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2009年07月05日
ミサイル発射 北朝鮮包囲網を強化せよ
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Jul. 5, 2009)
Stronger intl coalition needed against DPRK
ミサイル発射 北朝鮮包囲網を強化せよ（7月5日付・読売社説）
North Korea's firing of missiles toward the Sea of Japan was a provocative act in that the country ignored warnings from the international community and threatened peace and stability in Northeast Asia. We cannot overlook it.
国際社会の警告を無視し、北東アジアの平和と安全を脅かす挑発行為である。看過することはできない。
Seven ballistic missiles fired Saturday are believed to be short-range Scud types with a range of 400 to 500 kilometers.
北朝鮮が日本海に向けて弾道ミサイル７発を発射した。射程４００〜５００キロの短距離弾道ミサイル「スカッド」の可能性が高いと見られる。
Pyongyang apparently intended to demonstrate its confrontational stance against Washington on the occasion of the July 4 Independence Day in the United States. It is possible that North Korea will fire more ballistic missiles to increase tension in the region.
４日の米国の独立記念日を前にあえて米国との対決姿勢を強調したものだ。今後、さらに弾道ミサイルを発射し、地域の緊張を一段と高める恐れもある。
North Korea has fired a total of 10 surface-to-ship short-range missiles on several occasions since it conducted a nuclear test in May.
北朝鮮は５月の核実験後、地対艦短距離ミサイル計１０発を数回に分けて発射している。
The missiles fired this time have longer ranges. The firing of such missiles clearly goes against U.N. Security Council Resolution 1874, adopted on June 12. The resolution calls on North Korea to suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile program.
今回発射したのは、より射程の長い弾道ミサイルだ。「弾道ミサイル計画に関連するすべての活動の停止」を要求する６月１２日採択の国連安全保障理事会決議１８７４などに明確に違反している。
It was a matter of course for Chief Cabinet Secretary Takeo Kawamura to issue a statement expressing strong condemnation of North Korea immediately after the missiles were fired.
河村官房長官が直ちに、北朝鮮に「厳重に抗議」する声明を発表したのは、当然である。
===
G-8 should warn Pyongyang
A Group of Eight summit meeting in L'Aquila, Italy, is scheduled to start Wednesday. It is important that G-8 leaders send a clear message that they will not tolerate North Korea's nuclear and missile development.
８日には、イタリア中部ラクイラで主要８か国（Ｇ８）首脳会議が開幕する。Ｇ８首脳が、北朝鮮の核・ミサイル開発を容認しないという明確なメッセージを出すことが大切だ。
Prime Minister Taro Aso also needs to strengthen an international coalition against North Korea through individual meetings with U.S. President Barack Obama, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, Chinese President Hu Jintao and others.
さらに麻生首相は、オバマ米大統領、メドベージェフ露大統領、胡錦濤中国国家主席らとの個別会談を通じて、対北朝鮮包囲網を強化する必要がある。
For the time being, the nation's focus should be to implement sanctions against North Korea based on Resolution 1874. The sanctions ban weapons exports by the North, authorize inspections of cargo transported to and from North Korea and impose financial sanctions on Pyongyang.
当面、重視すべきは、安保理決議１８７４に基づく制裁措置を着実に実施することだ。制裁は、武器輸出禁止、貨物検査、金融制裁の３本柱で構成される。
Weapons exports, which include ballistic missiles and related technology, are an important source of foreign currency for North Korea.
弾道ミサイルや関連技術を含む武器輸出は、北朝鮮にとって有力な外貨獲得手段である。
A U.S. Navy ship recently tracked a North Korean cargo ship suspected of carrying weapons, and the North Korean ship was forced to reverse course. With this kind of action, the freeze on North Korea-related financial assets and other measures, it is important to effectively put pressure on North Korea.
最近、武器を運搬している疑いがある北朝鮮の貨物船を米海軍艦船が追跡し、貨物船は航路変更を余儀なくされた。こうした手法や北朝鮮関連の金融資産の凍結などを通じて、北朝鮮に実効性のある圧力をかけることが重要だ。
===
Japan's technology misused
The government plans to soon submit to the Diet a bill to enable the Japan Coast Guard to inspect cargo carried by vessels sailing to and from North Korea. The bill should be enacted as soon as possible so Japan can play its part in strengthening the international coalition against North Korea.
日本政府は近く、海上保安庁が主体となり、北朝鮮に出入りする船舶の貨物検査を実施するための特別措置法案を国会に提出する。日本が包囲網の一翼を担えるよう早期成立を図るべきだ。
Late last month, police arrested the president of a North Korea-linked trading company for alleged violation of the Foreign Exchange and Foreign Trade Law in connection with an attempt to illegally export to Myanmar a magnetic measuring device believed necessary for developing long-range ballistic missile systems.
先月末、長距離弾道ミサイル開発に必要とされる磁気測定装置をミャンマーに不正輸出しようとした北朝鮮系商社社長が外国為替・貿易法違反容疑で逮捕された。
It is likely that Japan's technology has been used in North Korea's missile development to a significant degree. Concerned authorities should crack down on illegal technology transfers even more strictly.
北朝鮮のミサイル開発には日本の技術がかなり利用されてきたとされる。不正な技術移転は一層厳しく取り締まることが必要だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 5, 2009)
（2009年7月5日01時55分 読売新聞）
Stronger intl coalition needed against DPRK
ミサイル発射 北朝鮮包囲網を強化せよ（7月5日付・読売社説）
North Korea's firing of missiles toward the Sea of Japan was a provocative act in that the country ignored warnings from the international community and threatened peace and stability in Northeast Asia. We cannot overlook it.
国際社会の警告を無視し、北東アジアの平和と安全を脅かす挑発行為である。看過することはできない。
Seven ballistic missiles fired Saturday are believed to be short-range Scud types with a range of 400 to 500 kilometers.
北朝鮮が日本海に向けて弾道ミサイル７発を発射した。射程４００〜５００キロの短距離弾道ミサイル「スカッド」の可能性が高いと見られる。
Pyongyang apparently intended to demonstrate its confrontational stance against Washington on the occasion of the July 4 Independence Day in the United States. It is possible that North Korea will fire more ballistic missiles to increase tension in the region.
４日の米国の独立記念日を前にあえて米国との対決姿勢を強調したものだ。今後、さらに弾道ミサイルを発射し、地域の緊張を一段と高める恐れもある。
North Korea has fired a total of 10 surface-to-ship short-range missiles on several occasions since it conducted a nuclear test in May.
北朝鮮は５月の核実験後、地対艦短距離ミサイル計１０発を数回に分けて発射している。
The missiles fired this time have longer ranges. The firing of such missiles clearly goes against U.N. Security Council Resolution 1874, adopted on June 12. The resolution calls on North Korea to suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile program.
今回発射したのは、より射程の長い弾道ミサイルだ。「弾道ミサイル計画に関連するすべての活動の停止」を要求する６月１２日採択の国連安全保障理事会決議１８７４などに明確に違反している。
It was a matter of course for Chief Cabinet Secretary Takeo Kawamura to issue a statement expressing strong condemnation of North Korea immediately after the missiles were fired.
