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2009年07月25日
経済財政白書 物足りない回復への処方箋
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Jul. 25, 2009)
Economic white paper short on specifics
経済財政白書 物足りない回復への処方箋（7月25日付・読売社説）
The theme of the fiscal 2009 Annual Report on the Japanese Economy and Public Finance was "overcoming crisis and the outlook for sustainable recovery."
今年度の経済財政白書は、「危機の克服と持続的回復への展望」をテーマに取り上げた。
Although the country's economy has stopped deteriorating, it is still in a deep rut and there are lingering concerns that it could worsen further still.
景気はやっと下げ止まったものの、今なお深い谷の中にあり、さらに底割れする心配も消えていない。
The white paper on the economy and public finances was drawn up in the middle of a dire economic situation. As such, it was expected to present a clear remedy for the Japanese economy that would guide it through the crisis and help it regain its growth potential.
厳しい経済情勢のもとでまとめられた白書には、日本経済が危機を切り抜け、成長力を取り戻すためのしっかりした処方箋(せん)を示すことが期待されていた。
The white paper said that although the country's economy slumped at the fastest pace on record, and that the extent of the slowdown also was the deepest ever, it finally began picking up thanks to the government's pump-priming measures and the recovery of foreign economies.
白書はまず、景気はかつてない「速さ」と「深さ」で落ち込んだが、経済対策や海外経済の回復のおかげで、ようやく持ち直してきたと分析した。
But the report pointed to three continuing risks in the economic outlook--the deteriorating employment situation, the risk of backsliding into deflation and a downturn in foreign economies.
ただし、先行きには「雇用の悪化」「デフレへの逆戻り」「海外経済の下振れ」という三つのリスクが残っているとした。
The employment situation made for particularly grim reading. The paper estimated the number of workers surplus to requirements at Japanese firms topped 6 million. Many companies are believed to have hired far more workers than they actually need for their production.
特に雇用では、仕事の減った会社が社員を解雇せずに抱える“企業内失業”が６００万人に及ぶと推計した。
The report warned that unless production recovers soon, these firms will soon find it difficult to retain employees and will resort to slashing their workforces.
このため生産が急ピッチに回復しないと企業のやせ我慢が続かず、人員の大幅削減が始まるだろうと警告を発した。
===
Govt must keep risks in mind
We think the white paper was on the mark to point out the need for the government to appropriately proceed with economic and fiscal management while paying close attention to such risks.
白書が「こうしたリスクに注意しながら、政府は適切な経済財政運営を進めていく必要がある」と指摘したのは当を得ている。
Regrettably, the report stopped short of making detailed proposals on specific policies.
ただ、具体的な政策運営に関する各論は、少し物足りない。
The white paper called on the government to jump-start economic recovery by a two-track policy of domestic and foreign demand.
内需と外需の「双発エンジン」による回復を目指すべきだと、白書は説く。
We do not object to the proposal. Yet, it should be remembered that domestic demand was weak even during the economic expansion that lasted nearly seven years from 2002. Given that, the paper should have spelled out how domestic demand could be promoted in the middle of an employment crisis.
異論はないが、２００２年からの７年近い景気拡大期でさえ、内需は弱かった。雇用危機の中で、内需をいかに振興すべきか論じてほしかった。
The nation's shrinking population will gradually erode domestic demand. Under these circumstances, it is important to consider how the increasing needs of an aging society, such as medical and nursing services, can be linked with domestic demand.
人口減少で内需は縮小する方向だ。医療や介護など高齢化社会に高まるニーズをどう内需につなげるかという論点も重要だろう。
The white paper also said shoring up the credibility of pension and other social security services will make people less likely to squirrel away excess savings, and this would flow on to support consumption. This is a good viewpoint, but to our regret, the argument is not overly convincing because it failed to explain where the fiscal resources to realize such proposals would come from.
白書は、年金など社会保障への信頼を高めれば過剰な貯蓄が減って、消費を下支えするとした。いい視点だが、肝心の財源を示さず説得力を欠いたのは残念だ。
===
History could repeat
Though Japan's economic growth is driven by exports, the nation will have to vie for export markets with emerging economies. The paper should have presented strategies for taking advantage of the growth of Asian countries and other nations.
得意の輸出も、新興国の台頭でパイの争奪が激しくなる。アジアなどの成長をうまく取り込む戦略を示してもらいたかった。
The paper concluded that economic recovery would be the surest way to resolve social and economic disparities in this country. But this claim is too simplistic. Relying on the economic recovery to resolve the problem could doom the nation to repeating the terrible times of the so-called employment ice age, when many university graduates struggled to find jobs after the economic bubble burst. The income disparity among young people significantly widened during this period.
一方、格差問題では「景気回復が最大の対策」と総括しているが、あまりに素っ気ない。景気回復頼みでは、就職氷河期に若者間の所得格差が急拡大した悲劇を、繰り返しかねない。
An overemphasis on profitability and efficiency in line with the structural reform drive is partly responsible for the widening social and economic disparities and exhaustion of the social security system.
格差拡大や社会保障の疲弊は、構造改革路線に沿った収益偏重、効率至上主義にも責任がある。
The white paper had carried the same subtitle of "No growth without structural reforms" for five years in an apparent show of support for the government's structural reform drive. Perhaps it is time to reflect on the proposals it made during that period.
「改革なくして成長なし」の副題を５年間掲げ、改革路線を後押しした過去の経済財政白書の総括も、そろそろ必要ではないか。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 25, 2009)
（2009年7月25日01時54分 読売新聞）
Economic white paper short on specifics
経済財政白書 物足りない回復への処方箋（7月25日付・読売社説）
The theme of the fiscal 2009 Annual Report on the Japanese Economy and Public Finance was "overcoming crisis and the outlook for sustainable recovery."
今年度の経済財政白書は、「危機の克服と持続的回復への展望」をテーマに取り上げた。
Although the country's economy has stopped deteriorating, it is still in a deep rut and there are lingering concerns that it could worsen further still.
景気はやっと下げ止まったものの、今なお深い谷の中にあり、さらに底割れする心配も消えていない。
The white paper on the economy and public finances was drawn up in the middle of a dire economic situation. As such, it was expected to present a clear remedy for the Japanese economy that would guide it through the crisis and help it regain its growth potential.
厳しい経済情勢のもとでまとめられた白書には、日本経済が危機を切り抜け、成長力を取り戻すためのしっかりした処方箋(せん)を示すことが期待されていた。
The white paper said that although the country's economy slumped at the fastest pace on record, and that the extent of the slowdown also was the deepest ever, it finally began picking up thanks to the government's pump-priming measures and the recovery of foreign economies.
白書はまず、景気はかつてない「速さ」と「深さ」で落ち込んだが、経済対策や海外経済の回復のおかげで、ようやく持ち直してきたと分析した。
But the report pointed to three continuing risks in the economic outlook--the deteriorating employment situation, the risk of backsliding into deflation and a downturn in foreign economies.
ただし、先行きには「雇用の悪化」「デフレへの逆戻り」「海外経済の下振れ」という三つのリスクが残っているとした。
The employment situation made for particularly grim reading. The paper estimated the number of workers surplus to requirements at Japanese firms topped 6 million. Many companies are believed to have hired far more workers than they actually need for their production.
特に雇用では、仕事の減った会社が社員を解雇せずに抱える“企業内失業”が６００万人に及ぶと推計した。
The report warned that unless production recovers soon, these firms will soon find it difficult to retain employees and will resort to slashing their workforces.
このため生産が急ピッチに回復しないと企業のやせ我慢が続かず、人員の大幅削減が始まるだろうと警告を発した。
===
Govt must keep risks in mind
We think the white paper was on the mark to point out the need for the government to appropriately proceed with economic and fiscal management while paying close attention to such risks.
白書が「こうしたリスクに注意しながら、政府は適切な経済財政運営を進めていく必要がある」と指摘したのは当を得ている。
Regrettably, the report stopped short of making detailed proposals on specific policies.
ただ、具体的な政策運営に関する各論は、少し物足りない。
The white paper called on the government to jump-start economic recovery by a two-track policy of domestic and foreign demand.
内需と外需の「双発エンジン」による回復を目指すべきだと、白書は説く。
We do not object to the proposal. Yet, it should be remembered that domestic demand was weak even during the economic expansion that lasted nearly seven years from 2002. Given that, the paper should have spelled out how domestic demand could be promoted in the middle of an employment crisis.
異論はないが、２００２年からの７年近い景気拡大期でさえ、内需は弱かった。雇用危機の中で、内需をいかに振興すべきか論じてほしかった。
The nation's shrinking population will gradually erode domestic demand. Under these circumstances, it is important to consider how the increasing needs of an aging society, such as medical and nursing services, can be linked with domestic demand.
人口減少で内需は縮小する方向だ。医療や介護など高齢化社会に高まるニーズをどう内需につなげるかという論点も重要だろう。
The white paper also said shoring up the credibility of pension and other social security services will make people less likely to squirrel away excess savings, and this would flow on to support consumption. This is a good viewpoint, but to our regret, the argument is not overly convincing because it failed to explain where the fiscal resources to realize such proposals would come from.
白書は、年金など社会保障への信頼を高めれば過剰な貯蓄が減って、消費を下支えするとした。いい視点だが、肝心の財源を示さず説得力を欠いたのは残念だ。
===
History could repeat
Though Japan's economic growth is driven by exports, the nation will have to vie for export markets with emerging economies. The paper should have presented strategies for taking advantage of the growth of Asian countries and other nations.
得意の輸出も、新興国の台頭でパイの争奪が激しくなる。アジアなどの成長をうまく取り込む戦略を示してもらいたかった。
The paper concluded that economic recovery would be the surest way to resolve social and economic disparities in this country. But this claim is too simplistic. Relying on the economic recovery to resolve the problem could doom the nation to repeating the terrible times of the so-called employment ice age, when many university graduates struggled to find jobs after the economic bubble burst. The income disparity among young people significantly widened during this period.
一方、格差問題では「景気回復が最大の対策」と総括しているが、あまりに素っ気ない。景気回復頼みでは、就職氷河期に若者間の所得格差が急拡大した悲劇を、繰り返しかねない。
An overemphasis on profitability and efficiency in line with the structural reform drive is partly responsible for the widening social and economic disparities and exhaustion of the social security system.
格差拡大や社会保障の疲弊は、構造改革路線に沿った収益偏重、効率至上主義にも責任がある。
The white paper had carried the same subtitle of "No growth without structural reforms" for five years in an apparent show of support for the government's structural reform drive. Perhaps it is time to reflect on the proposals it made during that period.
「改革なくして成長なし」の副題を５年間掲げ、改革路線を後押しした過去の経済財政白書の総括も、そろそろ必要ではないか。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 25, 2009)
（2009年7月25日01時54分 読売新聞）
2009年07月24日
防衛白書 脅威を直視し防衛力を高めよ
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Jul. 24, 2009)
Face up to threats, boost defense capability
防衛白書 脅威を直視し防衛力を高めよ（7月24日付・読売社説）
The security environment surrounding Japan gives no ground for optimism. It is vital that the nation steadily strengthen its defense capability by squarely facing up to threats posed by neighboring nations and a myriad of unstable factors.
日本の安全保障環境は楽観を許さない。周辺の脅威と不安定要因を直視し、防衛力を着実に高めることが肝要である。
The Defense of Japan 2009 white paper, which recently was approved by the Cabinet, stated that North Korea's nuclear test in May and the growing capability of its ballistic missiles are grave threats to this country's security.
２００９年版防衛白書は、５月の北朝鮮の核実験と弾道ミサイル能力の増強について「わが国の安全に対する重大な脅威」と明記した。
The white paper stressed that these elements cannot be tolerated because they significantly jeopardize the peace and security of not only Northeast Asia but also the entire international community. We are not surprised by the recognition of this threat.
「北東アジアおよび国際社会の平和と安全を著しく害する」として、「断じて容認できない」とも強調している。当然の認識だ。
The white paper said it is difficult to completely rule out the possibility that North Korea will, in the relatively near future, succeed in downsizing a nuclear weapon to the extent that it could be loaded as a warhead on a ballistic missile.
弾道ミサイルへの搭載を可能にするための核兵器の小型化・弾頭化についても、「比較的短期間に実現に至る可能性も排除できない」と分析している。
Japan must continue its diplomatic efforts to pressure North Korea under the U.N. Security Council sanctions resolutions in cooperation with China, South Korea and the United States.
