英字新聞

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--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 24
EDITORIAL: Waste resale scandal puts safety of Japan’s food industry into question
（社説）廃棄食品問題　問われる日本の「食」

Industrial food waste, which should have been properly disposed of, has been found to be circulating in the market disguised as food products.
　本来は処分されなければならない産業廃棄物が「食品」に化け、市場に出回っていた。

The illegal sale of waste food items by an industrial waste disposal company in Aichi Prefecture surfaced after frozen beef cutlets discarded from Ichibanya Co., operator of a national chain of curry houses, were found on sale. There are indications that some of the cutlets had thawed before they appeared on the market, which could have harmed consumers' health.
　カレーチェーンを全国展開する壱番屋の冷凍カツで発覚した、愛知県の産廃業者による廃棄食品の横流し。市場に出回るまでに冷凍が解けた形跡があり、消費者に健康被害をもたらす可能性もあった。

The company’s chairman has admitted to his lawyer that he committed the irregularity for the sake of sales. We are only left to stare dumbfounded at the way rules were ignored.
業者は弁護士に「売るためにやった」と認めている。ルールを無視した行為に驚くばかりだ。

One hundred and eight other items were found at facilities of a company in Gifu Prefecture, which bought the cutlets from the industrial waste disposal company and resold them. To current knowledge, those products come from manufacturers and distributors based in 25 areas ranging from Hokkaido to Miyazaki Prefecture.
　産廃業者からカツを買って転売した岐阜県の業者の施設からはほかにも１０８品目が見つかった。現時点で、製造・販売元は北海道から宮崎県まで２５自治体に及ぶ。

The food items, likely diverted off legal sales channels, include products from such major firms as Aeon Co. and Marukome Co.
横流しされたとみられる食品にはイオンやマルコメなどの商品も含まれる。

We are only left to watch the extent of the scandal’s reach. We hope the police will investigate the case through and through. The government should also conduct a nationwide survey.
問題はどこまで広がるのか。警察の徹底的な捜査を期待したい。国も全国的な調査をすべきだ。

The frozen beef cutlets in question, which had been discarded due to the suspected mixing in of foreign substances, returned to the channels of budget markets and were passed on among more than one tier of brokers after they were sold by the company in Gifu Prefecture.
　問題の冷凍カツは異物混入の恐れがあり、破棄されたものだが、岐阜県の業者の手を離れたあとは「格安市場」のルートに乗り、複数の仲買業者の間で転売された。

“We never suspected the products were waste items, because we know stock items are sometimes distributed at low prices,” one of the brokers said.
「在庫が安く出回ることはある。廃棄物とは思わなかった」と語る業者もいた。

But how could one assess the safety of food products without identifying their origins?
　だが素性の確認なしに、食品の安全性は判断できまい。

Irresponsible transactions could pour cold water on serious efforts at offering budget prices to meet consumer demand and on the activity of food banks and other entities that are providing surplus food items, which have no quality issues, to impoverished people and others.
　無責任な取引は、消費者ニーズに応えようと真面目に格安販売に取り組む人や、品質に問題のない余剰食品を生活困窮者らに提供するフードバンクなどの活動にも水を差しかねない。

Ichibanya, which saw its products mishandled, had left the cutlets intact when it commissioned the industrial waste disposal company to dispose of them. They ended up being sold illegally, partly because they retained the appearance of food products.
　製品を悪用された壱番屋は、産廃業者に処理を委託する際、カツに手を加えていなかった。食品の形をとどめていたことが横流しを招く一因となった。

Ichibanya made the right move by promptly formulating improvement measures after the scandal came to light. The company has said it will henceforth ensure its waste food products are destroyed so they can no longer be reused, or alternatively, if that is not possible, make sure its employees attend the disposal process, down to the final stages, for visual confirmation.
　問題発覚を受け、壱番屋がいち早く改善策を打ち出したことは当然だ。今後は再利用できない形で廃棄し、それができない場合は最終処理まで社員が立ち会い、目視で確認するという。

We hope those measures will help prevent a recurrence of improprieties.
再発防止に役立ててほしい。

Other food manufacturers should also intensify their monitoring to ensure their waste items are being properly processed.
　食品製造に関わるほかの事業者も、適正な処理がなされているか監視を強める必要がある。

The waste management and public cleansing law stipulates that dischargers of business-related wastes should be responsible for their disposal.
　廃棄物処理法が定めるように、事業活動にともなう廃棄物は、排出者自らが処理に責任を持たなければならない。

Two and a half million tons of food items are discarded annually in Japan as industrial waste. That immensity is partially attributed to the so-called “one-third rule” of the food industry, a business practice whereby products are not allowed to be delivered to retailers when one-third of the period from the manufacture date through the best-before date has passed, and whereby retailers take them off the shelves when two-thirds of that period have elapsed.
　国内で出る食品の産廃は年間２５０万トンにも及ぶ。その一因とされるのが食品業界の「３分の１ルール」だ。製造から賞味期限までの３分の１を過ぎた商品は小売店へ納品できず、小売店は３分の２を経過した時点で店頭から下げる商習慣だ。

Mass disposal of food products that remain edible is a built-in feature of Japan’s food industry. One could say the latest scandal thrust that reality back into the spotlight.
　まだ食べられる食品が、大量に破棄されることが織り込まれている日本の「食」――。今回の問題は、その現実を改めて白日の下にさらしたとも言える。

--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 16
EDITORIAL: A heavy price to pay for Abe's short-sighted economic policy
（社説）株安と安倍政権　経済政策に「百年の計」を

The Japanese stock market has been in serious turmoil since the start of the year. The benchmark Nikkei stock average fell in all of the first six days of trading. Postwar Japan had never before experienced a New Year six-day losing streak. During the first two weeks of the year, the Nikkei was temporarily more than 2,000 points lower than its close at the end of 2015.
　株式市場で年初から波乱含みの展開が続いている。日経平均株価は大発会から６営業日連続で下げた。これは戦後初めての事態だ。年初来の下げ幅も合計で一時２０００円を超えた。

The stock market’s rout was due mainly to overseas factors like China’s increasingly pronounced economic slowdown. Nevertheless, the decline of stock prices has come as a heavy blow to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who has been stressing the fact that the Nikkei index has more than doubled during the three years since he took office as a major achievement of his "Abenomics" economic policy.
　中国経済の減速など海外要因が理由とはいえ、政権３年間で株価が２倍以上に上昇したことを「アベノミクスの成果」と誇る安倍政権にとっては痛手だろう。

Even so, neither the government nor the Bank of Japan should scramble to take new measures to prop up stock prices immediately.
だからと言って政府や日本銀行が目先の株価対策に走るようなことがあってはならない。

The stock market’s climb in the past three years has been driven mainly by the BOJ’s aggressive monetary expansion. In the meantime, the economy as a whole has been barely growing. That means the market rally has not been underpinned by an improvement in the real economy.
　これまでの株高は、超金融緩和によってもたらされた側面が強い。経済成長のほうはゼロに近いわずかな伸びにとどまっており、実体経済とは遊離した株高だったと言える。

If so, the government’s economic policy should not be affected by what is happening in the stock market. The government should take the latest stock market retreat as a warning signal calling for an effective long-term economic strategy.
ならば、経済政策が株価に振り回される必要はない。政府には、この株安を長期的な備えを促す警鐘として受け止めてほしい。

The direction of the flow of money in the world is beginning to change radically. Late last year, the U.S. Federal Reserve Board ended its zero interest rate policy and raised interest rates for the first time in seven years.
The Fed’s action has set off a reversal in the direction of the flow of money. For years, money had been moving from industrial nations into emerging countries. The global glut of liquidity created by monetary easing in most of the developed world is likely to shrink in the coming years.
　世界のお金の流れは大きく変わろうとしている。昨年末、米連邦準備制度理事会（ＦＲＢ）が７年ぶりにゼロ金利を解除し、利上げに踏み切ったことで、先進国から新興国へと流れていたお金の潮流に巻き戻しが始まった。世界中でだぶついていた緩和マネーは今後収縮していく可能性が強い。

Major adjustments in world stock markets that have received a big boost from global monetary expansion are inevitable. The downturn of the Japanese stock market in the past two weeks should be seen as a consequence of this structural shift in the global trend. It should be assumed that the epic global stock market rally actually ended last summer when China’s fall-off in growth battered markets around the world.
　緩和の恩恵を受けてきた株式市場で調整がおきるのは避けられない。最近の日本の株安もそういう構造変化の文脈でとらえたほうがいい。世界中が歴史的な株高に沸いた時期は、昨夏のチャイナ・ショックまでと見るべきだろう。

PRICE OF SHORTSIGHTED ECONOMIC POLICY
　■目先優先のつけ回る

The Abe administration has shown a troubling tendency to place too much importance on short-term results and evaluations in its economic policy. The administration appears to have failed to take into account the implications of its economic policy for future generations as it has focused too much on meeting the current expectations of the public.
　安倍政権の経済政策は、短期的な成果や評価を重視しすぎるきらいがある。人々の目の前の期待に応えようとする一方で、将来世代への視点を著しく欠いているのではないか。