河村官房長官が直ちに、北朝鮮に「厳重に抗議」する声明を発表したのは、当然である。
===
G-8 should warn Pyongyang
A Group of Eight summit meeting in L'Aquila, Italy, is scheduled to start Wednesday. It is important that G-8 leaders send a clear message that they will not tolerate North Korea's nuclear and missile development.
８日には、イタリア中部ラクイラで主要８か国（Ｇ８）首脳会議が開幕する。Ｇ８首脳が、北朝鮮の核・ミサイル開発を容認しないという明確なメッセージを出すことが大切だ。
Prime Minister Taro Aso also needs to strengthen an international coalition against North Korea through individual meetings with U.S. President Barack Obama, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, Chinese President Hu Jintao and others.
さらに麻生首相は、オバマ米大統領、メドベージェフ露大統領、胡錦濤中国国家主席らとの個別会談を通じて、対北朝鮮包囲網を強化する必要がある。
For the time being, the nation's focus should be to implement sanctions against North Korea based on Resolution 1874. The sanctions ban weapons exports by the North, authorize inspections of cargo transported to and from North Korea and impose financial sanctions on Pyongyang.
当面、重視すべきは、安保理決議１８７４に基づく制裁措置を着実に実施することだ。制裁は、武器輸出禁止、貨物検査、金融制裁の３本柱で構成される。
Weapons exports, which include ballistic missiles and related technology, are an important source of foreign currency for North Korea.
弾道ミサイルや関連技術を含む武器輸出は、北朝鮮にとって有力な外貨獲得手段である。
A U.S. Navy ship recently tracked a North Korean cargo ship suspected of carrying weapons, and the North Korean ship was forced to reverse course. With this kind of action, the freeze on North Korea-related financial assets and other measures, it is important to effectively put pressure on North Korea.
最近、武器を運搬している疑いがある北朝鮮の貨物船を米海軍艦船が追跡し、貨物船は航路変更を余儀なくされた。こうした手法や北朝鮮関連の金融資産の凍結などを通じて、北朝鮮に実効性のある圧力をかけることが重要だ。
===
Japan's technology misused
The government plans to soon submit to the Diet a bill to enable the Japan Coast Guard to inspect cargo carried by vessels sailing to and from North Korea. The bill should be enacted as soon as possible so Japan can play its part in strengthening the international coalition against North Korea.
日本政府は近く、海上保安庁が主体となり、北朝鮮に出入りする船舶の貨物検査を実施するための特別措置法案を国会に提出する。日本が包囲網の一翼を担えるよう早期成立を図るべきだ。
Late last month, police arrested the president of a North Korea-linked trading company for alleged violation of the Foreign Exchange and Foreign Trade Law in connection with an attempt to illegally export to Myanmar a magnetic measuring device believed necessary for developing long-range ballistic missile systems.
先月末、長距離弾道ミサイル開発に必要とされる磁気測定装置をミャンマーに不正輸出しようとした北朝鮮系商社社長が外国為替・貿易法違反容疑で逮捕された。
It is likely that Japan's technology has been used in North Korea's missile development to a significant degree. Concerned authorities should crack down on illegal technology transfers even more strictly.
北朝鮮のミサイル開発には日本の技術がかなり利用されてきたとされる。不正な技術移転は一層厳しく取り締まることが必要だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 5, 2009)
（2009年7月5日01時55分 読売新聞）
2009年07月04日
ＩＡＥＡ新体制 実効ある核拡散防止に動け
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Jul. 4, 2009)
Amano's appointment opportunity for IAEA
ＩＡＥＡ新体制 実効ある核拡散防止に動け（7月4日付・読売社説）
It can be described as an endorsement of Japan's achievements in the fields of the peaceful use of nuclear power and prevention of nuclear proliferation.
原子力の平和利用と、核拡散防止の両面で、日本の実績が信任された結果でもあろう。
Yukiya Amano, ambassador to the Permanent Mission of Japan to the International Organizations in Vienna, has been elected to serve as the next director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency.
在ウィーンの天野之弥(ゆきや)代表部大使が、国際原子力機関（ＩＡＥＡ）の次期事務局長選で当選を決めた。
For Japan, Amano's appointment means his name can be added to the short list of Japanese that head international organizations, helping to boost Japan's presence in the international community.
日本にとっては、数少ない国際機関のトップのポストだ。日本の発言力強化にもつながる。
We hope Amano will demonstrate leadership as the successor to current IAEA Director General Mohamed ElBaradei, who will leave his post in November.
天野氏には、１１月に退任するエルバラダイ事務局長の後任として、大いに指導力を発揮してもらいたい。
===
North Korea, Iran scofflaws
The IAEA is an important international body established to promote the peaceful use of nuclear power and prevent nuclear technology being diverted for military purposes. ElBaradei and the organization won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005.
ＩＡＥＡは、原子力の平和利用を促進する一方、軍事転用されないよう監視する役割を担った重要な国際機関だ。２００５年、エルバラダイ事務局長とＩＡＥＡはノーベル平和賞を受賞している。
The IAEA has failed, however, to stop the nuclear development programs of North Korea and Iran.
だが、ＩＡＥＡは、結局、北朝鮮やイランの核開発を阻止することにはことごとく失敗した。
In response to the revelation in the early 1990s that Iraq had a secret nuclear program, the IAEA adopted an Additional Protocol to enable it to inspect undeclared nuclear facilities at short notice.
１９９０年代初めにイラクが秘密裏に核開発していた事実が発覚し、ＩＡＥＡは、未申告の施設でも短時間の通告で査察ができるとした追加議定書を採択した。
But this power proved to be useless in respect of North Korea, which ignored the protocol, declared its withdrawal from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and is overtly developing nuclear arms.
しかし、北朝鮮のように、議定書に見向きもせず、核拡散防止条約（ＮＰＴ）からの脱退を宣言して公然と核兵器開発を進める国には、何の役にもたたなかった。
Iran, which has signed the protocol, but has not ratified it, is openly pursuing uranium enrichment in defiance of a sanctions resolution imposed by the U.N. Security Council.
追加議定書に署名はしたが未批准のイランも、国連安全保障理事会の制裁決議を無視して、ウラン濃縮活動を公然と続けている。
How can effective nonproliferation measures be brought to bear to stop other countries following in the footsteps of North Korea and Iran? This weighty responsibility rests on Amano's shoulders.
北朝鮮やイランに追随する国を出さないよう、実効ある核拡散防止策をいかに具体化するか。それが天野氏が担う重い課題だ。
Spurred by increasing energy demand and the need to cut greenhouse gas emissions, there is a global trend to increase nuclear power use. Amid this situation, curbing the diffusion of technologies that can be utilized for nuclear weapons development is one key measure to enhance nuclear nonproliferation.