日本は、米中韓などと連携し、国連安全保障理事会の制裁決議に基づき、北朝鮮に圧力をかける外交努力を続けねばなるまい。
===
Keep eye on China, N. Korea
At the same time, as the white paper pointed out, the nation has to be prepared for the unexpected. It would be folly to forget that the reported health problems of North Korean leader Kim Jong Il and the issue of who will succeed him could destabilize the regime in Pyongyang.
同時に、白書の指摘するように、金正日総書記の後継者問題をめぐり北朝鮮の「体制が不安定化する可能性」がある以上、不測の事態に備える必要がある。
It is extremely important to fortify the Japan-U.S. alliance, thereby strengthening its military deterrence. The nation must not neglect to stay alert to and monitor the activities of North Korea, and should steadily proceed with deploying a missile defense system.
抑止力を高めるため、日米同盟を一段と強固にすることが極めて重要だ。北朝鮮に対する警戒・監視活動を怠らず、ミサイル防衛の配備を着実に進めるべきだ。
At the same time, the nation should remain wide awake to China's rapid military buildup and expanded scope of activities.
中国軍の急速な増強と活動範囲の拡大にも注意が欠かせない。
China's defense spending has seen double-digit growth for 21 consecutive years. The white paper said Beijing is working to acquire, maintain and protect its own interests in marine resources as well as to protect its sea lanes, in addition to its national defense and preventing Taiwan's independence.
中国の国防費は２１年連続で２ケタの伸びを示している。白書は、国家防衛や台湾の独立阻止にとどまらず、「海洋権益の獲得・維持・保護や海上輸送路保護」の目的が含まれる、と分析する。
In particular, the white paper expressed caution over China's increasing activities in waters near Japan. This point was epitomized by the four Chinese naval vessels that went around Japan in October by passing through the Tsugaru Strait, going southward in the Pacific Ocean and then sailing between the main island of Okinawa Prefecture and Miyakojima island.
特に、昨年１０月に中国海軍艦船４隻が津軽海峡を通過し、太平洋を南下した後、沖縄本島と宮古島の間を通って日本を周回した事例などを紹介し、海洋活動の活発化に警戒感を示した。
===
Budget considerations
The Ground Self-Defense Force is switching its strategy from focusing on contingencies that could affect the northern part of Japan, to an area centered on the southwestern part of the nation. Next spring, the 1st Combined Brigade stationed in Okinawa Prefecture will be upgraded and reorganized, which will entail increasing its personnel from 1,800 to 2,100.
陸上自衛隊は、北方重視から南西重視への転換を図っている。来春、沖縄に駐在する混成団を旅団に格上げし、隊員数を１８００人から２１００人に増やす。
We think it is important that this upgrade--and other similar changes--should be promoted in a planned revision of the National Defense Program Guidelines due by the end of this year.
今年末に予定される「防衛計画の大綱」の改定では、こうした転換を一層進めることが大切だ。
The United States, South Korea, India and Australia are increasing their defense budgets, as are China, North Korea and Russia. By contrast, Japan has trimmed its defense budget by between 0.1 percent to 1 percent annually since fiscal 2003.
北朝鮮、中国、ロシアだけでなく、米国、韓国、インド、豪州がそろって国防予算を増やす中、日本の防衛費は０３年度以降、毎年０・１〜１・０％の減少が続く。
If Japan continues pruning its defense budget even while a neighboring country conducts a nuclear test and launches missiles that fly over this country, it could send the wrong signal that Japan takes its national security lightly.
隣国が核実験を行い、自国上空を飛び越えるミサイルを発射しても、防衛費を削減し続けるのでは安全保障を軽視しているとの誤ったメッセージになりかねない。
While seeking efficiency in equipment procurement is one thing, we wonder if now might be the time to halt the gradual erosion of Japan's defense budget.
装備調達の効率化は当然としても、そろそろ防衛費の漸減に歯止めをかけるべき時ではないか。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 24, 2009)
（2009年7月24日01時22分 読売新聞）
Face up to threats, boost defense capability
防衛白書 脅威を直視し防衛力を高めよ（7月24日付・読売社説）
The security environment surrounding Japan gives no ground for optimism. It is vital that the nation steadily strengthen its defense capability by squarely facing up to threats posed by neighboring nations and a myriad of unstable factors.
日本の安全保障環境は楽観を許さない。周辺の脅威と不安定要因を直視し、防衛力を着実に高めることが肝要である。
The Defense of Japan 2009 white paper, which recently was approved by the Cabinet, stated that North Korea's nuclear test in May and the growing capability of its ballistic missiles are grave threats to this country's security.
２００９年版防衛白書は、５月の北朝鮮の核実験と弾道ミサイル能力の増強について「わが国の安全に対する重大な脅威」と明記した。
The white paper stressed that these elements cannot be tolerated because they significantly jeopardize the peace and security of not only Northeast Asia but also the entire international community. We are not surprised by the recognition of this threat.
「北東アジアおよび国際社会の平和と安全を著しく害する」として、「断じて容認できない」とも強調している。当然の認識だ。
The white paper said it is difficult to completely rule out the possibility that North Korea will, in the relatively near future, succeed in downsizing a nuclear weapon to the extent that it could be loaded as a warhead on a ballistic missile.
弾道ミサイルへの搭載を可能にするための核兵器の小型化・弾頭化についても、「比較的短期間に実現に至る可能性も排除できない」と分析している。
Japan must continue its diplomatic efforts to pressure North Korea under the U.N. Security Council sanctions resolutions in cooperation with China, South Korea and the United States.
日本は、米中韓などと連携し、国連安全保障理事会の制裁決議に基づき、北朝鮮に圧力をかける外交努力を続けねばなるまい。
===
Keep eye on China, N. Korea
At the same time, as the white paper pointed out, the nation has to be prepared for the unexpected. It would be folly to forget that the reported health problems of North Korean leader Kim Jong Il and the issue of who will succeed him could destabilize the regime in Pyongyang.
同時に、白書の指摘するように、金正日総書記の後継者問題をめぐり北朝鮮の「体制が不安定化する可能性」がある以上、不測の事態に備える必要がある。
It is extremely important to fortify the Japan-U.S. alliance, thereby strengthening its military deterrence. The nation must not neglect to stay alert to and monitor the activities of North Korea, and should steadily proceed with deploying a missile defense system.
抑止力を高めるため、日米同盟を一段と強固にすることが極めて重要だ。北朝鮮に対する警戒・監視活動を怠らず、ミサイル防衛の配備を着実に進めるべきだ。
At the same time, the nation should remain wide awake to China's rapid military buildup and expanded scope of activities.
中国軍の急速な増強と活動範囲の拡大にも注意が欠かせない。
China's defense spending has seen double-digit growth for 21 consecutive years. The white paper said Beijing is working to acquire, maintain and protect its own interests in marine resources as well as to protect its sea lanes, in addition to its national defense and preventing Taiwan's independence.
中国の国防費は２１年連続で２ケタの伸びを示している。白書は、国家防衛や台湾の独立阻止にとどまらず、「海洋権益の獲得・維持・保護や海上輸送路保護」の目的が含まれる、と分析する。
In particular, the white paper expressed caution over China's increasing activities in waters near Japan. This point was epitomized by the four Chinese naval vessels that went around Japan in October by passing through the Tsugaru Strait, going southward in the Pacific Ocean and then sailing between the main island of Okinawa Prefecture and Miyakojima island.
特に、昨年１０月に中国海軍艦船４隻が津軽海峡を通過し、太平洋を南下した後、沖縄本島と宮古島の間を通って日本を周回した事例などを紹介し、海洋活動の活発化に警戒感を示した。
===
Budget considerations
The Ground Self-Defense Force is switching its strategy from focusing on contingencies that could affect the northern part of Japan, to an area centered on the southwestern part of the nation. Next spring, the 1st Combined Brigade stationed in Okinawa Prefecture will be upgraded and reorganized, which will entail increasing its personnel from 1,800 to 2,100.
陸上自衛隊は、北方重視から南西重視への転換を図っている。来春、沖縄に駐在する混成団を旅団に格上げし、隊員数を１８００人から２１００人に増やす。
We think it is important that this upgrade--and other similar changes--should be promoted in a planned revision of the National Defense Program Guidelines due by the end of this year.
今年末に予定される「防衛計画の大綱」の改定では、こうした転換を一層進めることが大切だ。
The United States, South Korea, India and Australia are increasing their defense budgets, as are China, North Korea and Russia. By contrast, Japan has trimmed its defense budget by between 0.1 percent to 1 percent annually since fiscal 2003.
北朝鮮、中国、ロシアだけでなく、米国、韓国、インド、豪州がそろって国防予算を増やす中、日本の防衛費は０３年度以降、毎年０・１〜１・０％の減少が続く。
If Japan continues pruning its defense budget even while a neighboring country conducts a nuclear test and launches missiles that fly over this country, it could send the wrong signal that Japan takes its national security lightly.
隣国が核実験を行い、自国上空を飛び越えるミサイルを発射しても、防衛費を削減し続けるのでは安全保障を軽視しているとの誤ったメッセージになりかねない。
While seeking efficiency in equipment procurement is one thing, we wonder if now might be the time to halt the gradual erosion of Japan's defense budget.
装備調達の効率化は当然としても、そろそろ防衛費の漸減に歯止めをかけるべき時ではないか。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 24, 2009)
（2009年7月24日01時22分 読売新聞）
2009年07月23日
麻生対鳩山 「首相」の資質が問われる
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Jul. 23, 2009)
Leaders under scrutiny in lower house contest
麻生対鳩山 「首相」の資質が問われる（7月23日付・読売社説）
The House of Representatives election will have a direct bearing on the selection of the prime minister, who is chosen from the bloc that secures a majority in the chamber.
衆院選は、日本の舵(かじ)取りを担うリーダー選びに直結する。
過半数を確保した勢力から首相が選ばれるからだ。
As a result, voters bear a heavy responsibility as they will be choosing the person who will guide this country.
有権者の責任はきわめて重い。
The nation's leader needs to present voters with a clear indication of what course and shape this country should take, and what must be done to achieve stated goals.
この国の最高指導者に求められるのは、日本の針路や、あるべき国家像、それに至る道筋を有権者に明示することだ。
To realize the visions that will be presented during the campaign, the nation's leader must have the political skills necessary to keep a tight rein on his party, the ability to fully utilize bureaucrats and the capacity to offer voters convincing explanations on issues.
自ら掲げるビジョンを実現させるには、党内を掌握する政治手腕や、官僚を自在に使いこなす力量、有権者を納得させる説明能力が不可欠である。
However, both Prime Minister Taro Aso and Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama fail to live up to such expectations of leadership.
時代の求めるリーダー像に照らして、麻生首相も鳩山民主党代表も、はなはだ心もとない。
===
Inconsistency fuels distrust
What is particularly worrying are the inconsistencies in both their words and actions.
特に懸念されるのが、言動に首尾一貫性を欠くことだろう。
Since taking office in September last year, Aso's inconsistencies and indecisiveness have been exposed at a number of crucial moments, such as his comments on what the flat-sum cash benefit program was meant for, the proposed division of the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry into two new ministries, the reappointment of Japan Post Holdings Co. President Yoshifumi Nishikawa and disputes over the planned reshuffle of key posts in the Liberal Democratic Party, to name a few. In a sense, Aso has been digging his own grave with his words, which have pushed down his Cabinet's approval rating.
麻生首相は、昨年９月の就任以来、定額給付金の性格付け、厚生労働省分割構想、日本郵政社長人事、自民党役員人事騒動と、節目で言動のぶれや優柔不断さを露呈した。自らの内閣支持率を押し下げ、墓穴を掘ってきた格好だ。
People's distrust in politics will be fueled further if the country's top leader goes back on something he has previously said. Aso therefore should not forget the old saying "An imperial mandate is like perspiration"--once released, it can never be taken back.
一度口にしたことを後で言っていないと翻せば、国民の政治への不信感は増幅する。綸言(りんげん)汗のごとし、を忘れてもらっては困る。
After dissolving the lower house, Aso called loudly for the realization of a society that feels safe to live in. But, given the current circumstances, voters will have doubts about this pledge and wonder whether it is possible to realize such a promise.
そんな状態で「安心社会」を実現させると声高に訴えても、きちんと実行してくれるのか、有権者は疑いの目で見るに違いない。
Aso's tenure as LDP leader will expire at the end of September, and the outcome of the lower house election will hold the key to his future as party head. Aso will be faced with the difficult decision of whether he should step down or stay on in the position.