Symptomatic of this tendency is how the government has been crafting the policy proposal to exempt foodstuffs from the scheduled consumption tax increase in April 2017.
　来年４月に予定される消費増税で食料品などに導入する軽減税率を巡る政策対応は、その典型と言っていい。

Although the government has no clear plan to raise the estimated 1 trillion yen ($8.5 billion) needed to finance the food exemption, Abe recently indicated in a Diet session that the government will consider using the increase in tax revenues for that purpose.
　軽減税率を構えるために必要な財源１兆円のめどがたっていないなかで、首相は国会で「税収上ぶれ分」を検討することに言及した。

It is extremely irresponsible to count on an increase in tax revenues when deciding on such a permanent economic policy measure.
税収が予想より増えるのをあてにして恒久的な政策を決めるのは、きわめて無責任だ。

If tax revenues fail to rise above the estimate, the government will end up funding the measure with new debt. In other words, this approach will only pass on the problem to future generations.
税収が予想より増えなかった場合、結局は、政府が新たな借金でしのぐしかなくなる。つまりは、これも将来世代への問題の先送りにすぎない。

The BOJ’s “different dimension” monetary easing, which has been supporting Abenomics, also entails an “invisible financial burden on the public.”
　アベノミクスを支える日銀の異次元緩和にも「見えない国民負担」が隠されている。

Currently, the central bank is purchasing huge amounts of government bonds at high prices. When the economy starts picking up, however, bond prices will fall while yields rise. Monetary tightening in response to improvement in economic conditions will result in heavy losses for the BOJ due to negative yields. The central bank could even find its liabilities exceeding its assets. This is a situation that will require taxpayer money to be used to cover the losses.
いま日銀は高値で国債を大量購入しているが、いずれ景気がよくなれば国債価格は下落（利回りは上昇）する。その局面での金融引き締めは日銀には逆ざやとなって巨額損失が見込まれる。債務超過の恐れもある。穴埋めに使われるのは国民の税金である。

This, too, is an approach that could force future generations to pay the price of a shortsighted policy focused on bolstering economic growth and stock prices in the near term.
　足元の経済成長や株高という目先の政策を優先してきたつけが将来に回りかねない危うさがここにも潜んでいる。

MORE ATTENTION TO INTERESTS OF FUTURE GENERATIONS
　■将来世代と連結で

Still, the administration insists that Abenomics is working. Then why are Japanese companies reluctant to raise wages and eager to build up cash reserves, even though they are generating record profits? Why are Japanese consumers unwilling to ramp up their spending?
　それでも政権は「アベノミクスは成功している」としている。ならば、なぜ企業は史上最高益をあげても賃上げに及び腰で、内部留保をため込むのか。国民が消費に尻込みするのはどうしてなのか。

Keiichiro Kobayashi, a professor of economics at Keio University, says the “short-term optimism” expressed emphatically by the government has underscored its failure to face up to the harsh reality, resulting in the spread of “long-term pessimism” among companies and consumers.
　小林慶一郎慶大教授は「“短期楽観”を強調する政府の姿勢そのものが厳しい現実を見ていないことを露呈し、かえって企業や消費者を“長期悲観”に陥らせている」という。

Shifting the burden to future generations will not change the fact that taxpayers in this country will have to cover the price sooner or later.
　国民負担を先送りしても、いずれ、この国の誰かが支払わなければならない。

The burden could grow further in the meantime, leading to bigger tax increases and sharper spending cuts over time. There is even the possibility that people’s livelihoods may be threatened by hyperinflation in the future.
先送りしている間にそれがいっそう膨れあがり、時間の経過とともに増税や歳出削減の規模が大きくなってしまうかもしれない。いつか超インフレに襲われ生活が脅かされる可能性だってある――。

It seems that the Japanese people are increasingly aware of these possibilities and acting accordingly.
　国民はすでにそう予感し、行動しているのではないか。

In order to allay such anxiety among the public, it is necessary for the government to evaluate and announce both the short- and long-term effects of policy measures by estimating their consolidated results for retirees, the working population and future generations.
　そんな不信を取り除くには、リタイア世代、現役世代、将来世代をあわせた現在と未来の「連結決算」で政策効果を検証し、国民に示す必要がある。

At the beginning of the year, both the stock market and the business community were brimming with optimism about the nation’s economic outlook. It was as if market players and business leaders believed that they would be saved by simply talking themselves into betting on the government’s claim that everything will go well.
　年初には株式市場や経済界には経済の先行きを楽観する声があふれていた。政権と声を合わせ「うまくいく」と自己暗示をかけることが救われる道なのだと信じているかのように。

REAL CHALLENGE IS FISCAL REHABILITATION
　■財政再建こそが課題

But the era of excessive liquidity due to extreme easing of the monetary policy is now coming to an end. The government’s excessively optimistic growth forecasts--a nominal economic growth of 3 percent and a real economic growth of 2 percent--and its medium-term fiscal plan, based on this hope-for-the-best policy stance, will both turn out to be serious mistakes sooner or later.
　だが、超金融緩和がもたらしたカネ余りの時代は終わりを迎えようとしている。「名目３％、実質２％成長」という楽観に楽観を重ねた政府の経済見通しと、それに基づく中期財政計画は早晩、行き詰まる。

Pushing through fiscal reforms based on more realistic views about the nation’s economy, which also take account of the possibility of a prolonged period of economic stagnation, will become the biggest policy challenge.
さえない経済の時代が長く続くことも想定した現実的見通しに基づいて財政再建を進めていくことが、最重要課題になるはずだ。

The current Diet session is considering a draft supplementary budget that contains an outlay for cash payments to the elderly with small pension pots, a measure that has all the hallmarks of a giveaway of taxpayer money.
　今国会でも、ばらまき的色彩が濃い低年金高齢者への給付金を盛り込んだ補正予算案が審議されている。

The Abe administration’s attention is apparently focused on this summer Upper House election.
安倍政権の関心は夏の参院選対策に向けられているのだろう。

Politicians should look further into the future and tackle fiscal rehabilitation under a farsighted policy program. The Abe administration should concentrate its policy efforts on such challenges.
　もっと先も見据え、日本の国家運営の「百年の計」を考えて財政再建に取り組む姿勢がいまの政治にほしい。政権のエネルギーはそこに注ぐべきだ。

--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 10
EDITORIAL: Japan should not be passive bystander as tensions rise in Middle East
（社説）中東と日本　傍観者でいられない

Tensions are rising in the Middle East as Saudi Arabia and Iran are at loggerheads with each other.
　サウジアラビアとイランの対立で、中東情勢が緊迫の度を深めている。

By no means should Japan just be looking on at a time when the Middle East is standing at a doorway to further turbulence.
　中東がさらなる混迷の入り口に立っている時に、日本が傍観者でいていいはずがない。

During his New Year news conference, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe evoked the fact that Japan will assume the presidency at the Group of Seven summit this year and that Japan has become a nonpermanent member of the U.N. Security Council.
　安倍首相は年頭の会見で、日本がことし主要国首脳会議の議長国であることや、国連安全保障理事会の非常任理事国であることにふれ、こう強調した。

“(The year 2016) will be a year in which Japan’s diplomacy will lead the world,” Abe emphasized in that context. “I intend for Japan to lead the world by looking squarely at the future with a global perspective and laying out the most appropriate road map in order to foster peace and prosperity in the region and around the world.”
　「日本外交が世界を引っ張っていく１年となる」「地域や世界の平和と繁栄のために、グローバルな視点に立って将来を見据え、最も適切な道筋を示すことにより、世界をリードしていきたい」

We sincerely hope that those words will be fulfilled. And there is one thing we want Abe to do exactly for that reason.
　言葉通りであって欲しい、と切に願う。だからこそ、ここで首相に求めたいことがある。

We want him to make sure that Japan will exercise its diplomatic potential in averting a conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran, just as it will respond to the recent nuclear test by North Korea.
　北朝鮮の核実験への対応と同様に、サウジとイランの紛争回避に向けても、日本外交の力を発揮してもらいたいのだ。

During last year’s Diet deliberations on the security legislation, Abe cited potential deployment of the Self-Defense Forces to minesweeping operations in the Strait of Hormuz as a concrete example of the ways Japan will be exercising its right to collective self-defense.
　昨年の安保法制をめぐる国会審議で首相は、ホルムズ海峡での機雷掃海への自衛隊派遣を集団的自衛権行使の具体例として挙げた。

But minesweeping operations will only become necessary after a conflict has erupted.
　だが機雷除去の必要が出てくるのは、あくまで紛争が起きてしまった後の話である。

Diplomatic efforts to prevent the breakout of a conflict are the most needed at present to face the crisis that is unfolding before our eyes.
　目の前の危機に立ち向かうため、いま何よりも求められるのは、紛争が起きる前に止める外交努力にほかならない。

Along with supporting the arbitration efforts by the United States, European nations and other parties, Japan should also work with the global community in trying to find out what could be done at this moment.
　日本も、米欧を中心とした仲介努力を支えるとともに、いま何ができるのか。知恵を絞って国際社会と協調したい。

Japan possesses a diplomatic asset, which allows it to hold a dialogue, under a certain level of mutual trust, with Saudi Arabia and other Arab states, Israel and Iran, despite the historically entangled relations between the three parties.
　歴史的に複雑な関係にある、サウジなどアラブ諸国やイスラエル、イランのいずれとも一定の信頼関係の下で対話ができることは、日本外交の資産だ。