エネルギー需要の拡大や温室効果ガス排出削減の見地から、世界で、原子力利用は拡大する趨勢(すうせい)にある。その中で、核兵器開発につながる技術の拡散に歯止めをかけることは、拡散防止強化の重要な一策となる。
===
Divisions must be bridged
A number of ideas have been proposed to bolster nuclear nonproliferation. One proposal calls for putting uranium enrichment and nuclear reprocessing facilities under international management, while another suggestion is to guarantee the stable supply of nuclear fuel to a country that shuts its nuclear enrichment or reprocessing facilities.
ウラン濃縮や再処理施設を国際管理下に置く。そうした施設を断念した国には核燃料の安定的な供給を保証する。そんな構想が、すでにいくつも提唱されてきた。
But these ideas are far from realization due to opposition from developing countries, which say that the adoption of such ideas would lead to the creation of a world of nuclear haves and have-nots. About one-third of the votes cast by the IAEA's Board of Governors were not cast for Amano, in an effective vote of no-confidence against him, and many of those votes apparently were cast by developing countries.
だが、「持つ国」と「持たざる国」に二分化するもの、とする途上国側の強い反発もあって、実現には程遠いのが現状だ。天野氏に対する３分の１近い不信任票も多くはこうした途上国とされる。
After his election to the top IAEA post, Amano stressed at a press conference that "solidarity of all the member states...is absolutely necessary." The comment is a reflection of his determination to resolve differences among IAEA member countries and to simultaneously pursue the goals of the peaceful use of nuclear energy and nuclear nonproliferation. Amano will be under pressure to translate his words into deeds.
当選後の記者会見で、天野氏は「すべての加盟国が結束する必要がある」と強調した。対立を解消し、平和利用と不拡散強化の両立を図りたいとの意欲の表れだろう。具体化へ行動が問われる。
The IAEA also is tasked with dealing with new types of threats, including nuclear terrorism. Amano has his work cut out.
核テロ防止など新たな脅威への対処も、ＩＡＥＡの責務だ。天野氏が取り組むべき難題は多い。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 4, 2009)
（2009年7月4日01時52分 読売新聞）
Amano's appointment opportunity for IAEA
ＩＡＥＡ新体制 実効ある核拡散防止に動け（7月4日付・読売社説）
It can be described as an endorsement of Japan's achievements in the fields of the peaceful use of nuclear power and prevention of nuclear proliferation.
原子力の平和利用と、核拡散防止の両面で、日本の実績が信任された結果でもあろう。
Yukiya Amano, ambassador to the Permanent Mission of Japan to the International Organizations in Vienna, has been elected to serve as the next director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency.
在ウィーンの天野之弥(ゆきや)代表部大使が、国際原子力機関（ＩＡＥＡ）の次期事務局長選で当選を決めた。
For Japan, Amano's appointment means his name can be added to the short list of Japanese that head international organizations, helping to boost Japan's presence in the international community.
日本にとっては、数少ない国際機関のトップのポストだ。日本の発言力強化にもつながる。
We hope Amano will demonstrate leadership as the successor to current IAEA Director General Mohamed ElBaradei, who will leave his post in November.
天野氏には、１１月に退任するエルバラダイ事務局長の後任として、大いに指導力を発揮してもらいたい。
===
North Korea, Iran scofflaws
The IAEA is an important international body established to promote the peaceful use of nuclear power and prevent nuclear technology being diverted for military purposes. ElBaradei and the organization won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005.
ＩＡＥＡは、原子力の平和利用を促進する一方、軍事転用されないよう監視する役割を担った重要な国際機関だ。２００５年、エルバラダイ事務局長とＩＡＥＡはノーベル平和賞を受賞している。
The IAEA has failed, however, to stop the nuclear development programs of North Korea and Iran.
だが、ＩＡＥＡは、結局、北朝鮮やイランの核開発を阻止することにはことごとく失敗した。
In response to the revelation in the early 1990s that Iraq had a secret nuclear program, the IAEA adopted an Additional Protocol to enable it to inspect undeclared nuclear facilities at short notice.
１９９０年代初めにイラクが秘密裏に核開発していた事実が発覚し、ＩＡＥＡは、未申告の施設でも短時間の通告で査察ができるとした追加議定書を採択した。
But this power proved to be useless in respect of North Korea, which ignored the protocol, declared its withdrawal from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and is overtly developing nuclear arms.
しかし、北朝鮮のように、議定書に見向きもせず、核拡散防止条約（ＮＰＴ）からの脱退を宣言して公然と核兵器開発を進める国には、何の役にもたたなかった。
Iran, which has signed the protocol, but has not ratified it, is openly pursuing uranium enrichment in defiance of a sanctions resolution imposed by the U.N. Security Council.
追加議定書に署名はしたが未批准のイランも、国連安全保障理事会の制裁決議を無視して、ウラン濃縮活動を公然と続けている。
How can effective nonproliferation measures be brought to bear to stop other countries following in the footsteps of North Korea and Iran? This weighty responsibility rests on Amano's shoulders.
北朝鮮やイランに追随する国を出さないよう、実効ある核拡散防止策をいかに具体化するか。それが天野氏が担う重い課題だ。
Spurred by increasing energy demand and the need to cut greenhouse gas emissions, there is a global trend to increase nuclear power use. Amid this situation, curbing the diffusion of technologies that can be utilized for nuclear weapons development is one key measure to enhance nuclear nonproliferation.
エネルギー需要の拡大や温室効果ガス排出削減の見地から、世界で、原子力利用は拡大する趨勢(すうせい)にある。その中で、核兵器開発につながる技術の拡散に歯止めをかけることは、拡散防止強化の重要な一策となる。
===
Divisions must be bridged
A number of ideas have been proposed to bolster nuclear nonproliferation. One proposal calls for putting uranium enrichment and nuclear reprocessing facilities under international management, while another suggestion is to guarantee the stable supply of nuclear fuel to a country that shuts its nuclear enrichment or reprocessing facilities.
ウラン濃縮や再処理施設を国際管理下に置く。そうした施設を断念した国には核燃料の安定的な供給を保証する。そんな構想が、すでにいくつも提唱されてきた。
But these ideas are far from realization due to opposition from developing countries, which say that the adoption of such ideas would lead to the creation of a world of nuclear haves and have-nots. About one-third of the votes cast by the IAEA's Board of Governors were not cast for Amano, in an effective vote of no-confidence against him, and many of those votes apparently were cast by developing countries.
だが、「持つ国」と「持たざる国」に二分化するもの、とする途上国側の強い反発もあって、実現には程遠いのが現状だ。天野氏に対する３分の１近い不信任票も多くはこうした途上国とされる。
After his election to the top IAEA post, Amano stressed at a press conference that "solidarity of all the member states...is absolutely necessary." The comment is a reflection of his determination to resolve differences among IAEA member countries and to simultaneously pursue the goals of the peaceful use of nuclear energy and nuclear nonproliferation. Amano will be under pressure to translate his words into deeds.
当選後の記者会見で、天野氏は「すべての加盟国が結束する必要がある」と強調した。対立を解消し、平和利用と不拡散強化の両立を図りたいとの意欲の表れだろう。具体化へ行動が問われる。
The IAEA also is tasked with dealing with new types of threats, including nuclear terrorism. Amano has his work cut out.