首相の場合は、９月末に自民党総裁の任期が切れる。進退のカギを握るのは衆院選の結果だ。退陣か、再選かの厳しい選択を迫られることになる。
===
Will Hatoyama stand firm?
Hatoyama, meanwhile, has long called for revision of the Constitution. Claiming that the incompatibility of Article 9 of the Constitution with modern political realities has undermined what he describes as a "healthy realism," Hatoyama has released his own proposal for constitutional amendment that approves the exercising of the nation's right of collective self-defense.
一方、鳩山代表は長年、憲法改正を旗印に掲げてきた。憲法９条と政治的現実の乖離(かいり)が「健全なリアリズム」を損ねたと指摘し、集団的自衛権の行使を容認する独自の改憲案も公表している。
Yet since taking the helm of the DPJ for the second time in May, Hatoyama has kept a lid on his aspiration for constitutional amendment. This apparently is in consideration of former Japan Socialist Party members within his own party, as well as the Social Democratic Party, which is expected to be one of the DPJ's coalition partners.
だが、５月に党代表に返り咲いて以来、自らの改憲志向を封印している。党内の旧社会党系議員や、連立政権の友党と考える社民党への配慮からだろう。
Hatoyama recently referred to the possibility of taking a "realistic approach" to Japan's three nonnuclear principles of not possessing, producing or allowing nuclear weapons on its territory, with a view to allowing nuclear-armed U.S. vessels to call at Japanese ports. He also indicated his intention to continue, for the time being, the Self-Defense Forces' refueling mission in the Indian Ocean.
最近、非核三原則について、米軍の核搭載艦船の寄港容認を念頭に「現実的対応」に言及した。インド洋での給油活動を当面、継続する考えも示している。
Hatoyama is believed to have made such remarks to highlight the "healthy realism" that he talks about, but has drawn furious criticism from the SDP for doing so. Yet if Hatoyama gives ground in response to such criticism, he is unfit to be the next prime minister.
鳩山代表が信条とする「健全なリアリズム」の発露だろうが、社民党から強く批判されている。これで腰砕けになるようなら、次期首相の資格はない。
So, will it be Aso or Hatoyama that voters will entrust with the future of this country? The public is closely watching and carefully listening to what the two have to say and what they plan to do.
この国の将来を、麻生首相と鳩山代表のいずれに託すか。有権者は、二人の言動に目を凝らし耳をすましている。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 23, 2009)
（2009年7月23日01時34分 読売新聞）
Leaders under scrutiny in lower house contest
麻生対鳩山 「首相」の資質が問われる（7月23日付・読売社説）
The House of Representatives election will have a direct bearing on the selection of the prime minister, who is chosen from the bloc that secures a majority in the chamber.
衆院選は、日本の舵(かじ)取りを担うリーダー選びに直結する。
過半数を確保した勢力から首相が選ばれるからだ。
As a result, voters bear a heavy responsibility as they will be choosing the person who will guide this country.
有権者の責任はきわめて重い。
The nation's leader needs to present voters with a clear indication of what course and shape this country should take, and what must be done to achieve stated goals.
この国の最高指導者に求められるのは、日本の針路や、あるべき国家像、それに至る道筋を有権者に明示することだ。
To realize the visions that will be presented during the campaign, the nation's leader must have the political skills necessary to keep a tight rein on his party, the ability to fully utilize bureaucrats and the capacity to offer voters convincing explanations on issues.
自ら掲げるビジョンを実現させるには、党内を掌握する政治手腕や、官僚を自在に使いこなす力量、有権者を納得させる説明能力が不可欠である。
However, both Prime Minister Taro Aso and Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama fail to live up to such expectations of leadership.
時代の求めるリーダー像に照らして、麻生首相も鳩山民主党代表も、はなはだ心もとない。
===
Inconsistency fuels distrust
What is particularly worrying are the inconsistencies in both their words and actions.
特に懸念されるのが、言動に首尾一貫性を欠くことだろう。
Since taking office in September last year, Aso's inconsistencies and indecisiveness have been exposed at a number of crucial moments, such as his comments on what the flat-sum cash benefit program was meant for, the proposed division of the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry into two new ministries, the reappointment of Japan Post Holdings Co. President Yoshifumi Nishikawa and disputes over the planned reshuffle of key posts in the Liberal Democratic Party, to name a few. In a sense, Aso has been digging his own grave with his words, which have pushed down his Cabinet's approval rating.
麻生首相は、昨年９月の就任以来、定額給付金の性格付け、厚生労働省分割構想、日本郵政社長人事、自民党役員人事騒動と、節目で言動のぶれや優柔不断さを露呈した。自らの内閣支持率を押し下げ、墓穴を掘ってきた格好だ。
People's distrust in politics will be fueled further if the country's top leader goes back on something he has previously said. Aso therefore should not forget the old saying "An imperial mandate is like perspiration"--once released, it can never be taken back.
一度口にしたことを後で言っていないと翻せば、国民の政治への不信感は増幅する。綸言(りんげん)汗のごとし、を忘れてもらっては困る。
After dissolving the lower house, Aso called loudly for the realization of a society that feels safe to live in. But, given the current circumstances, voters will have doubts about this pledge and wonder whether it is possible to realize such a promise.
そんな状態で「安心社会」を実現させると声高に訴えても、きちんと実行してくれるのか、有権者は疑いの目で見るに違いない。
Aso's tenure as LDP leader will expire at the end of September, and the outcome of the lower house election will hold the key to his future as party head. Aso will be faced with the difficult decision of whether he should step down or stay on in the position.
首相の場合は、９月末に自民党総裁の任期が切れる。進退のカギを握るのは衆院選の結果だ。退陣か、再選かの厳しい選択を迫られることになる。
===
Will Hatoyama stand firm?
Hatoyama, meanwhile, has long called for revision of the Constitution. Claiming that the incompatibility of Article 9 of the Constitution with modern political realities has undermined what he describes as a "healthy realism," Hatoyama has released his own proposal for constitutional amendment that approves the exercising of the nation's right of collective self-defense.
一方、鳩山代表は長年、憲法改正を旗印に掲げてきた。憲法９条と政治的現実の乖離(かいり)が「健全なリアリズム」を損ねたと指摘し、集団的自衛権の行使を容認する独自の改憲案も公表している。
Yet since taking the helm of the DPJ for the second time in May, Hatoyama has kept a lid on his aspiration for constitutional amendment. This apparently is in consideration of former Japan Socialist Party members within his own party, as well as the Social Democratic Party, which is expected to be one of the DPJ's coalition partners.
だが、５月に党代表に返り咲いて以来、自らの改憲志向を封印している。党内の旧社会党系議員や、連立政権の友党と考える社民党への配慮からだろう。
Hatoyama recently referred to the possibility of taking a "realistic approach" to Japan's three nonnuclear principles of not possessing, producing or allowing nuclear weapons on its territory, with a view to allowing nuclear-armed U.S. vessels to call at Japanese ports. He also indicated his intention to continue, for the time being, the Self-Defense Forces' refueling mission in the Indian Ocean.
最近、非核三原則について、米軍の核搭載艦船の寄港容認を念頭に「現実的対応」に言及した。インド洋での給油活動を当面、継続する考えも示している。
Hatoyama is believed to have made such remarks to highlight the "healthy realism" that he talks about, but has drawn furious criticism from the SDP for doing so. Yet if Hatoyama gives ground in response to such criticism, he is unfit to be the next prime minister.
鳩山代表が信条とする「健全なリアリズム」の発露だろうが、社民党から強く批判されている。これで腰砕けになるようなら、次期首相の資格はない。
So, will it be Aso or Hatoyama that voters will entrust with the future of this country? The public is closely watching and carefully listening to what the two have to say and what they plan to do.
この国の将来を、麻生首相と鳩山代表のいずれに託すか。有権者は、二人の言動に目を凝らし耳をすましている。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 23, 2009)
（2009年7月23日01時34分 読売新聞）
2009年07月22日
衆院解散 政策本位で政権選択を問え
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Jul. 22, 2009)
Vote on policies, not change for change's sake
衆院解散 政策本位で政権選択を問え（7月22日付・読売社説）
The House of Representatives was dissolved Tuesday. The government then formally decided the schedule of the 45th general election at an extraordinary Cabinet meeting, with campaigning officially commencing on Aug. 18 and voting set for Aug. 30.
衆院が２１日、解散された。衆院選の日程は、８月１８日公示、３０日投開票だ。
The focal point of the lower house election is whether the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito coalition will remain in power or a new administration led by the Democratic Party of Japan will come into existence.
自民、公明両党の現政権の継続か、民主党を中心とする新政権の誕生か。これが最大の焦点になる。
However, we must not simply gaze on and watch the scramble for political power unfold before our eyes.
しかし、単に政権の争奪だけに目を奪われてはなるまい。
Rather than mulling over the pros and cons of having a change of government, due consideration should be given to the key policies put forward by each party and their abilities to implement them.
「政権交代」の是非の前に、各政党が掲げる主要政策とその実行能力が問われている。
During the 40 days from the dissolution to the vote, we hope voters will thoroughly evaluate each party's policies.
投開票までは４０日間という長丁場だ。有権者はその間、各党の政策を十分吟味してもらいたい。
At this stage in the buildup to the lower house election, various opinion polls have indicated that the DPJ enjoys a lead over the LDP with the approval rating for the main opposition party surpassing the LDP's.
衆院選を前にした各種世論調査では、民主党の支持率が自民党を上回るなど、民主党優位が伝えられている。
===
Ensuring stable politics
◆政治の安定をどう築く◆
DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama has said the party's goal in the upcoming election is to become the biggest party in the lower house and thereby form a new government. The DPJ plans to form a coalition with the Social Democratic Party and the People's New Party after the election because even if it wins the election and gains a majority in the lower house it will not by itself alone have a majority in the House of Councillors.
民主党の鳩山代表は「第１党で政権交代」を目標に掲げている。民主党は、衆院で過半数を制しても、参院で単独過半数を確保していないため、社民党や国民新党と連立政権を組むという。
The question is whether this plan will indeed ensure a stable political environment.
これで安定した政治を行うことができるのかどうか。
The LDP and New Komeito managed to get through the divided Diet by holding a second vote on important bills using their two-thirds majority in the powerful lower house. But it appears impossible for the two parties to maintain their current number of seats in the upcoming election.
一方、自民、公明の与党はこれまで、衆院の３分の２以上の多数による再可決で、「ねじれ国会」をしのいできた。今回の選挙で、これだけの議席を確保することは不可能だろう。
Whatever happens, the nation's political world is going to face the difficult task of finding a way to ensure smooth decision making in both chambers of the Diet.
いずれにしても、衆参両院による意思決定をいかに円滑に進めるかという難題が、政治に突きつけられることになる。
At present, the public is struggling through a recession and is increasingly anxious about the declining birthrate and the graying population. In foreign relations, people are concerned about the deterioration in the national security situation as evidenced by China's growing military power and North Korea's accelerating efforts to develop nuclear arms.
今、多くの国民は、不況に苦しみ、少子高齢化社会への不安を募らせている。対外的には、軍事大国化する中国や核武装を急ぐ北朝鮮など、我が国周辺の安全保障環境の悪化を懸念している。
===
Present clear vision
◆明確な国家像を示せ◆
Each party needs to present its prescribed course of action for eliminating these concerns.
各党は、国民の不安解消に向けた処方箋(せん)を示す必要がある。
The parties' manifestos will again be the focus of attention in the upcoming election.
今回も、政権公約（マニフェスト）が注目されている。
It is certainly desirable that parties establish a time frame for achieving their policies and set numerical targets in their manifestos. What is more important, however, is to chart a clear vision for the nation--a vision of the kind of country each party seeks to achieve.
確かに、政権公約で政策の達成期限や数値目標を示すのはいい。だが、より重要なのは、日本をどのような国にしていくのかという「国家像」の提示である。
During a general meeting of DPJ members from both houses Tuesday, Hatoyama stressed the importance of a shift from politics led by bureaucrats, which has been the case since the Meiji Restoration.
鳩山代表は、２１日の両院議員総会で、「明治維新以来の官僚主導政治」からの転換を強調した。
However, an attempt to achieve a political realm that is indeed led by politicians will only end up in disarray if those politicians do not have sufficient political clout to convince bureaucrats to do things they want them to.