Unlike the United States and European nations, Japan has so far applied the brakes on using force overseas. We could now make the most of the confidence in Japan, which has played an original role in nonmilitary, humanitarian aid that is intended to stabilize the livelihood of Middle Eastern people.
　米欧と異なるのは、日本がこれまで海外での武力行使に歯止めをかけてきたことだ。中東の人々の暮らしの安定をはかる非軍事の人道支援で独自の役割を果たしてきた日本への信頼を、ここで生かせないか。

We should not forget that participation of the SDF in logistical support operations for foreign troops, which will become feasible under the new security legislation, could rather undermine Japan’s moral high ground.
　留意すべきは、安保法制で可能になる他国軍の後方支援活動に自衛隊が加わることは、日本の強みをかえって失わせかねないことである。

Military strength and geographical distance matter in military action. But nonmilitary diplomacy of arbitration is feasible even without strong military power or in far-flung areas.
　軍事的な行動は、軍事力の大小や地理的な遠近が影響する。だが非軍事の仲介外交なら、強大な軍事力がなくても、距離が遠い地域でも力は発揮できる。

Seeking a way to avert a conflict in a peaceful manner on the basis of the diplomatic asset that Japan has accumulated over the postwar years would be the best way for Abe to live up to the promises of “diplomacy that takes a panoramic perspective of the globe” and “proactive pacifism”--both being the prime minister’s pet slogans--in the real sense of those terms.
　戦後日本が積み重ねてきた外交的資産のうえに、平和的な紛争回避の可能性を探る。
　それこそが真の意味での「地球儀を俯瞰（ふかん）する外交」「積極的平和主義」の名にふさわしい。

Seldom do we believe there is any easy approach to doing so. But that is the sort of diplomacy that Japan should be seeking as a pacifist nation.
　容易な道だとは思わない。ただ、平和国家日本のあるべき外交の姿はそこにある。

--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 9
EDITORIAL: China crucial to moves to rein in North Korea
（社説）北朝鮮核問題　問われる中国の行動

In response to Pyongyang’s fourth nuclear test, the U.N. Security Council will soon start discussions on a new resolution to impose additional sanctions on North Korea.
　北朝鮮による４度目の核実験を受け、国連安保理は新たな制裁決議に向けた論議を始める。

After North Korea’s third nuclear test three years ago, the Security Council issued a resolution warning that “further significant measures” will be taken if the country conducts another nuclear test.
　前回３年前の実験後の決議では、再び強行すれば、「さらなる重大な措置をとる」と警告していた。

There is a compelling case for stronger international actions to punish North Korea.
制裁強化は当然だ。

Members of the Security Council should unite and adopt a new resolution swiftly to make North Korea realize the serious consequences of its outrageous act.
　安保理が結束して早期に新決議を採択し、北朝鮮に暴挙の重大さを明示せねばならない。

However, it should be noted that the Security Council’s warnings and sanctions included in its past resolutions concerning North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs have been ineffective.
　ただ、これまで北朝鮮の核・ミサイル問題では安保理決議を重ねてきたが、警告や制裁が効果的だったとはいえない。

The primary reason for this failure is a large hole in the international coalition to put pressure on North Korea. That hole is China, on which the secluded and isolated country has been heavily dependent both politically and economically.
　最大の要因は、包囲網に大きな「穴」があるからだ。北朝鮮が政治・経済の両面で最も頼りとする中国である。

Traditionally, the relationship between China and North Korea has been described as ties bound by a blood pledge because China fought for the North during the Korean War (1950-1953).
　中朝の間柄は、朝鮮戦争をともに戦った血盟関係とうたわれた。

During the Cold War era, China and North Korea confronted the United States together as members of the communist bloc.
同じ共産圏陣営として米国と対峙（たいじ）した時代もあった。

But China’s position in the world has changed since those days. It is now a leading power that has as much responsibility for international affairs as the United States and major European countries.
　だが、いまや中国の立ち位置は違う。米欧と並ぶ国際責任を担うべき大国である。

Beijing should now act in a way that does not allow North Korea to commit any more reckless acts that threaten global security.
世界の安全を脅かす北朝鮮の暴走をこれ以上、許してはなるまい。

In order to stop Pyongyang’s nuclear and missile programs from repeating and accelerating, China needs to take an action against its neighbor that represents a clear departure from its past pattern.
　核・ミサイル問題の連鎖を断つためには、中国が北朝鮮に対し、はっきりと過去にない行動を起こす必要がある。

For years, China has continued providing support to North Korea, even though it has often been annoyed by Pyongyang’s behavior.
　中国はこれまで、北朝鮮のふるまいを不快に思いつつも支援は続けてきた。

That is mainly because China is intent on preventing any situation that could lead to the collapse of North Korea, which could pose a serious threat to its own security.
自国の安全保障上、北朝鮮の崩壊につながりかねない事態を警戒するからだ。

Moreover, China’s three northeastern provinces near the border with North Korea have strong interdependent economic ties with the country. This makes it even more difficult for Beijing to impose effective sanctions against the North.
　加えて中朝国境近くの東北３省では北朝鮮との経済的な相互依存が深いため、中国も実効的な制裁が容易にできない。

A disorderly collapse of North Korea would also have dire consequences for other neighboring countries, including Japan and South Korea. One big worry is a possible large-scale refugee crisis.
　日本や韓国など周辺地域にとっても北朝鮮が無秩序に崩壊すれば、難民問題など重大な脅威にさらされる危うさがある。

Even so, if China continues to support North Korea, the regime of Kim Jong Un will keep making the same mistakes. China should take the initiative in ratcheting up pressure on the regime.
　だとしても結局、中国が北朝鮮の後ろ盾を演じているだけでは、金正恩（キムジョンウン）政権は過ちを繰り返すのみだろう。まず中国が圧力の水位を高めるべきだ。

At the same time, a fundamental solution to the North Korea problem requires active involvement by Washington.
　一方で北朝鮮問題の根本的な打開には、やはり米国の積極関与が欠かせない。

What North Korean leaders want the most is a fresh round of talks with the United States for a peace treaty.
北朝鮮指導部が最も望むのは、米国との平和協定をめざす協議だからだ。

U.S. President Barack Obama has been sticking to a policy of refusing to start serious talks with North Korea unless the country takes concrete and convincing actions toward abandoning its nuclear arms program.
　オバマ政権は、北朝鮮が核放棄へ具体的な行動をとらない限り、本格的な対話には臨まない方針を続けてきた。

But this policy has failed to work.
だが、その政策も功を奏さなかった。

The Obama administration may be responsible for the fact that it has allowed North Korea to conduct three nuclear tests during its tenure.
　オバマ政権のうち、北朝鮮に３度も核実験を許したという結果責任は、米国にもあろう。

The United States needs to work with Japan, South Korea, China and Russia to figure out a new strategy for dealing with North Korea under the leadership of Kim Jong Un.
　米国は、日韓中・ロシアと連携して、金正恩政権下の北朝鮮との新たな向き合い方を探る必要がある。

Starting dialogue with Pyongyang under the framework of the six-nation talks on its nuclear ambitions, for instance, would not necessarily mean making a concession to the country.
６者協議などの枠組みで対話をしても、それは必ずしも譲歩を意味しない。

All the countries concerned are facing tough challenges in dealing with North Korea, but have no choice but to start making serious efforts to work out ways of playing more active roles through a combination of a hard and a soft approach toward Pyongyang.
　北朝鮮をめぐり、関係国すべてが難しいかじとりを迫られるが、硬軟とりまぜた積極関与に向け知恵を絞るしかあるまい。

--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 6
EDITORIAL: Saudi Arabia-Iran reconciliation needed to prevent further Mideast turmoil
（社説）サウジとイラン　中東安定に向け和解を

This year also began with chaos in the Middle East dominating international news. Conflict is deepening between Saudi Arabia and Iran, the two major players in the region.
　ことしも国際ニュースの幕開けは中東の混迷だった。地域大国のサウジアラビアとイランが対立を深めている。

With war and unrest continuing in various parts of the Middle East, these nations ought to be living up to their heavy responsibilities. Their commitment and collaboration are especially indispensable to breaking the deadlock in the situations in Syria and Iraq.
　中東各地で紛争や混乱が続くなか、両国が本来果たすべき責任は重い。とりわけシリアとイラクの情勢打開には、両国の関与と協調が不可欠である。

Saudi Arabia and Iran should be exploring means of compromise now. Further escalation of conflict will seriously affect Mideast peace, refugee and anti-terrorism policies, the crude oil market and all other issues of global concern. The international community must hasten to mediate and urge the two countries to meet halfway, with the United States in the lead.
　ここは歩み寄りの道を探るときである。争いが激化すれば、中東和平、テロや難民対策、原油市場など、あらゆる国際問題に深刻な打撃を与える。国際社会は、米国を筆頭に積極的な仲介と調整を急ぐべきだ。

Saudi Arabia and Iran have a long history of enmity. The former considers itself the leader of the Islamic majority Sunnis, while the latter is the leading nation representing the minority Shias.
　サウジとイランの反目の歴史は長い。サウジはイスラム教の多数派スンニ派の盟主を自認する一方、イランは少数派シーア派を代表する大国である。