核テロ防止など新たな脅威への対処も、ＩＡＥＡの責務だ。天野氏が取り組むべき難題は多い。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 4, 2009)
（2009年7月4日01時52分 読売新聞）
2009年07月03日
水俣病救済合意 長年の争いに幕を引く時だ
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Jul. 3, 2009)
水俣病救済合意 長年の争いに幕を引く時だ（7月3日付・読売社説）
Time to end the battles over Minamata disease
Fifty-three years have passed since the Minamata mercury poisonings were officially confirmed. The disease's victims are aging, and it is high time to put an end to the years of dispute surrounding Minamata disease, which is seen as the starting point for environmental pollution cases in this country.
公式確認から５３年が経過した。被害者の高齢化も進んでいる。公害の原点である水俣病問題は、長年の争いに終止符を打つべき時にきている。
The ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito and the main opposition Democratic Party of Japan reached an agreement Thursday to amend a bill to offer financial relief to people who have yet to be recognized as Minamata disease sufferers, paving the way for the bill to be passed during the current Diet session.
水俣病未認定患者の救済法案について、与党の自民、公明両党と民主党が修正合意し、今国会で成立の見通しとなった。
Both the ruling and opposition blocs made concessions over the range of victims entitled to the proposed compensation plan. Given the necessity of providing relief measures to unrecognized sufferers as early as possible, the agreement is a great step forward.
被害者の救済範囲などで、双方が歩み寄った。被害者の早期救済が必要であることを考えれば、大きな成果を得たといえよう。
===
Chisso's burden
Under the major pillars of the proposed relief package, Chisso Corp., which caused the disease by releasing mercury-laced waste water from its factory, will offer lump-sum payments to people who were not recognized under state criteria as Minamata disease sufferers. In the case of Niigata Minamata disease, a similar disease that occurred in Niigata Prefecture, Showa Denko K.K., which has been held responsible, is expected to make payments. The central government, for its part, will provide medical expenses for sufferers.
国の認定基準では水俣病と認められなかった被害者に対し、原因企業のチッソ（新潟水俣病は昭和電工）が一時金を支払う。国は被害者に医療費を支給する。これらが救済策の主な内容だ。
We urge lawmakers to quickly agree on the amount of the lump-sum payments to ensure the money gets to the victims.
一時金の額を速やかに決め、確実に実施してもらいたい。
To be recognized by the state as Minamata disease sufferer, a person is required to be diagnosed as suffering from two or more symptoms, such as numbness in feet and arms, and impaired muscle coordination. However, sufferers will be entitled to the new relief measures as long as they have developed any one of the listed symptoms, including numbness in the arms and feet, systematic sensory impairment or sensory disorders around the mouth.
水俣病と認定されるには、手足のしびれや運動失調など、複数の症状の組み合わせが必要となる。これに対し、今回の救済策は、手足や全身のしびれ、口の周囲の感覚障害などのいずれかの症状があれば対象となる。
The relief measures are designed to expand the scope of victims as broadly as possible. More than 30,000 people are likely to be subject to the new agreement.
可能な限り被害者を救済する内容で、３万人以上が該当する可能性があるという。
The bill also incorporates a plan to divide Chisso into two entities. The company, which currently is faring well thanks to its liquid crystal material production, will be split into one unit for business operations and another unit for compensating victims. Gains made on sales of the business section's listed stocks are expected to be used to pay compensation to sufferers.
法案には、チッソの分社化も盛り込んだ。液晶生産などで業績好調なチッソを事業会社と補償会社に分離し、事業会社の株式の売却益を補償などに充てる計画だ。
Chisso seems to be trying to escape its image as a company responsible for pollution. However, the primary responsibility for such environmental degradation lies with the company that caused it. Whatever changes are made to Chisso's corporate structure, the firm must continue to bear the burden of steadily providing compensation to victims.
チッソには、公害企業からの脱却という思惑があるとみられるが、公害の一義的な責任が原因企業にあることは、言うまでもない。会社の形態がどのように変わっても、チッソは、水俣病の補償を滞りなく進めていく義務がある。
===
Opinion still divided
In 1995, the Cabinet of then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama endorsed a political settlement, formulating a relief package that covered more than 10,000 unrecognized patients.
水俣病問題を巡っては、１９９５年に村山内閣が１万人余の未認定患者を対象にした救済策をまとめ、政治決着が図られた。
However, the dispute was reignited following a 2004 Supreme Court ruling on a collective lawsuit filed by victims based in the Kansai region. The nation's top court acknowledged people with a wider range of symptoms as Minamata disease victims than the government's standards.
だが、２００４年の関西水俣病訴訟の最高裁判決により、問題が再燃した。最高裁が、国の認定基準よりも幅広く未認定患者を水俣病と認めたためだった。
The Supreme Court ruling was followed by a series of applications by victims seeking recognition and the filing of lawsuits, making it necessary to offer a new relief program.
判決後、認定申請や提訴が相次ぎ、新たな救済策が必要となった。
Because of strict criteria for recognizing Minamata disease sufferers, different lines have been drawn to define who is a victim, including people recognized by the central government, those who accepted the 1995 relief package without being officially recognized by the government, individuals who were recognized as sufferers by the top court, and people expected to be subject to the new legislation.
認定患者、９５年の救済策を受け入れた未認定患者、裁判所が水俣病と認めた人、さらに、今回の救済策の対象者。認定基準が厳しいため、被害者が幾重にも線引きされた。
The complexity concerning sufferer recognition could be said to have delayed settlement of the issue.
その複雑な構図が水俣病問題の解決を遅らせたといえる。
Opinions among Minamata disease sufferers are divided over whether they should accept the proposed legislation. While some were positive, saying they would finally be able to get financial relief, others expressed discontent, saying lawmakers are not listening to them.
「やっと救済される」「被害者の声を聞いていない」。救済策を受け入れるかどうか、被害者の反応は割れている。
The response of victims will be the key to determining whether the proposed legislation will finally settle the long-standing dispute.
今回の救済策が最終決着となるかどうかは、被害者側の対応がカギを握る。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 3, 2009)
（2009年7月3日01時49分 読売新聞）
水俣病救済合意 長年の争いに幕を引く時だ（7月3日付・読売社説）
Time to end the battles over Minamata disease
Fifty-three years have passed since the Minamata mercury poisonings were officially confirmed. The disease's victims are aging, and it is high time to put an end to the years of dispute surrounding Minamata disease, which is seen as the starting point for environmental pollution cases in this country.
公式確認から５３年が経過した。被害者の高齢化も進んでいる。公害の原点である水俣病問題は、長年の争いに終止符を打つべき時にきている。
The ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito and the main opposition Democratic Party of Japan reached an agreement Thursday to amend a bill to offer financial relief to people who have yet to be recognized as Minamata disease sufferers, paving the way for the bill to be passed during the current Diet session.
