of the LDP, which had long been a ruling party, will be ruined.
自民党が、政権奪還に向かって力強く再起できるかどうか、国民は注視している。いつまでも茫然(ぼうぜん)自失しているようでは、これまでの「政権党」の看板が泣く。
(From the Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 2, 2009)
（2009年9月2日01時41分 読売新聞）
Defeat leaves LDP at political crossroads
自民党再出発 後継総裁選びを急ぐべきだ（9月2日付・読売社説）
The Liberal Democratic Party has begun to choose a new party president to succeed Prime Minister Taro Aso, who has announced he will step down as party leader to take responsibility for the LDP's crushing defeat in Sunday's House of Representatives election.
自民党は、衆院選大敗の責任を取って辞任表明した麻生首相の後継総裁選びに入った。
Can the LDP play a role in a system in which power alternates between two major political parties? Can the LDP fulfill its role as an opposition party and keep a close eye on the administration led by Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama? The LDP still has serious responsibilities to live up to even after being relegated to the opposition benches.
政権交代可能な２大政党政治の一翼を担っていけるか。鳩山政権に対し、しっかりチェック機能を果たせるか。野党に転落しても、自民党に課せられた責任は重大だ。
The LDP must quickly select a new party president to lead its reconstruction.
党再建にあたっては、その先頭に立つ後継総裁の選出を急ぐ必要がある。
However, the LDP intends to put off the party presidential election until after mid-September when a special Diet session is to be called to elect the new prime minister. According to the LDP, the purpose is to listen to the opinions of the prefectural chapters and other local party organizations, and rank-and-file party members, and to reflect them in the party presidential election. But under such circumstances, LDP lawmakers will vote for the current prime minister and LDP president, Taro Aso, in the Diet session.
ところが、自民党は、今月中旬の特別国会での首相指名選挙の後に総裁選を先送りするという。地方組織や一般党員の声を反映させるためとしているが、これでは首相指名選挙で、現総裁の麻生首相に投票することになる。
It is a little pathetic that, even as a makeshift measure, the LDP will recommend as prime minster the party president who will step down from the post after voters said "no" to him in the general election.
一時しのぎとは言え、有権者に「ノー」を突きつけられて退陣する党首を首相に推挙するというのは、余りにお粗末ではないか。
===
Antipathy toward Aso
Several LDP lawmakers oppose the postponement of the party presidential election, asserting that they would rather cast a blank ballot than have to write "Aso" in the Diet's vote on the prime minister. If the party falls into confusion, it could lead to a party split. The LDP should take the current situation seriously.
党内でも、総裁選先送りに反発して、「『麻生』と書くぐらいなら白紙投票」と主張する議員が少なくない。混乱すれば党分裂の危機につながりかねない。状況を深刻に受け止めるべきだ。
It is important to listen to the voices of members of local party chapters and other related organizations, but does the LDP have a month to spare to reflect these opinions in the party presidential election?
地方党員、組織の声に耳を傾けるのは重要だ。しかし、地方の意見を後継総裁選びに反映させるのに、１か月近くかける余裕が、今の自民党にあるのだろうか。
It took only about 10 days to choose a new party president when changing from former Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa to Yohei Kono, and from former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to former Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda. It is time for the LDP to select a new party president as soon as possible and prepare to face the Hatoyama administration.
過去の例をみても、宮沢首相から河野総裁、安倍首相から福田首相と、１０日前後で後継を選出している。１日も早く麻生首相に代わる旗頭を立て、鳩山政権に立ち向かう体制を整える時だ。
Of course, when doing so, it is natural that the LDP should seek input from party chapters and members across the country and reflect those opinions in the efforts to reconstruct the party.
無論、その際は、地方の意向を十分に反映させるのは当然だ。
===
Party on the brink
The LDP faces the greatest crisis since its foundation. Whether a leader who can clearly display his intentions and vision for party reconstruction will emerge is of paramount importance. Politicians who are always keeping an eye on the movements of party factions are not qualified to lead.
自民党は今、結党以来最大の危機にある。肝心なのは、党再建の意志とビジョンを明確に示すリーダーが現れるかどうかだ。派閥の動向を様子見するようでは、リーダーの資格はない。
To rebuild the party, it is indispensable to thoroughly review the reasons for its crushing defeat in the general election.
再出発には、惨敗の原因を徹底して洗い出すことが必須だ。
Although the direction of the party's fundamental principles and policies is not basically wrong, the market fundamentalism and excessive structural changes under the administration of former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi have invited the expansion of the income gap and economically exhausted provincial areas. It also is necessary to review the "theatrical politics," or sensationalist political approach seen under the Koizumi administration.