だが、「政治主導」を実践するといっても、官僚を説得して動かすだけの政治力が伴わなければ、混乱するだけだろう。
The DPJ has said its manifesto will include policies introducing a monthly child care allowance, the abolishing of provisionally higher tax rates, such as that applying to the gasoline tax, and waiving expressway tolls.
民主党は、政権公約に「子ども手当」やガソリン税などの暫定税率廃止、高速道路の原則無料化などの政策を盛るとしている。
続きを読む...
Vote on policies, not change for change's sake
衆院解散 政策本位で政権選択を問え（7月22日付・読売社説）
The House of Representatives was dissolved Tuesday. The government then formally decided the schedule of the 45th general election at an extraordinary Cabinet meeting, with campaigning officially commencing on Aug. 18 and voting set for Aug. 30.
衆院が２１日、解散された。衆院選の日程は、８月１８日公示、３０日投開票だ。
The focal point of the lower house election is whether the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito coalition will remain in power or a new administration led by the Democratic Party of Japan will come into existence.
自民、公明両党の現政権の継続か、民主党を中心とする新政権の誕生か。これが最大の焦点になる。
However, we must not simply gaze on and watch the scramble for political power unfold before our eyes.
しかし、単に政権の争奪だけに目を奪われてはなるまい。
Rather than mulling over the pros and cons of having a change of government, due consideration should be given to the key policies put forward by each party and their abilities to implement them.
「政権交代」の是非の前に、各政党が掲げる主要政策とその実行能力が問われている。
During the 40 days from the dissolution to the vote, we hope voters will thoroughly evaluate each party's policies.
投開票までは４０日間という長丁場だ。有権者はその間、各党の政策を十分吟味してもらいたい。
At this stage in the buildup to the lower house election, various opinion polls have indicated that the DPJ enjoys a lead over the LDP with the approval rating for the main opposition party surpassing the LDP's.
衆院選を前にした各種世論調査では、民主党の支持率が自民党を上回るなど、民主党優位が伝えられている。
===
Ensuring stable politics
◆政治の安定をどう築く◆
DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama has said the party's goal in the upcoming election is to become the biggest party in the lower house and thereby form a new government. The DPJ plans to form a coalition with the Social Democratic Party and the People's New Party after the election because even if it wins the election and gains a majority in the lower house it will not by itself alone have a majority in the House of Councillors.
民主党の鳩山代表は「第１党で政権交代」を目標に掲げている。民主党は、衆院で過半数を制しても、参院で単独過半数を確保していないため、社民党や国民新党と連立政権を組むという。
The question is whether this plan will indeed ensure a stable political environment.
これで安定した政治を行うことができるのかどうか。
The LDP and New Komeito managed to get through the divided Diet by holding a second vote on important bills using their two-thirds majority in the powerful lower house. But it appears impossible for the two parties to maintain their current number of seats in the upcoming election.
一方、自民、公明の与党はこれまで、衆院の３分の２以上の多数による再可決で、「ねじれ国会」をしのいできた。今回の選挙で、これだけの議席を確保することは不可能だろう。
Whatever happens, the nation's political world is going to face the difficult task of finding a way to ensure smooth decision making in both chambers of the Diet.
いずれにしても、衆参両院による意思決定をいかに円滑に進めるかという難題が、政治に突きつけられることになる。
At present, the public is struggling through a recession and is increasingly anxious about the declining birthrate and the graying population. In foreign relations, people are concerned about the deterioration in the national security situation as evidenced by China's growing military power and North Korea's accelerating efforts to develop nuclear arms.
今、多くの国民は、不況に苦しみ、少子高齢化社会への不安を募らせている。対外的には、軍事大国化する中国や核武装を急ぐ北朝鮮など、我が国周辺の安全保障環境の悪化を懸念している。
===
Present clear vision
◆明確な国家像を示せ◆
Each party needs to present its prescribed course of action for eliminating these concerns.
各党は、国民の不安解消に向けた処方箋(せん)を示す必要がある。
The parties' manifestos will again be the focus of attention in the upcoming election.
今回も、政権公約（マニフェスト）が注目されている。
It is certainly desirable that parties establish a time frame for achieving their policies and set numerical targets in their manifestos. What is more important, however, is to chart a clear vision for the nation--a vision of the kind of country each party seeks to achieve.
確かに、政権公約で政策の達成期限や数値目標を示すのはいい。だが、より重要なのは、日本をどのような国にしていくのかという「国家像」の提示である。
During a general meeting of DPJ members from both houses Tuesday, Hatoyama stressed the importance of a shift from politics led by bureaucrats, which has been the case since the Meiji Restoration.
鳩山代表は、２１日の両院議員総会で、「明治維新以来の官僚主導政治」からの転換を強調した。
However, an attempt to achieve a political realm that is indeed led by politicians will only end up in disarray if those politicians do not have sufficient political clout to convince bureaucrats to do things they want them to.
だが、「政治主導」を実践するといっても、官僚を説得して動かすだけの政治力が伴わなければ、混乱するだけだろう。
The DPJ has said its manifesto will include policies introducing a monthly child care allowance, the abolishing of provisionally higher tax rates, such as that applying to the gasoline tax, and waiving expressway tolls.
民主党は、政権公約に「子ども手当」やガソリン税などの暫定税率廃止、高速道路の原則無料化などの政策を盛るとしている。
続きを読む...
2009年07月21日
分裂選挙？―時代錯誤もはなはだしい
--The Asahi Shimbun, July 18(IHT/Asahi: July 20,2009)
EDITORIAL: LDP in danger of splitting
分裂選挙？―時代錯誤もはなはだしい
Prime Minister Taro Aso apparently has fended off an attempt by a group of Liberal Democratic Party lawmakers to oust him.
麻生首相がどうやら逃げ切りそうな様相だ。
Aso has rejected the anti-Aso group's demand for a joint plenary meeting of LDP Diet members and is poised to dissolve the Lower House on July 21 for a snap election according to his plan.
「反麻生」の議員らから出されていた自民党両院議員総会の開催要求を退け、予定通り２１日に衆院解散に踏み切る見通しだ。
A wave of criticism against Aso was beginning to emerge within the LDP over the ruling party's historic defeat in the recent Tokyo metropolitan assembly election and the prime minister's move immediately after the election to announce his plan to dissolve the Lower House.
東京都議選での歴史的大敗とその直後の解散予告をめぐって、党内には首相批判のうねりが起きかけていた。
Aso has said he will hold an informal gathering of party members to address these issues immediately before he calls a general election.
これに対しては、解散の直前に非公式の「懇談会」を開き、首相がみずから釈明するという。
In other words, Aso hopes to settle the situation by allowing critics to "let off steam."
つまりは「ガス抜き」で事態を収拾しようということなのだろう。
But this is unlikely to calm the anti-Aso group led by former LDP Secretary-General Hidenao Nakagawa, which demanded a plenary party meeting after collecting the signatures of more than 130 party members.
おさまらないのは、１３０人以上の署名を添えて両院議員総会を求めていた中川秀直元幹事長ら「反麻生」の人々だ。
Nakagawa's group was hoping to have its proposal to move forward the party presidential election approved at the plenary meeting, the LDP's second-highest decision-making institution after the party convention.
党大会に次ぐ議決機関である総会で、あわよくば総裁選の前倒しを決めようと策を練っていた。
Nakagawa and his allies are considering developing their own election manifesto independently of Aso's LDP. Some of them are even proposing to name their own candidate for prime minister.
中川氏らの間では、麻生自民党とは別に独自のマニフェストをつくって総選挙に臨もうという動きが出ている。新しい首相候補の名前を掲げようという声も聞かれる。
That would cause the LDP to split before the election.
そうなれば、自民党は事実上の分裂選挙に突入する。
If the LDP spends a great deal of energy on an internal power struggle, it remains the party's problem. If the struggle spills over into the Lower House election, however, that would be a different story.
コップの中の争いにいくら精力を費やそうと自民党の党内問題だが、それが総選挙の場にまであふれ出てくるとなると話は別である。
When Japan had multi-seat constituencies, members of the mainstream factions of the LDP and those of nonmainstream factions were sometimes pitted against each other in the same electoral districts.
選挙制度が中選挙区制だった時代には、自民党内の主流派と反主流派が分裂して選挙を戦うこともなかったわけではない。
In those days, the LDP could afford to settle internecine struggles through national elections under the solid one-party rule called the "1955 regime" after the year when the party was founded.
自民党政権という大枠は揺るがない５５年体制の下で、党内抗争を選挙で決着させたのだった。
It would be grossly anachronistic and a mistake for the party to readopt this approach in a Lower House election now held under a single-seat constituency system.
その気分を小選挙区制となった今の総選挙に持ち込むのは、大変な時代錯誤であり、思い違いもはなはだしい。
The core objective of the political reform in the 1990s was a shift from an electoral system focused on individual candidates to a party-oriented system to make a power transfer possible.
政権交代可能な政治システムを目指して、個人本位から政党本位の選挙制度に転換したのが９０年代の政治改革の核心だ。
The tax-financed program of state subsidies to political parties is based on the assumption of party-oriented politics.
税金からの政党交付金も、政党本位の政治が前提になっている。
Under the current system, voters are supposed to vote for the party they want to govern the nation in their respective electoral districts.
有権者はそれぞれの選挙区で政権を託す政党を選ぶ。
Party manifestoes are critical informational material for voters to use to make their electoral choices.
その最も大事なよりどころが政党のマニフェストだ。
A party's manifesto for a Lower House election is its covenant with the voting public, spelling out policies the party promises to realize if elected to govern during the four-year term.
政党にとっては、４年間の任期で実現を約束する「国民との契約」である。
If more than one manifesto emerges from a party, voters will find it impossible to make a decision regarding that party.
同じ党のなかからマニフェストが二つも三つも出てくれば、有権者は選択のしようがなくなってしまう。
That would betray the public trust because the electorate has supported the current direction of political reform.
それは政治改革の流れを後押ししてきた国民への背信だろう。
Aso is responsibile for ensuring the LDP has a unified election manifesto. He must not allow the party to be split before the election, which would greatly confuse voters.
自民党のマニフェストを一本化する責任は、何と言っても首相にある。分裂選挙となるのを放置し、有権者を惑わすことは許されない。
Aso should bear in mind that simply letting off steam will not settle the situation.
「ガス抜き」で事は決して終わらないことを首相は肝に銘じるべきだ。
We also urge opposition parties to present their manifestoes to voters as early as possible.
野党にも責任あるマニフェストを早く有権者に示すことを求めたい。
In particular, main opposition Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) should set policy priorities and make clear how it intends to realize its proposals within a timeframe of four years and under tight fiscal constraints.
とりわけ政権をうかがう民主党は、４年間という時間の制約と、限られた財源のなかで、どの政策を優先するのか。
Minshuto needs to show a clear policy vision that also explains how the party will actually run the government.
政権運営の仕組みを含め、分かりやすい青写真を示さねばならない。
EDITORIAL: LDP in danger of splitting
分裂選挙？―時代錯誤もはなはだしい
Prime Minister Taro Aso apparently has fended off an attempt by a group of Liberal Democratic Party lawmakers to oust him.
麻生首相がどうやら逃げ切りそうな様相だ。
Aso has rejected the anti-Aso group's demand for a joint plenary meeting of LDP Diet members and is poised to dissolve the Lower House on July 21 for a snap election according to his plan.
「反麻生」の議員らから出されていた自民党両院議員総会の開催要求を退け、予定通り２１日に衆院解散に踏み切る見通しだ。
A wave of criticism against Aso was beginning to emerge within the LDP over the ruling party's historic defeat in the recent Tokyo metropolitan assembly election and the prime minister's move immediately after the election to announce his plan to dissolve the Lower House.
東京都議選での歴史的大敗とその直後の解散予告をめぐって、党内には首相批判のうねりが起きかけていた。
Aso has said he will hold an informal gathering of party members to address these issues immediately before he calls a general election.
これに対しては、解散の直前に非公式の「懇談会」を開き、首相がみずから釈明するという。
In other words, Aso hopes to settle the situation by allowing critics to "let off steam."
つまりは「ガス抜き」で事態を収拾しようということなのだろう。
But this is unlikely to calm the anti-Aso group led by former LDP Secretary-General Hidenao Nakagawa, which demanded a plenary party meeting after collecting the signatures of more than 130 party members.
おさまらないのは、１３０人以上の署名を添えて両院議員総会を求めていた中川秀直元幹事長ら「反麻生」の人々だ。
Nakagawa's group was hoping to have its proposal to move forward the party presidential election approved at the plenary meeting, the LDP's second-highest decision-making institution after the party convention.