水俣病未認定患者の救済法案について、与党の自民、公明両党と民主党が修正合意し、今国会で成立の見通しとなった。
Both the ruling and opposition blocs made concessions over the range of victims entitled to the proposed compensation plan. Given the necessity of providing relief measures to unrecognized sufferers as early as possible, the agreement is a great step forward.
被害者の救済範囲などで、双方が歩み寄った。被害者の早期救済が必要であることを考えれば、大きな成果を得たといえよう。
===
Chisso's burden
Under the major pillars of the proposed relief package, Chisso Corp., which caused the disease by releasing mercury-laced waste water from its factory, will offer lump-sum payments to people who were not recognized under state criteria as Minamata disease sufferers. In the case of Niigata Minamata disease, a similar disease that occurred in Niigata Prefecture, Showa Denko K.K., which has been held responsible, is expected to make payments. The central government, for its part, will provide medical expenses for sufferers.
国の認定基準では水俣病と認められなかった被害者に対し、原因企業のチッソ（新潟水俣病は昭和電工）が一時金を支払う。国は被害者に医療費を支給する。これらが救済策の主な内容だ。
We urge lawmakers to quickly agree on the amount of the lump-sum payments to ensure the money gets to the victims.
一時金の額を速やかに決め、確実に実施してもらいたい。
To be recognized by the state as Minamata disease sufferer, a person is required to be diagnosed as suffering from two or more symptoms, such as numbness in feet and arms, and impaired muscle coordination. However, sufferers will be entitled to the new relief measures as long as they have developed any one of the listed symptoms, including numbness in the arms and feet, systematic sensory impairment or sensory disorders around the mouth.
水俣病と認定されるには、手足のしびれや運動失調など、複数の症状の組み合わせが必要となる。これに対し、今回の救済策は、手足や全身のしびれ、口の周囲の感覚障害などのいずれかの症状があれば対象となる。
The relief measures are designed to expand the scope of victims as broadly as possible. More than 30,000 people are likely to be subject to the new agreement.
可能な限り被害者を救済する内容で、３万人以上が該当する可能性があるという。
The bill also incorporates a plan to divide Chisso into two entities. The company, which currently is faring well thanks to its liquid crystal material production, will be split into one unit for business operations and another unit for compensating victims. Gains made on sales of the business section's listed stocks are expected to be used to pay compensation to sufferers.
法案には、チッソの分社化も盛り込んだ。液晶生産などで業績好調なチッソを事業会社と補償会社に分離し、事業会社の株式の売却益を補償などに充てる計画だ。
Chisso seems to be trying to escape its image as a company responsible for pollution. However, the primary responsibility for such environmental degradation lies with the company that caused it. Whatever changes are made to Chisso's corporate structure, the firm must continue to bear the burden of steadily providing compensation to victims.
チッソには、公害企業からの脱却という思惑があるとみられるが、公害の一義的な責任が原因企業にあることは、言うまでもない。会社の形態がどのように変わっても、チッソは、水俣病の補償を滞りなく進めていく義務がある。
===
Opinion still divided
In 1995, the Cabinet of then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama endorsed a political settlement, formulating a relief package that covered more than 10,000 unrecognized patients.
水俣病問題を巡っては、１９９５年に村山内閣が１万人余の未認定患者を対象にした救済策をまとめ、政治決着が図られた。
However, the dispute was reignited following a 2004 Supreme Court ruling on a collective lawsuit filed by victims based in the Kansai region. The nation's top court acknowledged people with a wider range of symptoms as Minamata disease victims than the government's standards.
だが、２００４年の関西水俣病訴訟の最高裁判決により、問題が再燃した。最高裁が、国の認定基準よりも幅広く未認定患者を水俣病と認めたためだった。
The Supreme Court ruling was followed by a series of applications by victims seeking recognition and the filing of lawsuits, making it necessary to offer a new relief program.
判決後、認定申請や提訴が相次ぎ、新たな救済策が必要となった。
Because of strict criteria for recognizing Minamata disease sufferers, different lines have been drawn to define who is a victim, including people recognized by the central government, those who accepted the 1995 relief package without being officially recognized by the government, individuals who were recognized as sufferers by the top court, and people expected to be subject to the new legislation.
認定患者、９５年の救済策を受け入れた未認定患者、裁判所が水俣病と認めた人、さらに、今回の救済策の対象者。認定基準が厳しいため、被害者が幾重にも線引きされた。
The complexity concerning sufferer recognition could be said to have delayed settlement of the issue.
その複雑な構図が水俣病問題の解決を遅らせたといえる。
Opinions among Minamata disease sufferers are divided over whether they should accept the proposed legislation. While some were positive, saying they would finally be able to get financial relief, others expressed discontent, saying lawmakers are not listening to them.
「やっと救済される」「被害者の声を聞いていない」。救済策を受け入れるかどうか、被害者の反応は割れている。
The response of victims will be the key to determining whether the proposed legislation will finally settle the long-standing dispute.
今回の救済策が最終決着となるかどうかは、被害者側の対応がカギを握る。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 3, 2009)
（2009年7月3日01時49分 読売新聞）
2009年07月02日
鳩山氏架空献金 調査も説明も極めて不十分だ
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Jul. 2, 2009)
Probe, full clarification of Hatoyama case needed
鳩山氏架空献金 調査も説明も極めて不十分だ（7月2日付・読売社説）
In the wake of an illegal donation case involving former Democratic Party of Japan President Ichiro Ozawa that saw him resign his post, a political-fund scandal involving current party leader Yukio Hatoyama has surfaced.
違法献金事件で辞任した民主党の小沢一郎前代表に続き、鳩山代表にも「政治とカネ」をめぐる不祥事が発覚した。
Hatoyama admitted at a press conference Tuesday that his political fund management organization had made false statements in its fund reports, listing individual donations from about 90 people who had not actually donated money, including a number of deceased people, and he offered a public apology. The amount of misstated funds totaled 21.77 million yen from 2005 to 2008.
鳩山代表は記者会見で自らの資金管理団体の政治資金収支報告書に、故人を含め約９０人の架空の個人献金を虚偽記載していたことを認め、謝罪した。２００５〜０８年の虚偽記載は総額２１７７万円にも上る。
Hatoyama's government-paid first secretary is said to have dealt with the fictitious donations when he transferred Hatoyama's individually donated funds to the fund management organization.
公設第１秘書が鳩山代表の個人資金を団体に繰り入れる際、別人の献金として処理したという。
Although the combined amount of fictitious donations is huge and each apparently violates the Political Funds Control Law, the investigation into and explanation of the scandal have been extremely insufficient. Hatoyama should provide a convincing explanation to the public after a thorough investigation into the facts has been conducted.
多額の架空献金であり、政治資金規正法違反が明白なのに、調査も説明も極めて不十分だ。鳩山代表は、事実関係を徹底的に調査したうえ、国民が納得できるよう説明を尽くすべきだ。
===
Why so many small donations?
The focus now is on why the secretary invented so many fictitious donors.