党の理念や政策の方向性は基本的に間違ってはいないが、小泉政権時代の市場原理主義や行き過ぎた構造改革が、格差の拡大や地方の疲弊を招いた。「小泉劇場型政治」の総括も必要だろう。
Some observers point out that the LDP has never been an organized political party because support groups for individual party lawmakers virtually act as party chapters. In addition, the LDP election campaign strategy, which has more and more come to rely on coalition partner New Komeito and Soka Gakkai, a lay Buddhist organization that is New Komeito's main supporter, has weakened the foundations of the LDP's original support bases.
個人後援会を政党支部に衣替えしただけで、いまだに組織政党の体をなしていない、という指摘もある。公明党・創価学会に頼った選挙運動も、本来の支持基盤の足腰を弱めた。
The public will be watching closely to see whether the LDP can make a strong comeback and regain control of the government. If the party remains stupefied for long, the reputation of the LDP, which had long been a ruling party, will be ruined.
自民党が、政権奪還に向かって力強く再起できるかどうか、国民は注視している。いつまでも茫然(ぼうぜん)自失しているようでは、これまでの「政権党」の看板が泣く。
(From the Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 2, 2009)
（2009年9月2日01時41分 読売新聞）
2009年09月01日
政権移行始動 基本政策は継続性が重要だ
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Sep. 1, 2009)
Continuity important for basic policies
政権移行始動 基本政策は継続性が重要だ（9月1日付・読売社説）
Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama has begun the process of launching a new administration. It is important for Hatoyama, first and foremost, to divide the policies pledged in the DPJ's manifesto into those that should be implemented immediately and those that the party should take time to fine-tune.
民主党の鳩山代表が、新政権発足に向けて動き出した。
鳩山代表はまず、衆院選の政権公約のうち、直ちに実施すべき政策と、時間をかけて練り直すべき政策とを整理することが肝要だ。
The DPJ has said that a new "national strategy bureau" that it will establish under the direct control of the prime minister will serve as a control tower for the government's budget compilation and foreign policy.
民主党は、首相直属機関として新設する「国家戦略局」に、予算編成や外交政策などの司令塔の役割を与えるとしている。
The central government ministries and agencies have submitted their respective budgetary requests for fiscal 2010 ahead of Monday's deadline. The DPJ, however, plans to review the budgetary request guidelines, which were approved by the Cabinet on July 1.
来年度予算の概算要求は８月３１日に締め切られ、各省庁が要求を提出した。だが、民主党は、７月１日に閣議了解された概算要求基準を見直す方針だ。
◆補正組み替えは慎重に◆
A total of 7.1 trillion yen will be needed in the next fiscal year to fund the child benefit program and other policies that the DPJ pledged in its manifesto. Although the DPJ has promised that an "administrative reform council," another new government body the DPJ plans to establish, will eliminate wasteful spending, can the necessary funds be squeezed out merely through belt-tightening measures?
民主党が公約した子ども手当などの施策で、来年度に要する財源は７・１兆円だ。同じく新設される「行政刷新会議」で予算の無駄を排除していくというが、それだけで財源を捻出(ねんしゅつ)できるのか。
The DPJ also is studying making savings by cutting some expenditures in the fiscal 2009 supplementary budget and appropriating the saved funds for the fiscal 2010 budget. But the party should deal carefully with the review of the supplementary budget, which is supporting the nation's economy.
民主党は、今年度補正予算を組み替えることで財源を浮かせ、来年度予算に充当することも検討中だ。だが、景気を下支えしている補正予算の見直しは、慎重に対応しなければならない。
Since the establishment of the national strategy bureau requires a revision of a related law, Hatoyama plans to first create a strategy office, which can be set up under a new government ordinance, and have it present the outline of the fiscal 2010 budget. Wasting time in creating the new organization, however, will end up delaying budget compilation.
鳩山代表は、法改正が伴う国家戦略局新設の前に、政令などで設置できる「戦略室」で、来年度予算の大枠を示そうとしているが、組織作りに手間取ると、予算編成作業に遅れが出てしまう。
Hatoyama should take to heart the importance of implementing economic measures speedily.
景気対策はスピードが大事なことを肝に銘じてほしい。
After being appointed prime minister at a special Diet session that is scheduled to be convened in the middle of this month, Hatoyama plans to visit the United States, where he will undertake summit diplomacy.