党大会に次ぐ議決機関である総会で、あわよくば総裁選の前倒しを決めようと策を練っていた。
Nakagawa and his allies are considering developing their own election manifesto independently of Aso's LDP. Some of them are even proposing to name their own candidate for prime minister.
中川氏らの間では、麻生自民党とは別に独自のマニフェストをつくって総選挙に臨もうという動きが出ている。新しい首相候補の名前を掲げようという声も聞かれる。
That would cause the LDP to split before the election.
そうなれば、自民党は事実上の分裂選挙に突入する。
If the LDP spends a great deal of energy on an internal power struggle, it remains the party's problem. If the struggle spills over into the Lower House election, however, that would be a different story.
コップの中の争いにいくら精力を費やそうと自民党の党内問題だが、それが総選挙の場にまであふれ出てくるとなると話は別である。
When Japan had multi-seat constituencies, members of the mainstream factions of the LDP and those of nonmainstream factions were sometimes pitted against each other in the same electoral districts.
選挙制度が中選挙区制だった時代には、自民党内の主流派と反主流派が分裂して選挙を戦うこともなかったわけではない。
In those days, the LDP could afford to settle internecine struggles through national elections under the solid one-party rule called the "1955 regime" after the year when the party was founded.
自民党政権という大枠は揺るがない５５年体制の下で、党内抗争を選挙で決着させたのだった。
It would be grossly anachronistic and a mistake for the party to readopt this approach in a Lower House election now held under a single-seat constituency system.
その気分を小選挙区制となった今の総選挙に持ち込むのは、大変な時代錯誤であり、思い違いもはなはだしい。
The core objective of the political reform in the 1990s was a shift from an electoral system focused on individual candidates to a party-oriented system to make a power transfer possible.
政権交代可能な政治システムを目指して、個人本位から政党本位の選挙制度に転換したのが９０年代の政治改革の核心だ。
The tax-financed program of state subsidies to political parties is based on the assumption of party-oriented politics.
税金からの政党交付金も、政党本位の政治が前提になっている。
Under the current system, voters are supposed to vote for the party they want to govern the nation in their respective electoral districts.
有権者はそれぞれの選挙区で政権を託す政党を選ぶ。
Party manifestoes are critical informational material for voters to use to make their electoral choices.
その最も大事なよりどころが政党のマニフェストだ。
A party's manifesto for a Lower House election is its covenant with the voting public, spelling out policies the party promises to realize if elected to govern during the four-year term.
政党にとっては、４年間の任期で実現を約束する「国民との契約」である。
If more than one manifesto emerges from a party, voters will find it impossible to make a decision regarding that party.
同じ党のなかからマニフェストが二つも三つも出てくれば、有権者は選択のしようがなくなってしまう。
That would betray the public trust because the electorate has supported the current direction of political reform.
それは政治改革の流れを後押ししてきた国民への背信だろう。
Aso is responsibile for ensuring the LDP has a unified election manifesto. He must not allow the party to be split before the election, which would greatly confuse voters.
自民党のマニフェストを一本化する責任は、何と言っても首相にある。分裂選挙となるのを放置し、有権者を惑わすことは許されない。
Aso should bear in mind that simply letting off steam will not settle the situation.
「ガス抜き」で事は決して終わらないことを首相は肝に銘じるべきだ。
We also urge opposition parties to present their manifestoes to voters as early as possible.
野党にも責任あるマニフェストを早く有権者に示すことを求めたい。
In particular, main opposition Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) should set policy priorities and make clear how it intends to realize its proposals within a timeframe of four years and under tight fiscal constraints.
とりわけ政権をうかがう民主党は、４年間という時間の制約と、限られた財源のなかで、どの政策を優先するのか。
Minshuto needs to show a clear policy vision that also explains how the party will actually run the government.
政権運営の仕組みを含め、分かりやすい青写真を示さねばならない。
2009年07月20日
殺人時効廃止 犯罪被害者の声を尊重した
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Jul. 20, 2009)
Plan to ax statute limits shows respect for victims
殺人時効廃止 犯罪被害者の声を尊重した（7月20日付・読売社説）
The statute of limitations for murder, which is set at 25 years from the time the crime is committed, should be abolished--the Justice Ministry proposed this change apparently because it gave great weight to views expressed by crime victims.
事件から２５年が経過すれば罪に問われない殺人の公訴時効を廃止する。法務省がこの方針を打ち出したのは、犯罪被害者の声を最大限に尊重した結果であろう。
It also is true, however, that abolishing the statute of limitations is associated with a number of problems. The ministry is to let the legislative council examine the matter. But it is important that thorough discussions be held as the issue affects the very foundation of the nation's criminal justice system.
だが、公訴時効の廃止には問題があるのも事実である。法務省は今後、法制審議会に諮問するが、刑事司法制度の根幹にかかわるだけに、引き続き議論を深めていくことが肝要だ。
In an interim report compiled in April, the ministry offered four options on the statute of limitations on murder and other types of offenses for which the death sentence could be handed down. The four options included one to abolish the limitations and another to extend their duration.
In a final report recently compiled, the ministry concluded that it would be appropriate to abolish the statute of limitations for those serious crimes.
法務省は、４月の中間報告で、殺人など最高刑が死刑である罪の公訴時効について、「廃止」「延長」など四つの選択肢を示し、今回の最終報告は「廃止するのが相当である」と結論付けた。
Regarding other types of crimes, the ministry also proposed that the limitation periods be extended. Whether to apply such envisaged revision to ongoing cases would be considered through further discussions, the ministry said.
それ以外の罪についても、公訴時効の期間を延長する。時効が進行中の事件にも適用するかどうかは、今後検討するという。
The ministry stated that the statute of limitations should be abolished because, in the case of murder, emotional demand for harsh penalties would never be lessened--not only among victims' bereaved family members but in society as a whole. It added that the public wants to maintain the social order by punishing offenders.
殺人の場合、遺族はもとより社会全体の処罰感情が希薄化することはない。国民は、犯人を処罰して社会秩序を維持することを望んでいる――。法務省は廃止の理由にこうした点を挙げている。
===
Justice sought
Surely, there is a growing public sentiment demanding harsh punishment for perpetrators in the wake of a series of atrocious crimes in which offenders reportedly said that their targets could have been anyone. Some are of the opinion that the statute of limitations has allowed perpetrators to escape punishment.
確かに、「殺すのはだれでもよかった」という凶悪事件が相次ぎ、犯人への処罰感情が高まっている側面はあるだろう。時効についても、「逃げ得を許すもの」ととらえる人は少なくあるまい。
Toshikazu Sugaya was sentenced to life in prison for the 1990 murder of a 4-year-old girl in Ashikaga, Tochigi Prefecture, but released last month pending a retrial after fresh DNA tests cast doubt on his conviction. But even after he is exonerated, if the real perpetrator were found the case could no longer be pursued because the statute of limitations--15 years for murder at the time the incident occurred--has passed. This kind of situation would not occur if the statute of limitations were abolished.
再審開始が決まった足利事件では、菅家利和さんの無罪が確定した後、仮に真犯人が分かっても立件できない。既に時効が成立しているためだ。時効がなくなれば、こうした事態は生じなくなる。
On the other hand, it is more difficult for investigative authorities to obtain material evidence and eyewitness accounts as time passes.
一方で、事件から時間が経過するに従い、捜査当局は物証や目撃証言などを得にくくなる。
===
More care needed
To prevent the abolishment of the statute of limitations from causing false accusations, even more caution would be required in investigations.
時効の廃止が冤罪(えんざい)につながらないよう、一層慎重な捜査が求められるだろう。
It is said that convincing evidence could be obtained even after a long period of time thanks to the improved reliability of DNA testing. But investigators must not be permitted to rely too heavily on single pieces of evidence. This is the lesson to be learned from the Ashikaga incident.
ＤＮＡ鑑定の進歩で、長い年月を経ても有力な証拠が得られるようになったとされるが、一つの証拠に過度に依存するのは禁物だ。それが足利事件の教訓である。
When the statute of limitations is scrapped, police are meant to continue investigations on certain cases on an indefinite basis. If this causes the number of investigators engaged in more recent cases to decrease, it would adversely affect public safety.
時効がなくなると、警察は永続的に捜査を続けることになる。その結果、新たな事件に振り向ける捜査員が減少しては、治安の維持にも悪影響が出るだろう。
It is essential to closely study the systems of other nations such as Britain and the United States that have no statute of limitations for murder and France and Germany that allow suspension and interruption of the limitation periods.
殺人に時効のない米国や英国、時効を停止・中断する制度があるドイツやフランスの状況を詳しく分析することも欠かせまい。
In the interim report, the Justice Ministry proposed one option to establish a new system to allow prosecutors to request courts to suspend or extend the period of limitations only when strong evidence were found. We suggest that the legislative council study the merits and demerits of such a system as well.
法務省は中間報告で、有力な証拠が見つかった事件に限り、検察が時効の停止や延長を裁判所に請求する制度なども選択肢に挙げた。法制審議会では、こうした案の長所、短所についても、検討を加えたらどうだろうか。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 20, 2009)
（2009年7月20日01時43分 読売新聞）
Plan to ax statute limits shows respect for victims
殺人時効廃止 犯罪被害者の声を尊重した（7月20日付・読売社説）
The statute of limitations for murder, which is set at 25 years from the time the crime is committed, should be abolished--the Justice Ministry proposed this change apparently because it gave great weight to views expressed by crime victims.
事件から２５年が経過すれば罪に問われない殺人の公訴時効を廃止する。法務省がこの方針を打ち出したのは、犯罪被害者の声を最大限に尊重した結果であろう。
It also is true, however, that abolishing the statute of limitations is associated with a number of problems. The ministry is to let the legislative council examine the matter. But it is important that thorough discussions be held as the issue affects the very foundation of the nation's criminal justice system.
だが、公訴時効の廃止には問題があるのも事実である。法務省は今後、法制審議会に諮問するが、刑事司法制度の根幹にかかわるだけに、引き続き議論を深めていくことが肝要だ。
In an interim report compiled in April, the ministry offered four options on the statute of limitations on murder and other types of offenses for which the death sentence could be handed down. The four options included one to abolish the limitations and another to extend their duration.
In a final report recently compiled, the ministry concluded that it would be appropriate to abolish the statute of limitations for those serious crimes.
法務省は、４月の中間報告で、殺人など最高刑が死刑である罪の公訴時効について、「廃止」「延長」など四つの選択肢を示し、今回の最終報告は「廃止するのが相当である」と結論付けた。
Regarding other types of crimes, the ministry also proposed that the limitation periods be extended. Whether to apply such envisaged revision to ongoing cases would be considered through further discussions, the ministry said.
それ以外の罪についても、公訴時効の期間を延長する。時効が進行中の事件にも適用するかどうかは、今後検討するという。
The ministry stated that the statute of limitations should be abolished because, in the case of murder, emotional demand for harsh penalties would never be lessened--not only among victims' bereaved family members but in society as a whole. It added that the public wants to maintain the social order by punishing offenders.
殺人の場合、遺族はもとより社会全体の処罰感情が希薄化することはない。国民は、犯人を処罰して社会秩序を維持することを望んでいる――。法務省は廃止の理由にこうした点を挙げている。
===
Justice sought
Surely, there is a growing public sentiment demanding harsh punishment for perpetrators in the wake of a series of atrocious crimes in which offenders reportedly said that their targets could have been anyone. Some are of the opinion that the statute of limitations has allowed perpetrators to escape punishment.
確かに、「殺すのはだれでもよかった」という凶悪事件が相次ぎ、犯人への処罰感情が高まっている側面はあるだろう。時効についても、「逃げ得を許すもの」ととらえる人は少なくあるまい。
Toshikazu Sugaya was sentenced to life in prison for the 1990 murder of a 4-year-old girl in Ashikaga, Tochigi Prefecture, but released last month pending a retrial after fresh DNA tests cast doubt on his conviction. But even after he is exonerated, if the real perpetrator were found the case could no longer be pursued because the statute of limitations--15 years for murder at the time the incident occurred--has passed. This kind of situation would not occur if the statute of limitations were abolished.
再審開始が決まった足利事件では、菅家利和さんの無罪が確定した後、仮に真犯人が分かっても立件できない。既に時効が成立しているためだ。時効がなくなれば、こうした事態は生じなくなる。
On the other hand, it is more difficult for investigative authorities to obtain material evidence and eyewitness accounts as time passes.