The current feud was triggered by Saudi Arabia’s execution of a Shiite cleric for staging a street demonstration. In Tehran, a mob attacked the Saudi Embassy and set it on fire. Riyadh cut diplomatic relations with Tehran, and Bahrain and Sudan followed suit.
　今回の発端は、街頭デモを主導した罪でサウジがシーア派指導者を死刑にしたことだ。イラン国内で怒った群衆が、サウジ公館を壊し、放火などをした。サウジは断交を宣言し、バーレーンやスーダンも同調した。

Even before this latest falling-out, Saudi Arabia and Iran were sworn rivals vying for regional supremacy. And the Iraq War became a turning point. After the war, the Iraqi regime switched from Sunni to Shiite and Iran’s influence in the region grew dramatically, much to Saudi Arabia’s alarm.
　もともとサウジとイランは、地域の覇権をめぐってあつれきを強めてきた。その節目はやはりイラク戦争だった。イラクの政権がスンニ派からシーア派に移って以降、イランの影響力が大きく伸び、サウジの警戒心は増大した。

The civil wars in Syria and Yemen have an element of surrogate wars between Saudi Arabia and Iran, both of whom are continuing to back their respective “friends” in various parts of the Middle East. The Sunni-Shia religious feud has now become one of the biggest risks for the region.
　シリアとイエメンの内戦は、両国の代理戦争の側面があるほか、中東各地でそれぞれが自国に近い勢力に肩入れを続けている。スンニ派とシーア派の宗派対立はいまや、中東を覆う最大リスクの一つとなっている。

Should the current conflict spill into Iraq and Bahrain where tensions already run high between the feuding sects, the entire Middle East will become destabilized. And Saudi Arabia itself would have to worry about its internal stability, since 15 percent of its population are Shias.
　今回の対立が、国内で両派が緊張関係にあるイラクやバーレーンなどに波及すれば、中東全体が動揺する。約１５％のシーア派人口を抱えるサウジ自身の国内の安定への懸念も拭えない。

These problems began to emerge with the waning of America’s influence in the region. Saudi Arabia used to boast close relations with the United States, but the latter’s increased dialogue with Iran in recent years and the conclusion of a nuclear deal have added to Riyadh’s growing dissatisfaction and frustration with Washington.
　そもそも、こうした問題があらわになった背景には、中東での米国の影響力の衰えがある。かねて米国との緊密な関係を誇っていたサウジは、米国が近年イランと対話を進め、核開発をめぐる合意を結んだことで、いっそうの焦りと不満を募らせていた。

Given this background, the United States bears no small responsibility. The same could be said of the Jewish state of Israel, which is increasingly mistrustful of Iran. It is definitely the job of the United States to take the lead in urging Saudi Arabia and Israel to practice restraint.
　そうした経緯からも、米国の責任は重いというべきだ。イランへの警戒心を強めているのはユダヤ国家のイスラエルも同じである。サウジやイスラエルに自制を求め説得するのは、依然米国が率先すべき仕事だ。

Russia has offered to mediate. But right now, the entire international community should stand together and deal with the situation as one. The United States, Russia and European nations need to discuss concerted action at the United Nations Security Council. And the rest of the international community, including Japan, should support such efforts.
　ロシアが仲介の意向を示してはいるが、ここは国際社会が一致して対処する態勢を固めるべきだ。米欧とロシアは国連安保理などで協調行動を論議すべきだろう。そうした作業を、日本を含む国際社会も支えたい。

--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 5
EDITORIAL: Lawmakers can't be allowed to obscure issues on Japan’s future course
（社説）通常国会開幕　「戦後の岐路」問う論戦を

This year’s ordinary Diet session convened on Jan. 4, immediately after the traditional three New Year holidays, an unusually early start of the national legislature’s work.
　通常国会がきのう開幕した。三が日が明けて早々、異例に早い召集となった。

This is an extremely important Diet session.
　極めて重要な国会である。

The administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe wants to initiate an amendment to the Constitution after the Upper House election slated for this summer.
　夏に参院選がある。安倍政権はその後、憲法改正の国会発議を視野に入れている。

The unusually early summoning of the Diet is a move to push ahead with a constitutional amendment.
　異例の早期召集は、そのための布石でもある。

The early beginning of the regular Diet session also makes it possible to hold simultaneous elections for both houses.
この時期の召集なら、衆参同日選も可能だ。

Although it is unclear if Abe will actually adopt this electoral tactic, simply having this option makes it easier for the ruling camp to create a division within the opposition bloc.
実際に踏み切るかはさておき、同日選の選択肢を手にするだけで野党を分断しやすくなる。

The ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and its junior partner, Komeito, already controls more than a two-thirds majority in the Lower House. The Abe administration is aiming to secure a two-thirds majority also in the Upper House to rewrite the Constitution. Such a presence in both chambers is needed to initiate any constitutional amendment process.
　衆院は自公両党で発議に必要な総議員の３分の２以上の勢力をもつが、参院でも３分の２の「改憲勢力」を確保したい。それが政権の狙いだ。

ABE CHANGES STANCE AFTER ELECTIONS
　■選挙前後の使い分け

At the Upper House election, Japanese voters will have to decide on whether to give Abe a clear and lopsided mandate to pursue his political agenda. The election could shape up as a major turning point for postwar Japan.
　「安倍１強政治」を加速させるか、転換させるか。夏の参院選は、戦後日本の大きな分岐点になる可能性がある。

This Diet session will offer an important opportunity for the public to think about the nation’s future course before the Upper House election. We urge both the ruling and opposition camps to hold in-depth debates on key policy issues to give the voting public a well-founded basis for their decisions at the polls.
　この国会は、国民にとって、参院選を前に日本の針路を考える重要な機会となる。判断材料となるような、深みのある論戦を与野党双方に求める。

In his New Year news conference on Jan. 4, Abe said he wants to start tackling “new challenges for building a new future for the nation” in 2016, stressing his policy efforts to create “a society where 100 million people will play active roles,” his vision for Japan’s future.
　「新しい国づくりへの新しい挑戦を始める年にしたい」
　安倍首相はきのうの年頭会見で抱負を語り、１億総活躍社会づくりなどを強調した。

But we cannot take these words at face value. The Abe administration has a history of emphasizing economic issues before elections and then forcing through its favorite policy initiatives by using the power of numbers after winning the polls. The administration has often used this political ploy on the strength won through an election.
　だが、額面通りには受け取れない。選挙前は経済最優先と言いながら、選挙に勝てば、自らこだわる政策を数の力で押し通す――。選挙至上主義とも言えるそうした政治手法が、安倍政権では際立つからだ。

This was the case after the 2013 Upper House election, when the administration successfully sought the enactment of the state secrets protection law, and also after the 2014 Lower House election, when it pursued, again successfully, the passage of new national security legislation.
　２０１３年の参院選後の特定秘密保護法のときも、１４年の総選挙後の安保法制のときも、そうだった。

Lawmakers of both the ruling and opposition camps now believe that Abe’s next political goal is a constitutional revision.
次は憲法改正を持ち出すだろう、というのが与野党一致した見方である。

In a late November meeting of a group of conservative politicians he himself leads, Abe made the following remark: “We need to recall the original political goal adopted (by the LDP) at its foundation, which was to change the various systems created during the period of occupation (of Japan by the Allied Powers), including amending the Constitution.”
　昨年１１月末、安倍首相は自ら率いる右派系議員の会合で、こう述べている。
　「憲法改正をはじめ、占領時代に作られた様々な仕組みを変えていこうという（自民党の）立党の原点を呼び起こさなければならない」

If the ruling coalition wins in simultaneous elections for both Diet houses, the administration will have three years to pursue its policy agenda without having to face any national poll. Even if Abe does not opt to dissolve the Lower House for simultaneous elections, a victory in the upper chamber will give the coalition more than two election-free years.
　仮に参院選で与党が勝てば、同日選なら３年間、参院選単独でも２年以上、大きな国政選挙に臨まなくても済む「時間」を手にすることになる。

That will create a political environment that allows the Abe administration to make even bolder political moves than those it has already taken, including initiating a constitutional amendment.
　改憲の発議を含め、これまで以上に思い切った手を打てる環境が整う。

BLOCK ATTEMPTS TO OBSCURE REAL ISSUES
　■争点隠しを許さない

The Abe administration has shown a clear tendency to change its policy narrative after elections in various areas, including the economy.
　「選挙前」と「選挙後」を使い分ける政権のやり方は、これにとどまらない。
　一つは、経済だ。

One typical approach used by the administration involves talking only about “benefits” for voters before elections, delaying any reference to a painful increase in the burden on taxpayers until after the polls.
　有権者受けする「給付」を先行させる一方、痛みを伴う「負担増」は選挙後に先送り。そんな手法が目立つ。

The draft supplementary budget for the current fiscal year, for instance, contains 330 billion yen ($2.77 billion) of spending to pay 30,000 yen each to old people with small pension pots.
　今年度補正予算案には、年金額が少ない高齢者に１人あたり３万円、総額３３００億円を配ることを盛り込んだ。