鳩山代表は、今月中旬召集の特別国会で首相指名を受けた後、訪米し、首脳外交を展開する。
Hatoyama is scheduled to attend summit-level meetings on climate change and nuclear nonproliferation at the United Nations in New York and address the U.N. General Assembly. He also is scheduled to attend the Group of 20 financial summit meeting in Pittsburgh.
国連で開かれる気候変動や核不拡散の首脳級会合に出席し、国連総会で演説する。金融サミット（Ｇ２０）にも出席する予定だ。
===
Emissions pledge unrealistic
◆「２５％公約」は避けよ◆
Observers, however, have already voiced concerns about how Hatoyama will handle a midterm target for reducing Japan's emissions of carbon dioxide and other global warming gases by the end of 2020.
この首脳外交で早くも懸念されているのが、２０２０年までに二酸化炭素など温室効果ガスの排出量をどれだけ減らすかという中期目標の扱いだ。
The DPJ has proposed that the emissions of such gases be reduced by 25 percent from the 1990 levels.
民主党は公約で、「１９９０年比で２５％減」を掲げている。
If Hatoyama, as prime minister, repeats the DPJ's pledge at the General Assembly meeting or any other key international meetings, it is possible that Japan will be required to meet this numerical target under a successor treaty to the 2008-12 Kyoto Protocol being negotiated for conclusion by the end of December.
鳩山代表が首相として、この数値目標を国連総会などで表明すれば、１２月に交渉期限を迎える「ポスト京都議定書」では、最低でもこの削減目標が日本に割り当てられる可能性が高い。
The goal of reducing gas emissions by 25 percent from the 1990 levels will not be attainable merely with halfhearted energy-saving efforts. It requires innovative technological development. But there are limits to what Japan can achieve.
「９０年比２５％減」は、生半可な省エネ努力だけで達成できる数値ではない。革新的な技術開発が必要だが、限界があろう。
Emissions cuts have economic side effects, such as downward pressure on gross domestic product, and damaging people's livelihoods.
排出削減には、国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）の押し下げなど経済への副作用と国民生活への痛みも伴う。
The DPJ should take this power transfer as an opportunity to review the midterm target from a pragmatic perspective. At least, it should avoid the foolish act of constraining itself by presenting such a high target as an international pledge.
民主党はこの際、現実的な視点で中期目標を見直すことが必要である。少なくとも、これを国際公約にして、自縄自縛に陥る愚は避けるべきだ。
Hatoyama has stated that a DPJ-led administration will need to respect the need for continuity in diplomatic and security policies, to a certain extent.
鳩山代表は、「外交・安保の継続性もそれなりに認める必要がある」と述べている。
◆外交は日米基軸で臨め◆
The next step he needs to take is to tell world leaders that the power transfer will not change Japan's basic stance on diplomatic relations and build relationships of trust with them.
政権交代によっても、日本の対外関係の基本に変化がないことを、各国首脳に伝え、信頼関係を築くことが大切だ。
===
続きを読む...
Continuity important for basic policies
政権移行始動 基本政策は継続性が重要だ（9月1日付・読売社説）
Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama has begun the process of launching a new administration. It is important for Hatoyama, first and foremost, to divide the policies pledged in the DPJ's manifesto into those that should be implemented immediately and those that the party should take time to fine-tune.
民主党の鳩山代表が、新政権発足に向けて動き出した。
鳩山代表はまず、衆院選の政権公約のうち、直ちに実施すべき政策と、時間をかけて練り直すべき政策とを整理することが肝要だ。
The DPJ has said that a new "national strategy bureau" that it will establish under the direct control of the prime minister will serve as a control tower for the government's budget compilation and foreign policy.
民主党は、首相直属機関として新設する「国家戦略局」に、予算編成や外交政策などの司令塔の役割を与えるとしている。
The central government ministries and agencies have submitted their respective budgetary requests for fiscal 2010 ahead of Monday's deadline. The DPJ, however, plans to review the budgetary request guidelines, which were approved by the Cabinet on July 1.
来年度予算の概算要求は８月３１日に締め切られ、各省庁が要求を提出した。だが、民主党は、７月１日に閣議了解された概算要求基準を見直す方針だ。
◆補正組み替えは慎重に◆
A total of 7.1 trillion yen will be needed in the next fiscal year to fund the child benefit program and other policies that the DPJ pledged in its manifesto. Although the DPJ has promised that an "administrative reform council," another new government body the DPJ plans to establish, will eliminate wasteful spending, can the necessary funds be squeezed out merely through belt-tightening measures?