一方で、事件から時間が経過するに従い、捜査当局は物証や目撃証言などを得にくくなる。
===
More care needed
To prevent the abolishment of the statute of limitations from causing false accusations, even more caution would be required in investigations.
時効の廃止が冤罪(えんざい)につながらないよう、一層慎重な捜査が求められるだろう。
It is said that convincing evidence could be obtained even after a long period of time thanks to the improved reliability of DNA testing. But investigators must not be permitted to rely too heavily on single pieces of evidence. This is the lesson to be learned from the Ashikaga incident.
ＤＮＡ鑑定の進歩で、長い年月を経ても有力な証拠が得られるようになったとされるが、一つの証拠に過度に依存するのは禁物だ。それが足利事件の教訓である。
When the statute of limitations is scrapped, police are meant to continue investigations on certain cases on an indefinite basis. If this causes the number of investigators engaged in more recent cases to decrease, it would adversely affect public safety.
時効がなくなると、警察は永続的に捜査を続けることになる。その結果、新たな事件に振り向ける捜査員が減少しては、治安の維持にも悪影響が出るだろう。
It is essential to closely study the systems of other nations such as Britain and the United States that have no statute of limitations for murder and France and Germany that allow suspension and interruption of the limitation periods.
殺人に時効のない米国や英国、時効を停止・中断する制度があるドイツやフランスの状況を詳しく分析することも欠かせまい。
In the interim report, the Justice Ministry proposed one option to establish a new system to allow prosecutors to request courts to suspend or extend the period of limitations only when strong evidence were found. We suggest that the legislative council study the merits and demerits of such a system as well.
法務省は中間報告で、有力な証拠が見つかった事件に限り、検察が時効の停止や延長を裁判所に請求する制度なども選択肢に挙げた。法制審議会では、こうした案の長所、短所についても、検討を加えたらどうだろうか。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 20, 2009)
（2009年7月20日01時43分 読売新聞）
2009年07月19日
「西松」違法献金 元社長有罪の持つ重い意味
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Jul. 19, 2009)
Nishimatsu conviction has major implications
「西松」違法献金 元社長有罪の持つ重い意味（7月19日付・読売社説）
Former Democratic Party of Japan leader Ichiro Ozawa must explain more clearly to the public the circumstances surrounding his political funds.
民主党の小沢一郎前代表は、自らの政治資金について、より明確に国民に説明することが求められるのではないか。
The Tokyo District Court on Friday convicted a former president of Nishimatsu Construction Co. of violating the Political Funds Control Law and the Foreign Exchange and Foreign Trade Law.
政治資金規正法違反などに問われた西松建設元社長に対し、東京地裁は有罪判決を言い渡した。
The evidence that formed the basis for the former Nishimatsu president's conviction partially overlaps with facts presented in the indictment against Ozawa's state-paid first secretary, who is being tried separately. The conviction of the former Nishimatsu president indicates that charges presented in the indictment against Ozawa's secretary were indirectly acknowledged by the court.
有罪とされた事実の一部は、分離公判となった小沢氏の公設第１秘書の起訴事実と重なっている。今回の判決で、間接的に認められたという見方もできる。
As one of the DPJ's acting presidents, Ozawa still holds an important position in his party. It is almost certain that the House of Representatives will be dissolved Tuesday, and that voting for the lower house will take place on Aug. 30. It is Ozawa's responsibility as a politician to spell out to voters why he accepted a huge amount of funds from a specific company, and how he used the money.
小沢氏は今も代表代行の要職にある。衆院は２１日に解散され、来月３０日投開票が固まっている。特定の企業から多額の資金提供を受けた理由や金の使途を説明し、有権者に判断材料を与えるのが政治家としての責任だろう。
===
Ruling bodes ill for Ozawa aide
In Friday's ruling, the court pointed out that Nishimatsu made donations to the Ozawa side so as to ensure that Nishimatsu won public works orders made by Iwate and Akita prefectures by trying to build a favorable relationship with Ozawa's secretaries, who have a strong influence over which contractors win such orders.
判決では、小沢氏側への献金は西松建設が岩手、秋田両県発注の工事を談合で確実に受注するために、業者決定に強い影響力を持つ小沢氏の秘書らと良好な関係を築こうとしたもの、と指摘した。
The total amount of the donations reached about 138 million yen over 10 years. Most of this amount was donated under the names of two dummy political organizations led by former Nishimatsu executives.
総額は１０年間で１億３８００万円に上り、大半が二つのダミー政治団体名義で献金されていた。
It is noteworthy that the ruling determined that the two political organizations existed in name only. That being the case, Ozawa's office should have written "Nishimatsu" in the space for donors' names in his political fund reports. That will become a point of contention in the secretary's trial.
判決が、西松建設の作った二つの政治団体を「実体がない」とした点は重要だ。実体がなければ、収支報告書の献金者欄には西松建設と書かねばならない。秘書の公判で争点の一つになろう。
Ozawa's secretary did not figure largely in Friday's ruling. But after the first hearing of the former Nishimatsu president's trial, the secretary's defense counsel raised a strenuous objection to the prosecutors' argument, saying it was based on one-sided testimonies of those with connections to the general contractor companies.
今回の判決は、秘書が当事者ではない。秘書の弁護団は元社長の初公判後、検察側の主張に対し、「ゼネコン関係者の一方的な供述に基づくもの」と猛反発した。
However, the court acknowledged as facts the illegality of the donations in question and the clout the Ozawa side wielded over the selection of contractors for public works projects. This also is highly significant. The DPJ also should investigate these matters.
だが、違法献金や業者決定への小沢氏側の影響力を、裁判所が事実と認定した意味は重い。党としても調査すべきではないか。
===
Voters' eyes on money politics
The ruling also said Nishimatsu purchased tickets for political fund-raising parties held by the ruling Liberal Democratic Party faction headed by Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Toshihiro Nikai under the names of dummy political entities to conceal the donations from the construction firm. A total of 8.44 million yen worth of tickets were purchased in that way. Of them, the indictment applied to 3.4 million yen worth of tickets in respect of which the statute of limitations had not run out.
判決は、西松建設が自社からの献金とわからないようダミー政治団体名義で、自民党の二階経済産業相派の政治団体のパーティー券を購入していたことも認めた。計８４４万円分のうち、時効になっていない３４０万円分である。
In Nikai's case, those in charge of accounting in the faction were not indicted, and the case differs from that in which Ozawa's secretary is involved. But the fact remains that it was Nikai's secretaries who asked Nishimatsu to buy the tickets.
これについては、派閥の会計責任者らが起訴されておらず、小沢氏の秘書のケースとは事情が異なるものの、購入を依頼したのは二階経産相の秘書だった。
Nikai said at a press conference that his office has accurately reported donated funds "in a cooperative manner based on goodwill" on the basis of the Political Funds Control Law. But we wonder how closely he has examined the matter. He owes the public a detailed explanation.
二階経産相は記者会見で、「善意で協力を頂いたことをそのまま政治資金規正法に基づいて報告している」と述べたが、事実関係をどれほど調べたのか。もっと丁寧な説明が必要だろう。
When casting their ballots, the problem of money and politics is something voters cannot ignore. Politicians should not forget that voters are carefully watching what they are doing and how they are doing it.
投票の際、有権者にとって「政治とカネ」の問題は無視できない判断基準の一つだ。有権者が政治家の姿勢を注視していることを忘れてはなるまい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 19, 2009)
（2009年7月19日01時27分 読売新聞）
Nishimatsu conviction has major implications
「西松」違法献金 元社長有罪の持つ重い意味（7月19日付・読売社説）
Former Democratic Party of Japan leader Ichiro Ozawa must explain more clearly to the public the circumstances surrounding his political funds.
民主党の小沢一郎前代表は、自らの政治資金について、より明確に国民に説明することが求められるのではないか。
The Tokyo District Court on Friday convicted a former president of Nishimatsu Construction Co. of violating the Political Funds Control Law and the Foreign Exchange and Foreign Trade Law.
政治資金規正法違反などに問われた西松建設元社長に対し、東京地裁は有罪判決を言い渡した。
The evidence that formed the basis for the former Nishimatsu president's conviction partially overlaps with facts presented in the indictment against Ozawa's state-paid first secretary, who is being tried separately. The conviction of the former Nishimatsu president indicates that charges presented in the indictment against Ozawa's secretary were indirectly acknowledged by the court.
有罪とされた事実の一部は、分離公判となった小沢氏の公設第１秘書の起訴事実と重なっている。今回の判決で、間接的に認められたという見方もできる。
As one of the DPJ's acting presidents, Ozawa still holds an important position in his party. It is almost certain that the House of Representatives will be dissolved Tuesday, and that voting for the lower house will take place on Aug. 30. It is Ozawa's responsibility as a politician to spell out to voters why he accepted a huge amount of funds from a specific company, and how he used the money.
小沢氏は今も代表代行の要職にある。衆院は２１日に解散され、来月３０日投開票が固まっている。特定の企業から多額の資金提供を受けた理由や金の使途を説明し、有権者に判断材料を与えるのが政治家としての責任だろう。
===
Ruling bodes ill for Ozawa aide
In Friday's ruling, the court pointed out that Nishimatsu made donations to the Ozawa side so as to ensure that Nishimatsu won public works orders made by Iwate and Akita prefectures by trying to build a favorable relationship with Ozawa's secretaries, who have a strong influence over which contractors win such orders.
判決では、小沢氏側への献金は西松建設が岩手、秋田両県発注の工事を談合で確実に受注するために、業者決定に強い影響力を持つ小沢氏の秘書らと良好な関係を築こうとしたもの、と指摘した。
The total amount of the donations reached about 138 million yen over 10 years. Most of this amount was donated under the names of two dummy political organizations led by former Nishimatsu executives.
総額は１０年間で１億３８００万円に上り、大半が二つのダミー政治団体名義で献金されていた。
It is noteworthy that the ruling determined that the two political organizations existed in name only. That being the case, Ozawa's office should have written "Nishimatsu" in the space for donors' names in his political fund reports. That will become a point of contention in the secretary's trial.
判決が、西松建設の作った二つの政治団体を「実体がない」とした点は重要だ。実体がなければ、収支報告書の献金者欄には西松建設と書かねばならない。秘書の公判で争点の一つになろう。
Ozawa's secretary did not figure largely in Friday's ruling. But after the first hearing of the former Nishimatsu president's trial, the secretary's defense counsel raised a strenuous objection to the prosecutors' argument, saying it was based on one-sided testimonies of those with connections to the general contractor companies.
今回の判決は、秘書が当事者ではない。秘書の弁護団は元社長の初公判後、検察側の主張に対し、「ゼネコン関係者の一方的な供述に基づくもの」と猛反発した。
However, the court acknowledged as facts the illegality of the donations in question and the clout the Ozawa side wielded over the selection of contractors for public works projects. This also is highly significant. The DPJ also should investigate these matters.
だが、違法献金や業者決定への小沢氏側の影響力を、裁判所が事実と認定した意味は重い。党としても調査すべきではないか。
===
Voters' eyes on money politics
The ruling also said Nishimatsu purchased tickets for political fund-raising parties held by the ruling Liberal Democratic Party faction headed by Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Toshihiro Nikai under the names of dummy political entities to conceal the donations from the construction firm. A total of 8.44 million yen worth of tickets were purchased in that way. Of them, the indictment applied to 3.4 million yen worth of tickets in respect of which the statute of limitations had not run out.
判決は、西松建設が自社からの献金とわからないようダミー政治団体名義で、自民党の二階経済産業相派の政治団体のパーティー券を購入していたことも認めた。計８４４万円分のうち、時効になっていない３４０万円分である。
In Nikai's case, those in charge of accounting in the faction were not indicted, and the case differs from that in which Ozawa's secretary is involved. But the fact remains that it was Nikai's secretaries who asked Nishimatsu to buy the tickets.
これについては、派閥の会計責任者らが起訴されておらず、小沢氏の秘書のケースとは事情が異なるものの、購入を依頼したのは二階経産相の秘書だった。
Nikai said at a press conference that his office has accurately reported donated funds "in a cooperative manner based on goodwill" on the basis of the Political Funds Control Law. But we wonder how closely he has examined the matter. He owes the public a detailed explanation.
二階経産相は記者会見で、「善意で協力を頂いたことをそのまま政治資金規正法に基づいて報告している」と述べたが、事実関係をどれほど調べたのか。もっと丁寧な説明が必要だろう。
When casting their ballots, the problem of money and politics is something voters cannot ignore. Politicians should not forget that voters are carefully watching what they are doing and how they are doing it.