焦点は、なぜ秘書が多数の架空の献金者を仕立てたのかだ。
According to the Hatoyama side, the secretary had failed to make requests for donations from the lawmaker's supporters, so he tried to cover up his negligence. But this is a far from convincing explanation. It is difficult not to think there may have been reasons why the money could not have been dealt with as standard donations from Hatoyama or loans to the organization.
鳩山代表側は、秘書が支持者への寄付の依頼を怠り、それを隠そうとしたと言うが、とても納得できる説明ではない。代表本人の寄付や貸付金にできない理由があったと見られても仕方がない。
In the past three years, the amount of small-sum anonymous individual donations to Hatoyama's fund management organization topped 100 million yen at the very least. We wonder whether other donations from fictitious donors may be found among those donations, and what of the donations made prior to 2005.
資金管理団体には最近３年間だけで、小口の匿名の個人献金が総額１億円以上ある。この中にも架空献金が含まれているのではないか。０４年以前はどうなのか。
Hatoyama has urged Ozawa to fulfill his responsibility to explain what occurred regarding Nishimatsu Construction Co.'s alleged illegal donations to Ozawa's office. Hatoyama should be aware, therefore, that he too must clearly respond to the string of questions concerning his own scandal.
鳩山代表は、西松建設の違法献金事件で小沢前代表に説明責任を果たすよう促していた。自らの問題に関する一連の疑問について明確に答えねばなるまい。
As with Ozawa's case, it involves a government-paid first secretary working in unison with a lawmaker. Any excuse that claims what was done occurred at the discretion of the secretary alone cannot be accepted. Hatoyama has a grave responsibility to supervise his secretary.
小沢前代表と同様、公設第１秘書は政治家本人と一体の関係にある。「秘書が独断でやった」との言い訳は通用しない。鳩山代表には重大な監督責任がある。
===
DPJ cannot stand aloof
It does not stand to reason that the DPJ, for its part, can remain an onlooker, claiming the scandal is an individual matter.
民主党も、鳩山代表の「個人の問題」として、傍観しているのはおかしい。
1
DPJ Secretary General Katsuya Okada has said that Hatoyama has fulfilled his accountability over the case. However, Okada's remark does not chime with the public's growing awareness of the matter.
岡田幹事長の「説明責任は果たされた」という発言は、一般国民の認識と乖離(かいり)がある。
In light of the Nishimatsu donation scandal, the DPJ has submitted a bill to the Diet to revise the Political Funds Control Law so it totally bans corporate and organization donations, starting three years from now.
民主党は西松建設事件を踏まえて、企業・団体献金を３年後に全面禁止する政治資金規正法改正案を国会に提出している。
The bill was crafted based on the idea that all corporate donations are evil and individual donations are virtuous. However, this cannot be said to always be the case, as shown by the Hatoyama scandal in which the system of individual donations was abused. In addition, the freedom to engage in political activity should be remain open to corporations.
「企業献金は悪で、個人献金は善」との発想だが、個人献金を悪用していた今回の例を見れば、説得力がない。企業にも政治活動の自由は認められるべきだろう。
The DPJ is not the only political party to be beset by political-fund scandals. Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Toshihiro Nikai and Finance Minister Kaoru Yosano, both lawmakers of the Liberal Democratic Party, have been singled out for their opaque corporate donations and have been grilled in the Diet.
政治資金の問題があるのは民主党だけではない。自民党の二階経済産業相や与謝野財務・金融相も不透明な企業献金が指摘され、国会で追及を受けた。
An audit system covering the expenditures of political organizations is to start this fiscal year. The way in which revenue is raised also must be checked thoroughly. The ruling and opposition parties should hold in-depth discussions on what kind of system would be most effective.
政治団体の支出については０９年分から監査制度が始まる。収入も厳しいチェックが必要だ。どんな制度が効果的か、与野党は第三者も交えて議論を深めるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 2, 2009)
（2009年7月2日01時14分 読売新聞）
Probe, full clarification of Hatoyama case needed
鳩山氏架空献金 調査も説明も極めて不十分だ（7月2日付・読売社説）
In the wake of an illegal donation case involving former Democratic Party of Japan President Ichiro Ozawa that saw him resign his post, a political-fund scandal involving current party leader Yukio Hatoyama has surfaced.
違法献金事件で辞任した民主党の小沢一郎前代表に続き、鳩山代表にも「政治とカネ」をめぐる不祥事が発覚した。
Hatoyama admitted at a press conference Tuesday that his political fund management organization had made false statements in its fund reports, listing individual donations from about 90 people who had not actually donated money, including a number of deceased people, and he offered a public apology. The amount of misstated funds totaled 21.77 million yen from 2005 to 2008.
鳩山代表は記者会見で自らの資金管理団体の政治資金収支報告書に、故人を含め約９０人の架空の個人献金を虚偽記載していたことを認め、謝罪した。２００５〜０８年の虚偽記載は総額２１７７万円にも上る。
Hatoyama's government-paid first secretary is said to have dealt with the fictitious donations when he transferred Hatoyama's individually donated funds to the fund management organization.
公設第１秘書が鳩山代表の個人資金を団体に繰り入れる際、別人の献金として処理したという。
Although the combined amount of fictitious donations is huge and each apparently violates the Political Funds Control Law, the investigation into and explanation of the scandal have been extremely insufficient. Hatoyama should provide a convincing explanation to the public after a thorough investigation into the facts has been conducted.
多額の架空献金であり、政治資金規正法違反が明白なのに、調査も説明も極めて不十分だ。鳩山代表は、事実関係を徹底的に調査したうえ、国民が納得できるよう説明を尽くすべきだ。
===
Why so many small donations?
The focus now is on why the secretary invented so many fictitious donors.
焦点は、なぜ秘書が多数の架空の献金者を仕立てたのかだ。
According to the Hatoyama side, the secretary had failed to make requests for donations from the lawmaker's supporters, so he tried to cover up his negligence. But this is a far from convincing explanation. It is difficult not to think there may have been reasons why the money could not have been dealt with as standard donations from Hatoyama or loans to the organization.
鳩山代表側は、秘書が支持者への寄付の依頼を怠り、それを隠そうとしたと言うが、とても納得できる説明ではない。代表本人の寄付や貸付金にできない理由があったと見られても仕方がない。
In the past three years, the amount of small-sum anonymous individual donations to Hatoyama's fund management organization topped 100 million yen at the very least. We wonder whether other donations from fictitious donors may be found among those donations, and what of the donations made prior to 2005.
資金管理団体には最近３年間だけで、小口の匿名の個人献金が総額１億円以上ある。この中にも架空献金が含まれているのではないか。０４年以前はどうなのか。
Hatoyama has urged Ozawa to fulfill his responsibility to explain what occurred regarding Nishimatsu Construction Co.'s alleged illegal donations to Ozawa's office. Hatoyama should be aware, therefore, that he too must clearly respond to the string of questions concerning his own scandal.
鳩山代表は、西松建設の違法献金事件で小沢前代表に説明責任を果たすよう促していた。自らの問題に関する一連の疑問について明確に答えねばなるまい。
As with Ozawa's case, it involves a government-paid first secretary working in unison with a lawmaker. Any excuse that claims what was done occurred at the discretion of the secretary alone cannot be accepted. Hatoyama has a grave responsibility to supervise his secretary.