This spending will put a heavy financial burden on future generations while its beneficiaries include many people with ample assets.
低年金者には資産を多く持つ人もいるのに、巨額の給付のツケが将来世代に回される。

As for the proposed food exemptions from the scheduled consumption tax rate hike in April 2017, the administration has postponed its decision on how to finance the 1 trillion yen needed for the measure.
　１７年度から導入する消費税の軽減税率も、１兆円もの税収減の財源探しを先送りした。

The administration has also shown a habit of changing its political tune in the area of national security.
　もう一つは、安全保障だ。

Although the security legislation that passed the Diet last year is slated to come into force in March, the administration has decided to put off, until after the Upper House election, the addition of one important task to the list of new missions the Self-Defense Forces is expected to perform in United Nations peacekeeping operations under the laws.
The task is to rescue foreign forces or other organizations that have come under attack in areas away from the zone where the SDF is engaged in PKO activities.
　安保法制が３月に施行されるが、政権は国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）に派遣する自衛隊への「駆けつけ警護」任務の追加を参院選後に先送りする。

The administration has also postponed submitting a bill to the Diet that would revise Japan’s Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) with the United States to expand the scope of the SDF’s logistic support for U.S. forces. The revision would allow the SDF to provide ammunition to U.S. forces, for example.
　米軍への弾薬提供など、後方支援を広げる日米物品役務相互提供協定（ＡＣＳＡ）改定案の国会提出も先送りだ。

Public opinion is sharply and equally divided over the security legislation. The administration apparently wants to avoid stirring up fresh public opposition to the legislation before the vital election.
　安保法制に対する世論は二分されている。重要な選挙を前にして、反発を再燃させたくないという判断だろう。

The opposition parties have the heavy responsibility to prevent the ruling camp from obscuring key policy issues during the last Diet session before the election and ensure in-depth discussions on these topics.
　選挙前の最後の論戦となる国会で、与党の「争点隠し」とも言える動きをどう覆し、議論を深めていくか。
　野党の責任は重い。

OPPOSITION PARTIES SHOULD SEEK BROAD COOPERATION
　■幅広い国民と連帯を

What kind of role should the opposition parties perform to counter the Abe administration’s dominant power?
　「安倍１強政治」に対抗するために、野党がいま、果たすべき役割は何か。

First and foremost, they should offer a realistic alternative to Abe’s government through effective maneuverings at the Diet, electoral cooperation and joint policymaking.
　まず国会対応や選挙協力、政策づくりを通じて、１強に代わりうる「もう一つの選択肢」を国民に示すことだ。

Calls for repealing the security legislation, which is strongly suspected to be unconstitutional, and protecting constitutionalism, which the Abe administration has failed to respect, can galvanize opposition parties into joining forces against the powerful ruling coalition.
　違憲の疑いが濃い安保法制を白紙に戻す。安倍政権が軽視する立憲主義を守る。それが結集軸になるはずだ。

As long as the opposition camp remains fragmented, there will be no political force that can effectively represent people concerned about the direction in which the government is trying to lead the nation.
　野党がバラバラなままでは、今の政治に危惧を抱く民意は行き場を見いだせない。

More than anything else, opposition parties need to seek cooperation with a broad spectrum of people by responding sympathetically to their wishes and concerns.
　そして何より、幅広い国民の思いや不安と共感しながら、連帯をはかることである。

Last year, the government’s initiative to enact the security legislation provoked various civil actions against the move, including demonstrations in front of the Diet building.
　昨年、安保法制をめぐって国会前の街頭活動など市民の動きが呼び起こされた。

What opposition parties should recall now is the fact that decisions on the future of the nation are, after all, up to the people with whom sovereign power resides.
　野党が改めて思い起こすべきは、国の針路を最終的に決めるのは、主権者たる国民だということだ。

The Diet can initiate constitutional amendments, but they must be approved by the people with a majority vote in a special referendum.
憲法改正も、国会議員による発議だけでは決まらない。国民投票による過半数の賛成が必要である。

The vital choice facing the nation is between politics simply driven by the power of a majority won through an election and politics more based on broad consensus built through sympathy and solidaity with the public.
　選挙での勝利や、議員の数の力で押し切る政治か。国民との共感と連帯に基づく、合意形成を重視するのか。

This choice offers hope for new politics.
　その問いに、新たな政治の可能性が見えてくる。

The voting age will be lowered to 18 from the current 20, starting with the Upper House election.
　今回の参院選から１８歳選挙権が認められる。

The Diet has a duty to debate key policy issues from a long-term perspective that encompasses not only the present but also the future when the new young voters will play leading roles in society.
　今だけでなく、彼らが生きて行く未来を見すえた論戦をしなければならない。

-- The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 1
EDITORIAL: We must heal dangerous divisions in the world
（社説）分断される世界　連帯の再生に向き合う年

A new year has arrived, with the world remaining to be plagued by deep and dangerous divisions.
　地球が、傷だらけで新年を迎えた。

Our world today is full of divisions due to racial, religious, economic, generational and various other factors.
　民族や宗教、経済、世代……。あらゆるところに亀裂が走っている。

Globalization is supposed to create a world where national borders become increasingly permeable and irrelevant, but, ironically, the world as we see it is crisscrossed with dividing lines.
国境を超越した空間を意味するはずのグローバル世界は今、皮肉なことにたくさんの分断線におおわれている。

To heal these divisions, world leaders should be striving to build a society where people can live with a sense of security by promoting reconciliation and removing inequalities.
　それを修復するために、和解を進め、不公平をなくし、安心できる社会を実現する――。
　それこそが指導者の使命であろう。

Regrettably, however, there are many political, religious and opinion leaders across the globe who try to promote their agendas by taking advantage of divisions in society. And such people often earn plaudits by doing so.
だが、むしろ社会の分断につけこむ政治家や宗教者、言論人も登場し、しばしば喝采を浴びている。

But there have also been some notable efforts to heal rifts and explore new forms of global consolidation. The 2015 United Nations climate change conference (COP21), held in Paris late last year, for instance, produced a landmark agreement on a new international framework for reducing planet-warming greenhouse gas emissions in the years after 2020. The breakthrough was made possible as countries united for a real solution to the challenge of stemming global warming, which transcends their parochial interests.
　他方、亀裂を埋めて新しい連帯の形を探す。そんな動きも出ている。たとえば昨年末、パリでの国連気候変動会議（ＣＯＰ２１）で、各国は地球温暖化対策で新しい枠組みに合意した。それぞれの思惑を超えた真の解決に向けて結束した。

The world needs to start its efforts in the new year to tackle the formidable challenges it faces today by confronting, one by one, the crises of solidarity and empathy threatening its future.
　新年の挑戦は、連帯と共感の危機にひとつひとつ向き合うことから始まる。

POLITICS TO DEEPEN RIFTS
　■溝を深める政治

The Islamic State (IS) is an extremist organization that tries to divide people by promoting its fanatic dogma.
　「イスラム国（ＩＳ）」は、狂信的な教義を掲げて人々の分断を謀る過激派組織だ。

The IS not only enslaves and kills people who refuse to obey it in areas it controls. The group is also working to create a deep rift between Muslims and the rest of the world by inciting hatred among Muslims toward other religions and cultures.
　支配地域で従わない人々を隷属化し殺害するだけではない。ほかの宗教や文化を憎悪の対象にしてイスラム教徒との間に深い溝を作ろうとしている。

How are people and countries who have become targets of terror attacks by the IS responding to the threat?
　その刃を向けられた側は、どう応えようとしているか。

In Europe, a wary attitude toward refugees from the Middle East and Muslim immigrants in the region has intensified sharply. In France and some other European countries, there is strong public support to xenophobic rightist parties.
　欧州では、中東からの難民やイスラム系移民層への警戒感が急速に強まった。フランスなどで、排他的な右翼政党の支持が高い。

In the United States, Donald Trump, the leading contender to become the Republican Party’s presidential nominee, has called for a “total and complete shutdown” of the country’s borders to Muslims and made some other outrageous proposals. He remains very popular.
米国では共和党の大統領候補選びで「イスラム教徒を入国禁止に」などと放言し続けるトランプ氏の人気が衰えない。

People such as Trump call for measures that create divisions to fight the efforts to create divisions by people like Muslim extremists. Their approaches are strangely similar to those of their supposed enemies in that they are designed to divide the world.
　分断に分断で対抗する。敵対し合っているはずの勢力が、世界を分断するという点では奇妙に共鳴し合っている。

Social rifts due to widening economic inequality are also becoming increasingly serious in many parts of the world.
　経済的な不平等の拡大による社会の亀裂も深刻化している。

According to a report released last year by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, in 2013 income gaps were the largest in the past 30 years in most of its 34 member countries. Assets are even more concentrated in the hands of the wealthy few than income, according to the OECD.
　経済協力開発機構（ＯＥＣＤ）の昨年の発表によると、２０１３年に、大半の加盟国（３４カ国）の所得格差が過去３０年で最大になった。また、資産は所得以上に富裕層に集中しているという。