投票の際、有権者にとって「政治とカネ」の問題は無視できない判断基準の一つだ。有権者が政治家の姿勢を注視していることを忘れてはなるまい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 19, 2009)
（2009年7月19日01時27分 読売新聞）
2009年07月18日
自民党混乱 内紛より政策を固める時だ
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Jul. 18, 2009)
LDP must stop bickering and craft viable policies
自民党混乱 内紛より政策を固める時だ（7月18日付・読売社説）
We have run out of patience with the Liberal Democratic Party's shilly-shallying. One of the main causes of its vacillation is the lack of leadership by Prime Minister Taro Aso that led to a disastrous defeat in the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election. It is also attributable to LDP lawmakers feeling rattled in the wake of that drubbing and doubting their chances of winning the uphill battle they face in the upcoming House of Representatives election.
自民党の迷走ぶりは目に余る。東京都議選大敗に至るまでの麻生首相の指導力不足と、これでは衆院選も苦戦必至と浮足立つ議員心理が、その要因といえる。
But now is not the time for the party to wage an internal power struggle.
しかし、今は党内抗争をしている時ではあるまい。
The lower house will be dissolved on Tuesday. The LDP will be on the defensive against the Democratic Party of Japan in the general election on Aug. 30.
２１日に衆院は解散され、来月３０日投開票の衆院選で、自民党は民主党の攻勢にさらされる。
Under the circumstances, it is obvious what the LDP should do now: craft responsible policies immediately to seek a voter mandate ahead of the general election.
とすれば、なすべきことは明らかだろう。衆院選に向けて、有権者に信を問う、責任ある政策を早急に固めることである。
Former LDP Secretary General Hidenao Nakagawa and other lawmakers--who were seeking Aso's resignation--submitted Thursday a list of signatures collected from party members and demanded that a formal session of the LDP's Joint Plenary Meeting of Party Members of Both Houses in the Diet be convened.
「麻生首相の下で、衆院選は戦えない」と、首相退陣を求める中川秀直・元幹事長らが、署名簿を添えて、両院議員総会の開会を要求した。
But the party leadership pointed out that the number of signatures submitted was not sufficient for such a meeting to be called and that holding such a meeting would plunge the party into further turmoil. The party leadership therefore decided to hold an informal meeting of its members from both houses of the Diet--at which no voting is permitted--on Tuesday, before the lower house is dissolved.
これに対し、党執行部は、署名が必要な数に達していないうえ、総会の開催は党内の混乱に拍車をかけるとして、議決権のない「両院議員懇談会」を２１日に開催することを決めた。
===
Aso authored confusion
Aso has made hard-to-swallow claims that the metropolitan assembly election was not directly linked to national politics. However, there is no getting around the fact that severe criticism of the Aso Cabinet has led to consecutive defeats for the ruling camp in recent regional elections.
首相はこれまで「国政と地方選は直接関連しない」と強弁してきた。だが、麻生内閣への厳しい評価が、最近の地方選挙の敗戦につながったことは事実だ。
One of the causes of the current confusion is that Aso announced the dissolution of the lower house and a snap general election without holding proper consultations with other LDP members and without giving a general overview of his party's massive defeat in the Tokyo election.
首相が都議選惨敗の総括もせずに、独断気味に解散・総選挙を予告したことも、混迷の一因だ。
Without verifying the causes for its repeated losses in regional elections, the LDP cannot draw up a blueprint on how to fight the lower house election campaign.
地方選連敗の原因を検証しなくては、今後、衆院選をいかに戦うか、の指針を示すこともできないのではないか。
LDP lawmakers will not be convinced unless Aso sincerely apologizes for the defeat suffered in the Tokyo election and asserts his resolve to win the upcoming general election during Tuesday's meeting.
首相が懇談会で、都議選大敗に対する率直な反省と、衆院選への決意を示さなければ、自民党議員は納得しないだろう。
===
'Rebellion' was stillborn
We also have misgiving over moves by anti-Aso lawmakers.
「反麻生」の議員たちの行動にも疑問がある。
Were they demanding that a party presidential election be held before the lower house election? Or were they demanding an inquest into their party's recent losses in regional elections? It is undeniable that gathering signatures without specifying the purpose of doing so invited further commotion within the LDP.
「総裁選の前倒し」を要求しているのか、地方選の総括を求めているのか。そこをあいまいにした署名集めが、自民党内に更なる混乱を招いたことは否めない。
Moreover, it was hardly surprising that calls for the LDP presidential election to be brought forward were becoming muted given that no lawmaker has thrown his hat into the ring in a bid to succeed Aso, and there are no major contenders to replace him.
まして「ポスト麻生」に誰も手を挙げず、有力候補不在の状態では、「総裁選前倒し」要求が失速するのは当然だろう。
LDP Election Strategy Council Chairman Makoto Koga expressed his intention to step down from the post to take responsibility for the Tokyo assembly election defeat.
自民党内では、古賀選挙対策委員長が、地方選敗北の責任をとって辞意を表明している。
Finance Minister Kaoru Yosano, who plays a pivotal role in managing economic policies in the Aso Cabinet, reportedly voiced objections to the prime minister's decisions over the lower house dissolution and the general election.
麻生内閣の経済運営の要である与謝野財務相も、首相の解散・総選挙をめぐる判断に異を唱えたとされる。
Some party members are said to be planning to campaign for the lower house election under anti-Aso banners and with their own manifestoes.
自民党内では、「反麻生」を唱えたり、独自の政権公約（マニフェスト）を掲げたりして、衆院選を戦う動きもあるという。
But such moves will only end up puzzling voters. We urge the prime minister to bring the confusion under control and have LDP members work on their party's election pledges as soon as possible.
これでは有権者が戸惑う。首相は混乱を収拾し、自民党に公約作りを急がせるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 18, 2009)
（2009年7月18日01時40分 読売新聞）
LDP must stop bickering and craft viable policies
自民党混乱 内紛より政策を固める時だ（7月18日付・読売社説）
We have run out of patience with the Liberal Democratic Party's shilly-shallying. One of the main causes of its vacillation is the lack of leadership by Prime Minister Taro Aso that led to a disastrous defeat in the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election. It is also attributable to LDP lawmakers feeling rattled in the wake of that drubbing and doubting their chances of winning the uphill battle they face in the upcoming House of Representatives election.
自民党の迷走ぶりは目に余る。東京都議選大敗に至るまでの麻生首相の指導力不足と、これでは衆院選も苦戦必至と浮足立つ議員心理が、その要因といえる。
But now is not the time for the party to wage an internal power struggle.
しかし、今は党内抗争をしている時ではあるまい。
The lower house will be dissolved on Tuesday. The LDP will be on the defensive against the Democratic Party of Japan in the general election on Aug. 30.
２１日に衆院は解散され、来月３０日投開票の衆院選で、自民党は民主党の攻勢にさらされる。
Under the circumstances, it is obvious what the LDP should do now: craft responsible policies immediately to seek a voter mandate ahead of the general election.
とすれば、なすべきことは明らかだろう。衆院選に向けて、有権者に信を問う、責任ある政策を早急に固めることである。
Former LDP Secretary General Hidenao Nakagawa and other lawmakers--who were seeking Aso's resignation--submitted Thursday a list of signatures collected from party members and demanded that a formal session of the LDP's Joint Plenary Meeting of Party Members of Both Houses in the Diet be convened.
「麻生首相の下で、衆院選は戦えない」と、首相退陣を求める中川秀直・元幹事長らが、署名簿を添えて、両院議員総会の開会を要求した。
But the party leadership pointed out that the number of signatures submitted was not sufficient for such a meeting to be called and that holding such a meeting would plunge the party into further turmoil. The party leadership therefore decided to hold an informal meeting of its members from both houses of the Diet--at which no voting is permitted--on Tuesday, before the lower house is dissolved.
これに対し、党執行部は、署名が必要な数に達していないうえ、総会の開催は党内の混乱に拍車をかけるとして、議決権のない「両院議員懇談会」を２１日に開催することを決めた。
===
Aso authored confusion
Aso has made hard-to-swallow claims that the metropolitan assembly election was not directly linked to national politics. However, there is no getting around the fact that severe criticism of the Aso Cabinet has led to consecutive defeats for the ruling camp in recent regional elections.
首相はこれまで「国政と地方選は直接関連しない」と強弁してきた。だが、麻生内閣への厳しい評価が、最近の地方選挙の敗戦につながったことは事実だ。
One of the causes of the current confusion is that Aso announced the dissolution of the lower house and a snap general election without holding proper consultations with other LDP members and without giving a general overview of his party's massive defeat in the Tokyo election.
首相が都議選惨敗の総括もせずに、独断気味に解散・総選挙を予告したことも、混迷の一因だ。
Without verifying the causes for its repeated losses in regional elections, the LDP cannot draw up a blueprint on how to fight the lower house election campaign.
地方選連敗の原因を検証しなくては、今後、衆院選をいかに戦うか、の指針を示すこともできないのではないか。
LDP lawmakers will not be convinced unless Aso sincerely apologizes for the defeat suffered in the Tokyo election and asserts his resolve to win the upcoming general election during Tuesday's meeting.
首相が懇談会で、都議選大敗に対する率直な反省と、衆院選への決意を示さなければ、自民党議員は納得しないだろう。
===
'Rebellion' was stillborn
We also have misgiving over moves by anti-Aso lawmakers.
「反麻生」の議員たちの行動にも疑問がある。
Were they demanding that a party presidential election be held before the lower house election? Or were they demanding an inquest into their party's recent losses in regional elections? It is undeniable that gathering signatures without specifying the purpose of doing so invited further commotion within the LDP.
「総裁選の前倒し」を要求しているのか、地方選の総括を求めているのか。そこをあいまいにした署名集めが、自民党内に更なる混乱を招いたことは否めない。
Moreover, it was hardly surprising that calls for the LDP presidential election to be brought forward were becoming muted given that no lawmaker has thrown his hat into the ring in a bid to succeed Aso, and there are no major contenders to replace him.
まして「ポスト麻生」に誰も手を挙げず、有力候補不在の状態では、「総裁選前倒し」要求が失速するのは当然だろう。
LDP Election Strategy Council Chairman Makoto Koga expressed his intention to step down from the post to take responsibility for the Tokyo assembly election defeat.
自民党内では、古賀選挙対策委員長が、地方選敗北の責任をとって辞意を表明している。
Finance Minister Kaoru Yosano, who plays a pivotal role in managing economic policies in the Aso Cabinet, reportedly voiced objections to the prime minister's decisions over the lower house dissolution and the general election.
麻生内閣の経済運営の要である与謝野財務相も、首相の解散・総選挙をめぐる判断に異を唱えたとされる。
Some party members are said to be planning to campaign for the lower house election under anti-Aso banners and with their own manifestoes.
自民党内では、「反麻生」を唱えたり、独自の政権公約（マニフェスト）を掲げたりして、衆院選を戦う動きもあるという。
But such moves will only end up puzzling voters. We urge the prime minister to bring the confusion under control and have LDP members work on their party's election pledges as soon as possible.
これでは有権者が戸惑う。首相は混乱を収拾し、自民党に公約作りを急がせるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 18, 2009)
（2009年7月18日01時40分 読売新聞）
2009年07月17日
エコカー競争 普及への追い風を生かせるか
The Yomiuri Shimbun(Jul. 17, 2009)
Eco-car development needs full support
エコカー競争 普及への追い風を生かせるか（7月17日付・読売社説）
The age of gasoline engine-powered vehicles--a mainstay for the past 100 years--seems to be at a major turning point.
１世紀続いたガソリン車主流の時代が、転機を迎えているようだ。
Mitsubishi Motors Corp. and Fuji Heavy Industries Ltd. will this month start putting next-generation electric cars on the domestic market--the first companies in the world to do so. Nissan Motor Co. will sell electric vehicles in Japan and the United States starting next year.
三菱自動車と富士重工業が、世界で初めて量産型の電気自動車を市販する。日産自動車も来年以降、日米で量産に踏み切る。
There are moves, meanwhile, to further boost the production of gasoline-electric hybrid cars, such as Mazda Motor Corp. having reportedly asked Toyota Motor Corp. to provide core parts for the making of a hybrid car.