民主党が公約した子ども手当などの施策で、来年度に要する財源は７・１兆円だ。同じく新設される「行政刷新会議」で予算の無駄を排除していくというが、それだけで財源を捻出(ねんしゅつ)できるのか。
The DPJ also is studying making savings by cutting some expenditures in the fiscal 2009 supplementary budget and appropriating the saved funds for the fiscal 2010 budget. But the party should deal carefully with the review of the supplementary budget, which is supporting the nation's economy.
民主党は、今年度補正予算を組み替えることで財源を浮かせ、来年度予算に充当することも検討中だ。だが、景気を下支えしている補正予算の見直しは、慎重に対応しなければならない。
Since the establishment of the national strategy bureau requires a revision of a related law, Hatoyama plans to first create a strategy office, which can be set up under a new government ordinance, and have it present the outline of the fiscal 2010 budget. Wasting time in creating the new organization, however, will end up delaying budget compilation.
鳩山代表は、法改正が伴う国家戦略局新設の前に、政令などで設置できる「戦略室」で、来年度予算の大枠を示そうとしているが、組織作りに手間取ると、予算編成作業に遅れが出てしまう。
Hatoyama should take to heart the importance of implementing economic measures speedily.
景気対策はスピードが大事なことを肝に銘じてほしい。
After being appointed prime minister at a special Diet session that is scheduled to be convened in the middle of this month, Hatoyama plans to visit the United States, where he will undertake summit diplomacy.
鳩山代表は、今月中旬召集の特別国会で首相指名を受けた後、訪米し、首脳外交を展開する。
Hatoyama is scheduled to attend summit-level meetings on climate change and nuclear nonproliferation at the United Nations in New York and address the U.N. General Assembly. He also is scheduled to attend the Group of 20 financial summit meeting in Pittsburgh.
国連で開かれる気候変動や核不拡散の首脳級会合に出席し、国連総会で演説する。金融サミット（Ｇ２０）にも出席する予定だ。
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Emissions pledge unrealistic
◆「２５％公約」は避けよ◆
Observers, however, have already voiced concerns about how Hatoyama will handle a midterm target for reducing Japan's emissions of carbon dioxide and other global warming gases by the end of 2020.
この首脳外交で早くも懸念されているのが、２０２０年までに二酸化炭素など温室効果ガスの排出量をどれだけ減らすかという中期目標の扱いだ。
The DPJ has proposed that the emissions of such gases be reduced by 25 percent from the 1990 levels.
民主党は公約で、「１９９０年比で２５％減」を掲げている。
If Hatoyama, as prime minister, repeats the DPJ's pledge at the General Assembly meeting or any other key international meetings, it is possible that Japan will be required to meet this numerical target under a successor treaty to the 2008-12 Kyoto Protocol being negotiated for conclusion by the end of December.
鳩山代表が首相として、この数値目標を国連総会などで表明すれば、１２月に交渉期限を迎える「ポスト京都議定書」では、最低でもこの削減目標が日本に割り当てられる可能性が高い。
The goal of reducing gas emissions by 25 percent from the 1990 levels will not be attainable merely with halfhearted energy-saving efforts. It requires innovative technological development. But there are limits to what Japan can achieve.
「９０年比２５％減」は、生半可な省エネ努力だけで達成できる数値ではない。革新的な技術開発が必要だが、限界があろう。
Emissions cuts have economic side effects, such as downward pressure on gross domestic product, and damaging people's livelihoods.
排出削減には、国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）の押し下げなど経済への副作用と国民生活への痛みも伴う。
The DPJ should take this power transfer as an opportunity to review the midterm target from a pragmatic perspective. At least, it should avoid the foolish act of constraining itself by presenting such a high target as an international pledge.
民主党はこの際、現実的な視点で中期目標を見直すことが必要である。少なくとも、これを国際公約にして、自縄自縛に陥る愚は避けるべきだ。
Hatoyama has stated that a DPJ-led administration will need to respect the need for continuity in diplomatic and security policies, to a certain extent.
鳩山代表は、「外交・安保の継続性もそれなりに認める必要がある」と述べている。
◆外交は日米基軸で臨め◆
The next step he needs to take is to tell world leaders that the power transfer will not change Japan's basic stance on diplomatic relations and build relationships of trust with them.
政権交代によっても、日本の対外関係の基本に変化がないことを、各国首脳に伝え、信頼関係を築くことが大切だ。
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