In his best-selling book “Capital in the Twenty-First Century,” which has attracted global attention, French economist Thomas Piketty points out that inequality can lead to serious social divisions. In a society with extreme levels of wealth concentration, Piketty maintains, people’s discontent triggers a revolution unless it is suppressed with an iron fist.
　フランスの経済学者ピケティ氏は、世界的に注目された大著「２１世紀の資本」のなかで、あまりに富の集中が進んだ社会では、人々の不満を強権で抑えつけるか、革命が起きるしかなくなる、と不平等がはらむ危険を指摘している。

SPIRIT OF BROTHERHOOD GONE AWRY
　■「同胞」意識の迷走

Japan is not free from the various divisions plaguing the world, either.
　日本もこうした多くの亀裂を免れているわけではない。

Japan cannot be described as a country eager to accept refugees, who number in the tens of millions in the world. Japan’s refugee policy doesn’t reflect any keen awareness of the unfolding crisis of solidarity.
　世界で数千万にのぼる難民の受け入れという点で積極的な国とは言えない。そこに連帯の危機への問題意識は低い。

Japan is no exception, either, to the global trend toward greater economic inequality.
　経済的な不平等についても例外国ではない。

In fact, income equality in this nation has widened to a level even higher than the average among the OECD countries.
それどころか所得格差はＯＥＣＤ平均を超えて広がっている。

The ratio of poverty among children and the percentage of non-regular workers in the overall workforce in Japan are both on the rise.
子どもの貧困率や雇用の非正規率も上昇している。

Japan is now a mere shadow of the country of equality it used to be.
かつての平等な国の姿はすっかり遠くなった。

Despite growing inequities, the proposed integrated tax and social security reform to improve the situation has been making little headway. Social solidarity in this nation is only weakening.
にもかかわらず、社会保障と税の一体改革もままならず、この国の社会的連帯は弱まるばかりだ。

The issue of the heavy concentration of U.S. military bases in Okinawa Prefecture is also causing a division in Japan. What many of the people in Okinawa are asking the mainland to do is to share the burden of hosting so many U.S. bases, which is simply too heavy for just one prefecture to keep bearing.
　沖縄の米軍基地問題も日本に分断を生んでいる。県民の多くが本土に求めるのは、一県には重すぎる負担の分担だ。

They are asking for help from their fellow countrymen.
「同胞」から「同胞」への支援要請である。

But the mainland has been making rather cool responses to Okinawa’s request for support. Political leaders in Tokyo have cast the issue as a partisan battle over security policy.
　しかし本土の反応は冷たい。政治は問題を安全保障をめぐる党派的な対立の構図に還元してしまう。

This attitude gives no hint of true nationalism, which creates empathy for and solidarity with fellow countrymen.
そこに「同胞」への共感と連帯をもたらす本来のナショナリズムは、見る影もない。

The kind of narrow-minded nationalism that tilts toward exclusion instead of embrace, like populism, causes society to become divided rather than united.
　「包摂」より「排除」に傾くナショナリズムは、ポピュリズムと同様に社会を統合するより分断する。

BEFORE DEMOCRACY COLLAPSES
　■民主主義壊れる前に

What is needed for the world to overcome the trend toward becoming more and more divided?
　克服には何が必要だろうか。

The agreement reached in the COP21 conference seems to be a result of a globally shared pragmatic recognition of the reality that countries cannot find a true solution to this challenge as long as they focus on trying to avoid bearing their fair share of the burden for the time being.
　ＣＯＰ２１の合意は、自分の負担を避けようとするだけでは、問題のほんとうの解決にはつながらないと、各国の間で実際的な考えが共有された成果ではないだろうか。

Eisaku Ide, an economics professor at Keio University who has received the “Osaragi Jiro Prize for Commentary” for his book “Keizai no jidai no shuen” (End of the age of economy), stresses the importance of pragmatic thinking.
　また、経済の視点から社会の分断を考察した「経済の時代の終焉（しゅうえん）」で大佛次郎論壇賞に決まった慶応義塾大学経済学部の井手英策教授も、実際的な考え方の重要性を指摘する。

Ide, who studied social divisions from the economic viewpoint in the book, says in Japan a deep rift has emerged between high- and middle-income groups on the one hand and the low-income class on the other, rapidly eroding empathy among people for other members of society.
　教授によると、日本では中高所得層と低所得層の間に溝ができ、人々の間の共感が消滅しつつある。

What is crucial for fixing this problem, Ide argues, is not any ideology or doctrine but the pragmatic recognition that people gain from mutual help by becoming beneficiaries and happy people themselves.
修復には理念ではなく「お互い助け合った方が得をする、自分も受益者になる、幸せになるという視点が必要だ」と話す。

The effectiveness of promoting people’s understanding of the benefits of pursuing practical solutions rather than doctrines and ideologies offers an important insight into the efforts to revive solidarity and empathy in society.
　理念より実際的な解決への理解を広める。連帯や共感の再生への取り組みを可能にするための重要な手がかりではないか。

Social divisions pose a serious threat to democracy. People stop respecting political decisions unless they feel that they have been involved in making the decisions.
　社会の分断は民主主義にとって脅威だ。「私たちみんなで決めた」という感覚がなければ、人々は政治的な決定を尊重しようとはしなくなる。

This situation then causes society to be divided further into smaller groups in a vicious cycle.
そしてそれはさらに社会を細分化する悪循環を招く。

We must confront our society’s illness of becoming more and more divided and make effective efforts to enhance policies and opinions that refuse to take advantage of such divisions.
　私たちの社会が抱える分断という病理を直視し、そこにつけ込まない政治や言論を強くしていかなければならない。

We must do so before the problem becomes so serious as to ruin democracy.
　民主主義さえも台無しにするほどに深刻化する前に。

--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 29
EDITORIAL: 'Comfort women' deal should lead to new era of Tokyo-Seoul relations
（社説）慰安婦問題の合意　歴史を越え日韓の前進を

Japan and South Korea on Dec. 28 reached a landmark agreement to settle the long-festering issue of “comfort women.” The agreement, struck at the closing of the year that marks the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II and the 50th anniversary of formal diplomatic relations between the two countries, has removed the largest source of tension in their bilateral ties.
　戦後７０年であり、日本と韓国が国交正常化してから半世紀。そんな１年の終わりに、両政府は最大の懸案だった慰安婦問題で合意に達した。

This is a historic deal for the relationship between Tokyo and Seoul suitable for this milestone year. We welcome the weighty decision by the two governments to move beyond their long-standing feud and take a wise step forward to overcome the negative legacies of their history.
　節目の年にふさわしい歴史的な日韓関係の進展である。両政府がわだかまりを越え、負の歴史を克服するための賢明な一歩を刻んだことを歓迎したい。

After the Dec. 28 meeting between Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida and his South Korean counterpart, Yun Byung-se, Kishida defined the issue of comfort women as “an issue that deeply scarred the honor and dignity of many women under the involvement of the military of that time" and stated, “The Japanese government is acutely aware of its responsibility” for the matter.
“Comfort women” is a euphemism for women who were forced to provide sex to members of the imperial Japanese military before and during World War II.
　きのうあった外相会談の後、岸田外相は慰安婦問題を「軍の関与のもと多数の女性の名誉と尊厳を傷つけた問題」と定義し、「日本政府は責任を痛感している」と明言した。

The Japanese government, which argues that a bilateral agreement on war reparations concluded 50 years ago legally resolved the issue, has been reluctant to use any language that suggests the nation’s responsibility for the issue. This time, the Japanese government used more candid expressions in referring to its stance toward the sensitive topic while maintaining its official position.
　５０年前の請求権協定で「法的には解決済み」とする日本政府はこれまで、国家責任を連想させる言葉遣いに消極的だった。今回はその原則を維持しつつ、率直な表現に踏み込んだ。

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe expressed his heartfelt apology and remorse as prime minister of Japan to former comfort women.
　安倍首相は日本の首相として元慰安婦に対し、「心からのおわびと反省」を表明した。

Abe once indicated a desire to review the 1993 Kono statement on the issue, released by then Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono. It is quite significant that Abe, albeit through Kishida, expressed his commitment to the core message of the key statement.
　かつて慰安婦問題をめぐる「河野談話」の見直しに言及したこともある安倍首相だが、岸田外相を通じてとはいえ、談話の核心部分を韓国で表明したことには大きな意味がある。

JAPANESE GOVERNMENT’S RESPONSIBILITY MADE CLEAR
　■日本政府の責任明言

South Korean Foreign Minister Yun, for his part, made remarks that responded to Tokyo’s demands.
　一方、韓国の尹炳世（ユンビョンセ）外相も日本政府に応えた。

Yun confirmed that the agreement represents a “final and irreversible resolution” of the bitter dispute, although he premised his comment by saying the measures promised by the Japanese government need to be implemented without fail.
　今回の合意について、「日本政府の措置の着実な実施」という前提つきながら、「最終的かつ不可逆的に解決されることを確認する」と言い切った。

Yun expressed the South Korean government’s solid commitment to the terms of the agreement in an apparent attempt to reassure Japan, which has criticized South Korea for “moving the goal posts” by changing its position on promises it has made.
　日本側から「韓国は約束してもゴールポストを動かす」と批判されていたことを意識したうえでの確約の表明である。

The top diplomats of both countries made these pledges in front of media. They should ensure that the agreement will be faithfully carried out.
　両外相ともメディアを通じて両国民に固く誓ったのだ。合意をしっかり履行してほしい。