エンジンと電気モーターを併用するハイブリッド車も、マツダがトヨタ自動車に基幹部品の供給を要請するなど、さらに生産を拡大する動きが本格化してきた。
With the help of government tax breaks and subsidies, 200,000 orders have poured in for Toyota's Prius hybrid car. The Japanese auto industry believes the time is ripe to popularize fuel-efficient vehicles, and the trend toward post-fossil fuel automobiles will certainly accelerate from here on.
エコカー減税や補助金による後押しもあって、トヨタのハイブリッド車「プリウス」に、２０万台もの注文が殺到している。自動車業界は今が普及の好機とみているようだ。「脱・化石燃料」の流れが今後も加速するのは確実だ。
===
Benefits outweighing costs
The biggest benefit of an electric car is its cutting of carbon dioxide emissions--a major cause of global warming. When driving, such cars' CO2 emissions are zero. And even when emissions produced during the process of generating electricity are included, CO2 emissions per kilometer of travel by an electric car are 40 percent less than that of a hybrid vehicle.
電気自動車の最大の利点は、温暖化の要因となる二酸化炭素（ＣＯ２）の排出が少ないことだ。走行中はＣＯ２を全く出さない。発電過程で出る分を加えても、１キロ走行当たりの排出量は、ハイブリッド車より４０％も少ない。
Charging the battery under late-night power rates adds only 1 yen per kilometer on an electricity bill. This would mean a round trip from Tokyo to Osaka would only cost 1,000 yen.
割安な深夜電力で充電すれば、必要な電気代は１キロ走行につき１円ですむ。東京―大阪間を１０００円で往復できる計算だ。
However, these vehicles carry a price tag of more than 3 million yen, and even when accounting for government subsidies, they still cost more than double the price of the gas-powered minicar model materials they are based on. In addition, it takes 14 hours to fully charge the batteries using a 100-volt home socket, and these electric cars have a range of only 160 kilometers per charge.
だが、車両価格は国の補助金を利用しても３００万円を超え、同タイプの軽自動車の２倍以上もする。１００ボルトの家庭用コンセントを使えばフル充電に１４時間もかかり、しかも一度の充電で１６０キロしか走れない。
When it comes to practicality, hybrid cars easily best electric cars. But in regard to attaining a situation in which all cars are electrified, hybrids aim in the same direction as electric cars. In both fields, developing batteries with large power outputs at lower costs will be key to popularizing the vehicles.
実用性では、なおハイブリッド車に軍配があがる。しかし、ハイブリッド車も「車の電化」という点では、目指す方向は電気自動車と同じだ。ともに、大出力で安価な蓄電池の開発が、普及のカギを握ることになろう。
===
Bringing industries together
Japanese manufacturers lead the world in the development and mass production of lithium-ion batteries that have great power output and are light in weight. However, some European countries and the United States also are developing batteries under public and private cooperation and the gap between them and Japan is rapidly closing.
大出力、軽量のリチウムイオン電池の開発・量産では、日本メーカーが世界の先頭に立つ。だが、欧米では官民挙げて電池の開発に乗り出した国もあり、その差は急速に縮まっている。
If Japan is overtaken by other countries in the development of such batteries, the manufacturers that grab the lead could end up dominating the world market. This makes it crucially important for the survival of Japanese companies that they win this development race.
蓄電池開発で先を越されれば、優位に立ったメーカーに世界市場を席巻される可能性もある。開発競争に勝ち抜くことが、日本企業の生き残りに不可欠といえる。
As batteries come to play an increasingly key role in a vehicle's performance, it is possible that domestic electric appliance makers will begin entering the auto world. The auto industry should be flexibly prepared to reorganize and tie up with companies from other fields.
電池が車の性能を決めるようになれば、電機メーカーなどによる自動車産業への参入が進む可能性もある。自動車業界は、異業種との再編や提携に柔軟に取り組む覚悟が必要だ。
Although eco-cars are quiet when operating, this attribute can also be seen as a problem. For example, a pedestrian might be unaware of an approaching vehicle and collide with it.
静粛性が売り物のエコカーだが、歩行者が車の接近に気付かず、接触事故を招くという「死角」も指摘されている。
Keeping in mind such issues, the government should take immediate measures for entering the era of the eco car.
行政はこうした点にも目配りし、エコカー時代への対応を急ぐべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 17, 2009)
（2009年7月17日01時41分 読売新聞）
Eco-car development needs full support
エコカー競争 普及への追い風を生かせるか（7月17日付・読売社説）
The age of gasoline engine-powered vehicles--a mainstay for the past 100 years--seems to be at a major turning point.
１世紀続いたガソリン車主流の時代が、転機を迎えているようだ。
Mitsubishi Motors Corp. and Fuji Heavy Industries Ltd. will this month start putting next-generation electric cars on the domestic market--the first companies in the world to do so. Nissan Motor Co. will sell electric vehicles in Japan and the United States starting next year.
三菱自動車と富士重工業が、世界で初めて量産型の電気自動車を市販する。日産自動車も来年以降、日米で量産に踏み切る。
There are moves, meanwhile, to further boost the production of gasoline-electric hybrid cars, such as Mazda Motor Corp. having reportedly asked Toyota Motor Corp. to provide core parts for the making of a hybrid car.
エンジンと電気モーターを併用するハイブリッド車も、マツダがトヨタ自動車に基幹部品の供給を要請するなど、さらに生産を拡大する動きが本格化してきた。
With the help of government tax breaks and subsidies, 200,000 orders have poured in for Toyota's Prius hybrid car. The Japanese auto industry believes the time is ripe to popularize fuel-efficient vehicles, and the trend toward post-fossil fuel automobiles will certainly accelerate from here on.
エコカー減税や補助金による後押しもあって、トヨタのハイブリッド車「プリウス」に、２０万台もの注文が殺到している。自動車業界は今が普及の好機とみているようだ。「脱・化石燃料」の流れが今後も加速するのは確実だ。
===
Benefits outweighing costs
The biggest benefit of an electric car is its cutting of carbon dioxide emissions--a major cause of global warming. When driving, such cars' CO2 emissions are zero. And even when emissions produced during the process of generating electricity are included, CO2 emissions per kilometer of travel by an electric car are 40 percent less than that of a hybrid vehicle.
電気自動車の最大の利点は、温暖化の要因となる二酸化炭素（ＣＯ２）の排出が少ないことだ。走行中はＣＯ２を全く出さない。発電過程で出る分を加えても、１キロ走行当たりの排出量は、ハイブリッド車より４０％も少ない。
Charging the battery under late-night power rates adds only 1 yen per kilometer on an electricity bill. This would mean a round trip from Tokyo to Osaka would only cost 1,000 yen.
割安な深夜電力で充電すれば、必要な電気代は１キロ走行につき１円ですむ。東京―大阪間を１０００円で往復できる計算だ。
However, these vehicles carry a price tag of more than 3 million yen, and even when accounting for government subsidies, they still cost more than double the price of the gas-powered minicar model materials they are based on. In addition, it takes 14 hours to fully charge the batteries using a 100-volt home socket, and these electric cars have a range of only 160 kilometers per charge.
だが、車両価格は国の補助金を利用しても３００万円を超え、同タイプの軽自動車の２倍以上もする。１００ボルトの家庭用コンセントを使えばフル充電に１４時間もかかり、しかも一度の充電で１６０キロしか走れない。
When it comes to practicality, hybrid cars easily best electric cars. But in regard to attaining a situation in which all cars are electrified, hybrids aim in the same direction as electric cars. In both fields, developing batteries with large power outputs at lower costs will be key to popularizing the vehicles.
実用性では、なおハイブリッド車に軍配があがる。しかし、ハイブリッド車も「車の電化」という点では、目指す方向は電気自動車と同じだ。ともに、大出力で安価な蓄電池の開発が、普及のカギを握ることになろう。
===
Bringing industries together
Japanese manufacturers lead the world in the development and mass production of lithium-ion batteries that have great power output and are light in weight. However, some European countries and the United States also are developing batteries under public and private cooperation and the gap between them and Japan is rapidly closing.
大出力、軽量のリチウムイオン電池の開発・量産では、日本メーカーが世界の先頭に立つ。だが、欧米では官民挙げて電池の開発に乗り出した国もあり、その差は急速に縮まっている。
If Japan is overtaken by other countries in the development of such batteries, the manufacturers that grab the lead could end up dominating the world market. This makes it crucially important for the survival of Japanese companies that they win this development race.
蓄電池開発で先を越されれば、優位に立ったメーカーに世界市場を席巻される可能性もある。開発競争に勝ち抜くことが、日本企業の生き残りに不可欠といえる。
As batteries come to play an increasingly key role in a vehicle's performance, it is possible that domestic electric appliance makers will begin entering the auto world. The auto industry should be flexibly prepared to reorganize and tie up with companies from other fields.
電池が車の性能を決めるようになれば、電機メーカーなどによる自動車産業への参入が進む可能性もある。自動車業界は、異業種との再編や提携に柔軟に取り組む覚悟が必要だ。
Although eco-cars are quiet when operating, this attribute can also be seen as a problem. For example, a pedestrian might be unaware of an approaching vehicle and collide with it.
静粛性が売り物のエコカーだが、歩行者が車の接近に気付かず、接触事故を招くという「死角」も指摘されている。
Keeping in mind such issues, the government should take immediate measures for entering the era of the eco car.
行政はこうした点にも目配りし、エコカー時代への対応を急ぐべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 17, 2009)
（2009年7月17日01時41分 読売新聞）
2009年07月16日
「節約感」と「おトク感」
おトクな電話サービス NTTプラチナ・ライン
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契約料0円、月額固定料0円で、
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電話料金がまとめて安くなるって知ってました？
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家計の見直し。
光熱費や電話代を節約することって大切ですよね。
でも、
ただ使わないということが、節約ではないんです！
今まで使っていたものを我慢することが節約なら、
ストレスが溜まる一方ですよね…。
そういう形だけの節約って、長くは続かないもの。
結局元に戻ってしまいがちなんです。
じゃあ、どんな節約が有効なのか？
それはカンタン！契約や仕組みを見直すことです！
特に電話代。
実は、電話って知っておくとオトクなサービスが多いんです！！
知らないで普通に使っているのとでは、電話料金に大きな差が！！
ただ長電話を抑えるのではなく、
長電話しても大丈夫な方法を選ぶ方が、おトクだし、ストレス知らず！
県内通話は、最大80%OFF！
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県外への通話はなんと、最大81%OFF！
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こんなに安くなるのに、なんと、
登録料・月額基本料が、無料なんです！！
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
つまり、純粋におトクになっちゃうサービスだといえますよね。
これは申し込むしかありませんよ！！
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申込みはカンタン！思い立ったらまずはWEBから！！
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でも、申込みとか手続きって、面倒なんじゃないの？
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簡単手続きで全国どこでもご利用いただけます。
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＜お申し込みの流れ＞
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必要事項のご記入とご捺印をいただき、ご返送ください。
ね、とってもカンタンでしょ？
コレだけで電話代が節約できるなんて、申し込まない手はありませんよ！
[注１]
プラチナ・ライン＆世界割の申し込みには、
マイライン登録の４区分「市内」「県内市外」「県外」「国際」
すべてを、マイラインプラスでNTTコミュニケーションズに登録して
いただく必要がございます。
[注２]
上記手続きが必要な際は、初期登録料840円(税込)が必要となります。
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実際、申し込むだけでコレだけのメリットが！！
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【プラチナ・ライン＆世界割】に申し込むと、
国内・国際・携帯への通話がまとめておトクになります！
それはもう十分お分かりいただけましたよね。
実は、電話代が安くなる、というだけでなく、
他にもメリットがあるんです！！
・請求書が一本化！（NTT東日本・西日本の請求書に一本化）
どれがどれだかわからない…、紙が何枚もあって面倒…
なんていう煩わしさから解放されます！
・月々の定額料無料！
「安くなるために定額○円」なんてかかりません！！
・電話番号そのまま！
別サービスなので、番号も別!なんて心配はナシ！
長年使っている番号をそのままお使いいただけます。
・分かりやすい一律料金で安心
料金は一律でわかりやすいから、
いくらだったっけ？なんて混乱することもありません。
さらに…
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各種サービスの利用金額に応じて、ポイントを貯めることが
できる入会金・年会費無料のサービスです。
つまり、おトクの上に更におトクが重なっている状態です。
これは嬉しいですよね。
是非、遠方のご親戚や、東京に出ているお子さん、
引っ越してしまったお友達、などとのコミュニケーションを
大切にしたまま、電話代を上手に節約しちゃいましょう！！
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