小沢前代表と同様、公設第１秘書は政治家本人と一体の関係にある。「秘書が独断でやった」との言い訳は通用しない。鳩山代表には重大な監督責任がある。
===
DPJ cannot stand aloof
It does not stand to reason that the DPJ, for its part, can remain an onlooker, claiming the scandal is an individual matter.
民主党も、鳩山代表の「個人の問題」として、傍観しているのはおかしい。
1
DPJ Secretary General Katsuya Okada has said that Hatoyama has fulfilled his accountability over the case. However, Okada's remark does not chime with the public's growing awareness of the matter.
岡田幹事長の「説明責任は果たされた」という発言は、一般国民の認識と乖離(かいり)がある。
In light of the Nishimatsu donation scandal, the DPJ has submitted a bill to the Diet to revise the Political Funds Control Law so it totally bans corporate and organization donations, starting three years from now.
民主党は西松建設事件を踏まえて、企業・団体献金を３年後に全面禁止する政治資金規正法改正案を国会に提出している。
The bill was crafted based on the idea that all corporate donations are evil and individual donations are virtuous. However, this cannot be said to always be the case, as shown by the Hatoyama scandal in which the system of individual donations was abused. In addition, the freedom to engage in political activity should be remain open to corporations.
「企業献金は悪で、個人献金は善」との発想だが、個人献金を悪用していた今回の例を見れば、説得力がない。企業にも政治活動の自由は認められるべきだろう。
The DPJ is not the only political party to be beset by political-fund scandals. Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Toshihiro Nikai and Finance Minister Kaoru Yosano, both lawmakers of the Liberal Democratic Party, have been singled out for their opaque corporate donations and have been grilled in the Diet.
政治資金の問題があるのは民主党だけではない。自民党の二階経済産業相や与謝野財務・金融相も不透明な企業献金が指摘され、国会で追及を受けた。
An audit system covering the expenditures of political organizations is to start this fiscal year. The way in which revenue is raised also must be checked thoroughly. The ruling and opposition parties should hold in-depth discussions on what kind of system would be most effective.
政治団体の支出については０９年分から監査制度が始まる。収入も厳しいチェックが必要だ。どんな制度が効果的か、与野党は第三者も交えて議論を深めるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 2, 2009)
（2009年7月2日01時14分 読売新聞）
2009年07月01日
核持ち込み 政府は密約の存在を認めよ
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Jul. 1, 2009)
Govt should admit secret N-deal with U.S.
核持ち込み 政府は密約の存在を認めよ（7月1日付・読売社説）
It is no longer possible for the government to maintain its official stance of denying the existence of a deal between Japan and the United States that tacitly allows U.S. forces to bring nuclear weapons into Japanese territory. The time has come for the government to admit the existence of this accord and explain the facts surrounding it to the public.
米軍の核持ち込み容認の密約はないとする政府見解の維持は、もはや困難だ。政府は、密約の存在を認め、国民に事実関係を説明すべき時だ。
In a recent interview with news media, including The Yomiuri Shimbun, Ryohei Murata, a former administrative vice foreign minister, revealed the existence of the accord between the Japanese and U.S. governments under which Japan tacitly approves port calls and passage through Japanese territorial waters by U.S. warships carrying nuclear weapons.
日本は、核兵器を搭載した米軍艦船の日本への寄港や領海通過を黙認する――。そうした日米両政府の「秘密の了解」の存在を、村田良平・元外務次官が報道機関のインタビューで明らかにした。
When the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty was revised in 1960, the two countries agreed that U.S. forces would only bring nuclear weapons onto Japanese soil if prior bilateral consultations were held.
１９６０年の日米安全保障条約の改定時に、米軍の核兵器の持ち込みは、両国が事前に協議する対象と定められた。
However, while this applied to the deployment or storage of nuclear weapons at U.S. bases in Japan, it has long been speculated that the two countries reached a secret deal to exempt port calls, stopovers and passage through Japanese territorial waters and airspace by U.S. warships and aircraft carrying nuclear weapons from the bilateral consultation rule.
一方で、陸上の米軍基地への配備や保管と異なり、艦船・航空機の寄港・立ち寄りや通過は、事前協議の対象外とする密約の存在が以前から、指摘されていた。
The government has consistently denied the existence of a secret accord, but it should seriously consider the fact that a former top bureaucrat of the Foreign Ministry, who had direct knowledge of the secret accord within the ministry, has admitted its existence.
日本政府は一貫して否定しているが、密約の引き継ぎに直接関与していた外務省の事務方トップがその存在を認めた事実は重い。
===
Cold War confrontation
Around 1960, in the midst of the Cold War, the general public of this nation was strongly allergic to all things nuclear, and there was constant confrontation between the conservative and progressive sides of politics.
東西冷戦下の６０年当時、日本では、政治的な保革対立に加えて、一般国民の核アレルギーも強かった。
Therefore, it can be seen in some ways unavoidable that the government concluded a secret accord with Washington, with an eye on national security in the event of military emergency.
政府が、有事における安全保障の観点から密約を結んだのは、やむを得ない面もあったろう。
It is right and proper that secrets associated with diplomatic negotiations be kept if a country is to maintain mutual trust with its partner.
外交交渉に伴う機密を守るのは、相手国との信頼関係を維持するためにも、当然のことだ。
However, nearly half a century has passed since then and the situation both at home and abroad has dramatically changed.
だが、半世紀近くが経過し、国内外の状況は大きく変化した。
On the U.S. side, former U.S. Ambassador to Japan Edwin Reischauer and others have, in the past, revealed the contents of the secret accord to the media. Many U.S. official documents that include mention of the deal have been publicly disclosed.
米側では、ライシャワー元駐日大使ら関係者が密約の内容を証言した。密約を詳細に裏付ける公文書も多数公開されている。
In Japan, after the collapse of the so-called 1955 regime, which saw a political polarization with the Liberal Democratic Party on one side and the Japan Socialist Party on the other right through to 1993, the environment is becoming ripe for a comprehensive debate on national security.
日本でも、自民、社会両党主軸の５５年体制が崩壊し、より健全な安全保障論議ができる環境が整いつつある。
===
Review nonnuclear principles
Any continuation by the government of its labored attempts to hide the existence of the secret deal is not in line with national interests. Rather, maintaining the line that there is no deal can only bring negative effects as it would, for example, damage public trust in the government's handling of diplomatic and national security policies.
これ以上無理を重ねて、密約を否定し続けることが、国益に沿うとは言えまい。むしろ、政府の外交・安保政策に対する国民の信頼を損ねるなど、マイナス面の方が大きいのではないか。
If the government is to review the secret accord, it will inevitably be required to revisit its long-standing three nonnuclear principles of not possessing, not producing and not allowing nuclear weapons on this nation's soil.
密約を見直せば、核兵器を「持たず、作らず、持ち込ませず」とする非核三原則のあり方にも踏み込まざるを得ないだろう。
However, while it is appropriate to maintain the principles of not possessing or producing nuclear weapons, the government should be given free rein to review, in a considered manner, the principle of not allowing nuclear weapons on the country's soil.