Under the deal, the South Korean government will establish a foundation to restore the honor and dignity of former comfort women and heal the wounds they bear in their hearts. Tokyo will provide about 1 billion yen ($8.3 million) from its state budget for the foundation.
　韓国政府は、元慰安婦の名誉と尊厳を回復し、心の傷を癒やすための財団をつくり、そこに日本政府が約１０億円を国家予算から拠出する。

In the 1990s, Japan set up the Asian Women’s Fund, which offered compensation to former comfort women financed by donations from the Japanese public, as well as medical and welfare programs financed by public funds, along with a letter of apology from the prime minister.
　日本は９０年代、国民の募金からなる「償い金」と、政府の資金による医療・福祉支援事業に首相の「おわびの手紙」を添えた「アジア女性基金」事業を始めた。

This initiative produced positive results in Southeast Asia and some other areas, but it failed to achieve its objectives in South Korea because of the rise of public opposition to the project in the country.
東南アジアなどで成果を生んだが、韓国では反対の声が強まり、頓挫してしまった。

Various factors were behind the fund’s failure to win support in South Korea. For one thing, the Japanese government was not necessarily very eager to promote the project. Secondly, the compensation paid to former comfort women was financed by donations from Japanese people, not by the government’s money. These facts provoked criticism in South Korea that Japan was trying to dodge its responsibility.
　韓国側で基金の意義が理解されなかった要因は、さまざまあった。日本政府が必ずしも積極的な姿勢で事業に臨まなかったことや、「償い金」に民間募金をあてたことなどで、韓国側は責任回避だとして反発した。

Both governments, citizen groups supporting former comfort women and news media should all learn lessons from this failure.
　両政府とともに、元慰安婦たちの支援者ら市民団体、メディアも含めて、当時の教訓を考えたい。

Through future talks, the two sides will work out details about the operation of the proposed new foundation. The top priority should be placed on respecting the feelings of the surviving former comfort women, who now number fewer than 50.
　新たに設けられる財団の運営のあり方については今後、詰められる。何より優先すべきは、存命者が５０人を切ってしまった元慰安婦たちのそれぞれの気持ちをくむことだろう。

A support group for these women has denounced the agreement as “diplomatic collusion that betrays both the victims and the public.” Negative reactions to the deal driven by nationalism could also emerge in Japan.
　韓国の支援団体は合意について「被害者や国民を裏切る外交的談合」と非難している。日本側からもナショナリズムにかられた不満の声がでかねない。

But the agreement can be a valuable foundation for building new relations between Japan and South Korea. The Japanese government has to meet its commitments faithfully, while the South Korean government has no choice but to have a serious conversation with the people to win their support for the agreement.
　だが今回の合意は、新たな日韓関係を築くうえで貴重な土台の一つとなる。日本政府は誠実に合意を履行し、韓国政府は真剣に国内での対話を強める以外に道はない。

PROMOTE RELATIONS BASED ON MUTUAL BENEFITS
　■互恵の関係強化を

On Dec. 18, 1965, Japan and South Korea held a ceremony in Seoul to exchange ratification documents for the basic treaty to establish diplomatic relations and four other agreements, opening a new chapter in their history.
　５０年前の１２月１８日。
　日韓はソウルで基本条約と四つの協定の批准文書を交換し、新たな第一歩を踏み出した。

The four agreements on war reparations, fishing industries, cultural assets and cooperation, and Korean residents in Japan have been improved in some way in response to the demands of the times.
　請求権のほか、漁業、文化財・文化協力、在日韓国人の法的地位の４協定はこれまで、その時々の実情に合わせて何らかの形で改良が加えられてきた。

Generations of people in the two countries, including those alive today, have a shared responsibility to review and reconsider the “1965 regime,” the historic framework created in that year by these agreements to define the basic assumptions for the bilateral relationship.
　現在の日韓関係の原点ともいえる「６５年体制」の枠組みを、時代に応じて考えていくことは、いまを含む各世代の両国民が担う責務である。

Japan-South Korea relations have developed remarkably over the past half-century.
　この半世紀で日韓関係は大きく飛躍した。

South Korea’s per-capita income has grown to nearly $30,000 from slightly more than $100 back then. Japan’s support contributed to South Korea’s marvelous economic development.
韓国の１人あたりの国民所得は、当時の１００ドル余りが今や３万ドルの目前。そこには日本の経済協力金が役立った。

Japan has also gained huge benefits from its neighbor’s rapid economic growth.
そして日本も、急成長する韓国から莫大（ばくだい）な利益を得た。

Over the past half-century, the development of the relationship between Japan and South Korea has been driven by mutual cooperation and benefits. This is also how ties between the two neighbors should be in the future.
　ともに協力し合い、利益を広げる互恵の関係がこの半世紀の歩みだったし、これからもあるべき隣国関係の姿である。

The United States, which strongly urged the two nations to normalize their relations five decades ago, has been actively involved in the process leading to the agreement on the comfort women issue.
　日韓の国交正常化を強く後押しした米国は、今回の和解にも大きく関与した。

During the past two-and-a-half years, Tokyo and Seoul have been locked in diplomatic smear campaigns against each other, making demeaning remarks in front of other countries, mainly on the diplomatic stage in Washington.
この２年半、日韓両国はワシントンを主舞台として、激しい「告げ口」外交を展開してきた。

Hurt and exhausted by this verbal battle, the two countries have realized the obvious fact that this futile fight produces nothing and decided to return to the most basic principle in diplomacy--dialogue.
　その結果、傷つき、疲れ果てた日韓が悟ったのは「不毛な争いは何も生み出さない」というあたり前のことであり、対話という原点に戻ることだった。

LONG LIST OF CHALLENGES TOKYO, SEOUL SHOULD TACKLE TOGETHER
　■安保など課題山積

This is an age when the world faces a large number of challenges that demand global responses, including not only various economic problems but also issues concerning security, humanitarian assistance related to conflicts and natural disasters, and environmental protection.
　経済だけでなく、安全保障や紛争・災害の人道支援、環境対策など、地球規模の課題が多い時代、

That means there are countless challenges Japan and South Korea, the two major powers in Asia, should grapple with together through cooperative efforts.
アジアを代表する主要国同士の日韓が手を携えて取り組むべきテーマは数知れない。

The foreign ministers of the two countries on Dec. 28 voiced their expectations that the agreement will open a new chapter in the history of the bilateral ties. Kishida said he is convinced that Japan-South Korea relations will enter a new era, while Yun said he expects the two countries to start carving out a new relationship next year.
　両外相はきのう、ともに「日韓関係が新時代に入ることを確信している」「来年から新しい関係を切り開けることを期待する」と期待を述べた。

The hope is that the new year, which starts in three days, will mark the beginning of 50 years in which Japan and South Korea can walk together with their eyes looking ahead toward a new future for their relations.
　３日後の新年からは、日韓がともに前を向いて歩む５０年の始まりとしたい。

--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 27
EDITORIAL: Approval to restart Takahama reactors based on unmet conditions, weak promises
（社説）高浜原発　再稼働に反対する

The Fukui District Court recently nullified its earlier injunction against reactivating the No. 3 and No. 4 reactors of the Takahama nuclear power plant in Fukui Prefecture.
　関西電力高浜原発３、４号機（福井県高浜町）の運転を禁じた福井地裁の仮処分決定が取り消された。

Kansai Electric Power Co., operator of the nuclear plant in the town of Takahama, is expected to restart one of the two reactors as early as late January.
関電は来月下旬にも再稼働に踏み切る見込みだ。

But the procedure for obtaining the approval of the hosting government of Fukui Prefecture, which was completed immediately before the court decision, was laden with problems. We oppose moves to press ahead with the planned restarts under the current circumstances.
　だが、司法判断の直前に完了した地元・福井県の同意手続きには問題が多い。このまま再稼働へ進むことには反対だ。

Fifteen nuclear reactors are concentrated in Fukui Prefecture, including some for which decisions have been made for decommissioning.
　福井県には廃炉が決まったものも含めて１５基の原子炉が集中する。

Fukui Governor Issei Nishikawa set five conditions for his approval, calling on the central government and Kansai Electric to clearly pinpoint their responsibilities.
西川一誠知事は同意にあたって五つの条件を掲げ、国と関電に責任の明確化を迫った。

Public opinion has consistently been cautious about restarting nuclear reactors following the 2011 disaster at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear plant. Nishikawa called strongly on the central government to “promote public understanding,” and he obtained Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s assurances that he will ensure that meetings with residents will be held across Japan for that purpose.
　福島第一原発事故後、原発再稼働に世論は一貫して慎重だ。西川氏は「国民理解の促進」を国に強く求め、安倍首相から「全国各地で説明会を開く」との言質をとった。

The governor called on Kansai Electric to precisely explain when it plans to build an interim storage facility outside Fukui Prefecture for spent nuclear fuel. The utility said in November that it will locate the site for the facility around 2020 and have it operational around 2030.
　関電には使用済み核燃料の中間貯蔵施設を県外につくる時期の明示を求めた。関電は１１月、「２０年ごろに場所を決め、３０年ごろに操業する」と表明した。

Nishikawa said he believes that all his conditions have been met. But the substantiality of those commitments remains questionable.
　西川氏は、条件がすべて満たされたとの認識を示した。だがこれらの約束がどれほど内実を伴っているかは疑問だ。

Kansai Electric has said it hopes to install an interim storage facility somewhere in the Kansai region, and it has long been canvassing local governments for their understanding. But resistance to hosting such a facility remains strong, and the building site is not likely to be selected any time soon. There is no denying suspicions that the plan could end up as an empty promise.
　関電は以前から「中間貯蔵施設は関西に設置したい」と自治体への説明を続けてきた。しかし反発は強く、めどは立たない。結局は「空手形」ではないか、との疑いが否めない。

Questions also remain on the extent to which Nishikawa has fulfilled his own responsibilities.
　一方、西川氏はどこまで自身の責任を果たしたか。

He has never had the prefectural government organize meetings with local residents, saying it is up to the central government and the plant operators to explain the safety and necessity of nuclear plants.
　「原発の安全性や必要性は国や事業者に説明責任がある」とし、県主催の住民説明会は開かなかった。

An emergency evacuation plan for areas within a 30-kilometer radius of the Takahama nuclear plant was only worked out earlier this month. That zone contains parts of Kyoto and Shiga prefectures and has a total population of about 180,000.
３０キロ圏に京都、滋賀両府県を含み、計約１８万人が暮らす高浜原発周辺の避難計画は今月まとまったばかり。

But Nishikawa approved the planned restarts without waiting for a drill held across prefectural borders, arguing that working out an emergency evacuation plan is not a legal requisite for restarting a nuclear reactor.
だが西川氏は「法律上、避難計画は再稼働の条件ではない」と述べ、府県境をまたぐ訓練も待たずに同意に踏み切った。

Obtaining the host communities’ approval for a reactor restart should primarily be a process to enhance the safety and peace of mind of local residents.
　地元同意は本来、住民の安全と安心を高めるプロセスのはずだ。

It is all too regretful that another undesirable example has been set, following the earlier approvals to restart the Sendai nuclear power plant in Kagoshima Prefecture and the Ikata nuclear power plant in Ehime Prefecture.
だが、九州電力川内原発（鹿児島県）、四国電力伊方原発（愛媛県）に続き、望ましくない「ひな型」がまた一つ増えたのは残念というしかない。

The central government was also quite candid in postulating that restarting nuclear reactors is a foregone conclusion. Industry minister Motoo Hayashi visited Fukui, the capital of Fukui Prefecture, four days before the court decision to ask Nishikawa for his approval.
　国の再稼働ありきの姿勢もより露骨だった。林幹雄経済産業相は司法判断の４日前に福井を訪れ西川氏に同意を要請した。

The local governments and residents of communities adjacent to nuclear plants are strongly dissatisfied that they have no say in decisions on reactor restarts. Kansai Electric has rejected the demands of the Kyoto and Shiga prefectural governments for inclusion on the list of “hosting communities,” whose approvals are required for restarting reactors of the Takahama nuclear plant. The central government has only been looking on, arguing that approvals of the hosting communities are not a legal requirement.
　原発周辺の自治体や住民には、再稼働の判断に関与できないことへの不満が強い。高浜でも京都、滋賀両府県が立地自治体並みの「同意権」を求めたが、関電は応じていない。国も「地元同意は法令上の要件ではない」と静観するばかりだ。

Abe has said he will provide explanations to gain the public’s understanding of the importance of nuclear power generation. That leads us to believe that he should also be presenting guidelines on the extent and coverage of the “hosting communities,” whose approvals are necessary for nuclear restarts.
　安倍首相は「原発の重要性に国民理解が得られるよう説明していく」と述べた。それならば「地元」の範囲についても方向性を示すべきではないか。

--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 26
EDITORIAL: Let 2015 be the year 'comfort women' issue is resolved
（社説）慰安婦問題　日韓で歴史的な合意を

Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida will visit South Korea on Dec. 28 to hold talks with his South Korean counterpart, Yun Byung-se, in a diplomatic effort to reach an agreement on the wartime “comfort women” issue that has been a festering sore in relations between Japan and its neighbor.
　慰安婦問題の合意をめざし、岸田外相があさって韓国を訪れ、尹炳世（ユンビョンセ）外相と会談する。

How to provide relief to women who were forced to provide sex to wartime Japanese soldiers is a human rights issue the governments of both countries need to tackle together, regardless of differences in their political positions on this sticky issue.
　戦時中、日本軍の将兵たちの性の相手を強いられた女性たちをいかに救済するか。政治的な立場を超えて、両政府がともに対処すべき人権問題である。

Twenty-four years have passed since a former comfort woman in South Korea came forward to talk about her experience for the first time.
　元慰安婦の１人が初めて韓国で名乗り出て、２４年の歳月が流れた。

This year alone, many former comfort women died with bitter resentment in their hearts. The number of former comfort women recognized by the South Korean government who are still alive is now less than 50, and their average age is nearly 90.
今年だけでも多くの元慰安婦が遺恨を胸に抱いたまま、亡くなった。韓国政府が把握する存命中の元慰安婦は５０人を切り、平均年齢は９０歳近い。

Time is growing short for both governments to resolve this long-running issue. This is clearly the time for Tokyo and Seoul to take action to remove this painful thorn in their relationship.
　両政府に残された時間はわずかしかない。両国関係にとっても長く刺さってきたトゲを自らの手で抜くべき時だ。

Any agreement on the issue reached between the two governments will stir up discontent and anger among people in both countries. There are narrow-minded opinions on both sides that use this issue to stir nationalistic impulses.
　政府間で合意がなされても、日韓とも国内から不満や反発は出るだろう。一部には、この問題をナショナリズムに絡めて論じる狭量な声もある。

The political leaders of Japan and South Korea have a duty to overcome such friction and speak about the importance of building healthy relations between their countries through efforts based on a broad, long-term perspective. They must not let this crucial opportunity slip through their fingers.
　しかし、そうした摩擦を乗り越え、大局的な見地から、健全な隣国関係を築く重みを説くことが政治の責務であろう。この機を逃してはならない。

Japan and South Korea established a formal diplomatic relationship in 1965, and this year marks the 50th anniversary of the beginning of the normal ties between the two nations.
　日韓は１９６５年に国交正常化し、ことしで５０年を迎えた。

Half a century ago, the number of Japanese and South Koreans who visited the other country was about 10,000 annually. The figure has since grown to more than 5 million due to steady expansion of exchanges between the two nations.
　半世紀前、両国を往来する人は１万人にすぎなかったが、最近では５００万人を超えるなど交流は活発化している。

Nowadays, Japan and South Korea are bound together by inseparable and cooperative economic and cultural ties.
いまや経済や文化の協力関係は切っても切れない間柄である。

However, the comfort women issue has been a major obstacle to further development of the bilateral relations.
　その一方で、慰安婦問題は、関係の深化を阻む壁となってきた。

Tokyo and Seoul have been at odds over the question of whether a 1965 bilateral agreement on war reparations and economic cooperation legally solved the comfort women issue, as it did on issues concerning Japanese compensation for its colonial rule of the Korean Peninsula between 1910 and 1945. Bilateral talks over this question have gone nowhere.
両政府は、５０年前に交わした請求権・経済協力協定で、慰安婦問題も法的に解決したかどうかの見解で対立し、話し合いは平行線をたどってきた。

If an agreement is to be reached in the meeting between the foreign ministers, it would be a product of major mutual, not unilateral, concessions.
　今回の会談で合意ができれば、それはどちらか一方ではなく、双方が大きく歩み寄った中身になるはずだ。

Such a deal would be an important symbol of the two governments’ commitment to overcome the legacies of the unfortunate past of the two countries and start building a new future for bilateral ties.
不幸な過去の歴史から未来に向けて歩を進めようとする両政府の意思を確認する一里塚となろう。

The real negotiations over the comfort women issue have been taking place behind the scenes through an unofficial diplomatic channel, rather than official director-general level talks.
　慰安婦問題をめぐる交渉は、表向きの外交当局の局長級協議ではなく、水面下での非公式接触で進められてきた。

The negotiations have made significant headway since the first one-on-one summit between Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and South Korean President Park Geun-hye on Nov. 2.
それがここで急加速したのは、先月の初の日韓首脳会談が実現した直後からだ。

The Abe and Park administrations have been under strong diplomatic pressure from the United States, the principal ally for both countries, to take steps toward settling the issue.
　日韓双方の政権とも、最大の同盟国である米国から、和解へ向けて強く背中を押されてきた事情がある。

In addition, the scheduled general election in South Korea next spring has provided a strong political incentive for both governments to push the negotiations forward quickly.
それに加え、来春にある韓国の総選挙を意識して交渉を急いだ面もある。

The Japanese and South Korean governments share the need to manage their diplomatic agendas while feeling the pulse of the public.
　国内世論を探りつつ、外交のかじ取りをせねばならない事情は日韓とも同じだ。

This is a situation that will test the political leadership of both administrations.
ここは両政権の指導力の真価が問われる局面である。

We strongly hope that the political leaders of the two countries will work out a historic agreement on the issue suitable for this milestone year by duly fulfilling their responsibility.
　国交５０年の節目の年にふさわしい歴史的な合意を政治の責任でまとめてほしい。