核兵器の保有と製造の禁止を継続するのは妥当だとしても、「持ち込ませず」は、冷静に議論し直していい。
Temporary port calls and passage through Japanese territorial waters by U.S. warships carrying nuclear weapons are significantly different in their implications to the deploying and storing of nuclear weapons on the ground.
陸上への配備や保管と、一時的な寄港や領海通過では、意味合いが相当異なる。
Japan is faced with growing security concerns due to both the increasingly serious nuclear and missile threat posed by North Korea and China's rapid military buildup.
北朝鮮の核とミサイルの脅威が深刻化し、中国の軍備増強が急速に進むなど、日本の安全保障環境は厳しさを増している。
To enhance the nation's deterrent ability under the U.S. nuclear umbrella, it is important that U.S. forces be allowed to operate flexibly in the event of a military emergency. The government must tackle the debate on nuclear weapons with no subject considered taboo.
米国の「核の傘」による抑止力を高めるには、有事の部隊運用の柔軟性が重要だ。タブーにとらわれない核論議が求められる。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 1, 2009)
（2009年7月1日01時53分 読売新聞）
Govt should admit secret N-deal with U.S.
核持ち込み 政府は密約の存在を認めよ（7月1日付・読売社説）
It is no longer possible for the government to maintain its official stance of denying the existence of a deal between Japan and the United States that tacitly allows U.S. forces to bring nuclear weapons into Japanese territory. The time has come for the government to admit the existence of this accord and explain the facts surrounding it to the public.
米軍の核持ち込み容認の密約はないとする政府見解の維持は、もはや困難だ。政府は、密約の存在を認め、国民に事実関係を説明すべき時だ。
In a recent interview with news media, including The Yomiuri Shimbun, Ryohei Murata, a former administrative vice foreign minister, revealed the existence of the accord between the Japanese and U.S. governments under which Japan tacitly approves port calls and passage through Japanese territorial waters by U.S. warships carrying nuclear weapons.
日本は、核兵器を搭載した米軍艦船の日本への寄港や領海通過を黙認する――。そうした日米両政府の「秘密の了解」の存在を、村田良平・元外務次官が報道機関のインタビューで明らかにした。
When the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty was revised in 1960, the two countries agreed that U.S. forces would only bring nuclear weapons onto Japanese soil if prior bilateral consultations were held.
１９６０年の日米安全保障条約の改定時に、米軍の核兵器の持ち込みは、両国が事前に協議する対象と定められた。
However, while this applied to the deployment or storage of nuclear weapons at U.S. bases in Japan, it has long been speculated that the two countries reached a secret deal to exempt port calls, stopovers and passage through Japanese territorial waters and airspace by U.S. warships and aircraft carrying nuclear weapons from the bilateral consultation rule.
一方で、陸上の米軍基地への配備や保管と異なり、艦船・航空機の寄港・立ち寄りや通過は、事前協議の対象外とする密約の存在が以前から、指摘されていた。
The government has consistently denied the existence of a secret accord, but it should seriously consider the fact that a former top bureaucrat of the Foreign Ministry, who had direct knowledge of the secret accord within the ministry, has admitted its existence.
日本政府は一貫して否定しているが、密約の引き継ぎに直接関与していた外務省の事務方トップがその存在を認めた事実は重い。
===
Cold War confrontation
Around 1960, in the midst of the Cold War, the general public of this nation was strongly allergic to all things nuclear, and there was constant confrontation between the conservative and progressive sides of politics.
東西冷戦下の６０年当時、日本では、政治的な保革対立に加えて、一般国民の核アレルギーも強かった。
Therefore, it can be seen in some ways unavoidable that the government concluded a secret accord with Washington, with an eye on national security in the event of military emergency.
政府が、有事における安全保障の観点から密約を結んだのは、やむを得ない面もあったろう。
It is right and proper that secrets associated with diplomatic negotiations be kept if a country is to maintain mutual trust with its partner.
外交交渉に伴う機密を守るのは、相手国との信頼関係を維持するためにも、当然のことだ。
However, nearly half a century has passed since then and the situation both at home and abroad has dramatically changed.
だが、半世紀近くが経過し、国内外の状況は大きく変化した。
On the U.S. side, former U.S. Ambassador to Japan Edwin Reischauer and others have, in the past, revealed the contents of the secret accord to the media. Many U.S. official documents that include mention of the deal have been publicly disclosed.
米側では、ライシャワー元駐日大使ら関係者が密約の内容を証言した。密約を詳細に裏付ける公文書も多数公開されている。
In Japan, after the collapse of the so-called 1955 regime, which saw a political polarization with the Liberal Democratic Party on one side and the Japan Socialist Party on the other right through to 1993, the environment is becoming ripe for a comprehensive debate on national security.
日本でも、自民、社会両党主軸の５５年体制が崩壊し、より健全な安全保障論議ができる環境が整いつつある。
===
Review nonnuclear principles
Any continuation by the government of its labored attempts to hide the existence of the secret deal is not in line with national interests. Rather, maintaining the line that there is no deal can only bring negative effects as it would, for example, damage public trust in the government's handling of diplomatic and national security policies.
これ以上無理を重ねて、密約を否定し続けることが、国益に沿うとは言えまい。むしろ、政府の外交・安保政策に対する国民の信頼を損ねるなど、マイナス面の方が大きいのではないか。
If the government is to review the secret accord, it will inevitably be required to revisit its long-standing three nonnuclear principles of not possessing, not producing and not allowing nuclear weapons on this nation's soil.
密約を見直せば、核兵器を「持たず、作らず、持ち込ませず」とする非核三原則のあり方にも踏み込まざるを得ないだろう。
However, while it is appropriate to maintain the principles of not possessing or producing nuclear weapons, the government should be given free rein to review, in a considered manner, the principle of not allowing nuclear weapons on the country's soil.
核兵器の保有と製造の禁止を継続するのは妥当だとしても、「持ち込ませず」は、冷静に議論し直していい。
Temporary port calls and passage through Japanese territorial waters by U.S. warships carrying nuclear weapons are significantly different in their implications to the deploying and storing of nuclear weapons on the ground.
陸上への配備や保管と、一時的な寄港や領海通過では、意味合いが相当異なる。
Japan is faced with growing security concerns due to both the increasingly serious nuclear and missile threat posed by North Korea and China's rapid military buildup.
北朝鮮の核とミサイルの脅威が深刻化し、中国の軍備増強が急速に進むなど、日本の安全保障環境は厳しさを増している。
To enhance the nation's deterrent ability under the U.S. nuclear umbrella, it is important that U.S. forces be allowed to operate flexibly in the event of a military emergency. The government must tackle the debate on nuclear weapons with no subject considered taboo.
米国の「核の傘」による抑止力を高めるには、有事の部隊運用の柔軟性が重要だ。タブーにとらわれない核論議が求められる。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 1, 2009)
（2009年7月1日01時53分 読売新聞）