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■近況

2009年の9月15日に脳梗塞を発症、右手が少し不自由になりました。
MRAで脳梗塞の部位を特定でき、素早い処置をとれたので大事に至りませんでした。
快復にむけてリハビリ中です。
(2011/01/01更新)

■自己紹介・リンク

[ はじめに ]
タイのスラチャイです。
英語学習に王道はありません。
毎日毎日の地道な努力の積み重ねが必要です。
スラチャイはNHKのラジオ英語会話で現在の英語力を身につけました。
一日僅か15分の学習でも数年間継続すれば相当な学習効果が期待できます。

[ 名前 ]
松井 清 (スラチャイ)

[ 略歴 ]
・福岡県出身
・国立高知大学卒業
・準大手建設会社に就職
・50歳で会社を早期退職
・99/10 タイ全土を旅行
・00/10 タイに移住
・03/07 カイちゃん誕生
・07/06 シーファーちゃん誕生
・現在タイ国コンケン在住

[ 座右の銘 ]
Slow and steady wins the race.
遅くとも着実な者が勝利する
(NHK基礎英語芹沢栄先生)

[ 学習の手引き ]
・音読して耳から英語を吸収
・Think in English.
・ネイティブ発音付辞書活用
・英英辞典を活用(英和も)
・翻訳和文で専門用語確認

[ English Newspapers ]
Yomiuri
Mainichi
Asahi
Japan Times
Washington Post
Newyork Times
Bangkok Post
The Nations
Phuket Gazette

[ 英字新聞の英和対訳学習 ]
英字新聞(読売)
英字新聞(毎日)
英字新聞(朝日)
英字新聞(朝日2)

[ スラチャイ編集の辞書 ]
タイ日辞書(改訂版)
日タイ辞書(改訂版)
ラオ日辞書
日ラオ辞書

[ 英字新聞リンク ]
ocn cafe
fc2
goo
yahoo
ameba

 
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2016年08月02日

小池新都知事 都民本位の改革実行を

--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 1
EDITORIAL: Koike must keep promise, push policies that help Tokyo citizens
(社説)小池新都知事 都民本位の改革実行を

Former Defense Minister Yuriko Koike was elected Tokyo’s new governor on July 31, becoming the first female chief of the capital’s government. We hope Koike will capitalize on her trademark ability to send out effective messages in her role as the public face of Japan’s capital.
 東京都の新しい知事に、小池百合子氏が選ばれた。初の女性都知事の誕生だ。日本の首都の顔として、持ち前の発信力を生かしてほしい。

Koike won a landslide victory in the gubernatorial election despite failing to receive the endorsement of her Liberal Democratic Party, which fielded another candidate. The ruling party’s decision, based primarily on its partisan interests, probably provoked a backlash among voters in Tokyo.
 自民党の意向に逆らった末の勝利である。都民の胸中には、党による「組織の論理」に対する反発が色濃くあったはずだ。

The process in which opposition parties led by the Democratic Party chose a unified candidate also confused many voters.
野党の統一候補選びにも分かりにくさがあった。

During her campaign, Koike pledged to put priority on the interests of individual citizens. She should be true to her words and push through reforms to shift the focus of Tokyo’s policymaking from the interests of specific organizations to those of the entire population of the capital.
 小池氏は、都民一人ひとりが主役だと唱えた訴えどおり、特定の組織に目を向ける旧来の政治から、都民全体を考える都政への変革を進めてほしい。

Koike needs to provide leadership to resolve a wide range of tough policy challenges, from the rapidly aging population to disaster preparedness for a huge earthquake that many experts warn could occur directly under Tokyo.
 急速に進む高齢化への対応や首都直下地震への備えなど、小池氏がリーダーシップを発揮すべき課題は山積している。

In particular, she must immediately review the financing plan for the 2020 Tokyo Olympics and Paralympics, focusing on the capital’s contribution. The total cost for the event, initially estimated at 700 billion yen ($6.8 billion), is now expected to balloon to 2 trillion yen or even 3 trillion yen. The challenge for Koike is to figure out ways to reduce the cost and decide on an appropriate burden for Tokyo.
 すぐに待ち受けるのは東京五輪・パラリンピックの整備費の分担見直しだ。当初7千億円と言われた全体経費は2兆とも3兆とも言われている。これをいかに削り、都負担の適正ラインをどこに引くか。

Both the Tokyo Organizing Committee of the Olympic and Paralympic Games and the LDP members of the metropolitan assembly are calling for an increase in the capital’s share of the cost burden, emphasizing Tokyo’s responsibility due to its bid to host the event.
 組織委も都議会自民党も「招致した東京の責任」を唱え、都の負担増を求めている。

Discussing the issue, Koike criticized the Tokyo government’s opaque policymaking process as a “black box” and called for greater transparency. The issue of financing the 2020 Olympics and Paralympics will test her commitment to addressing the issue.
小池氏は「都政がブラックボックスになっている」と決定過程の透明化を訴えた。その真価が問われることになる。

In an Asahi Shimbun survey of voters in Tokyo, “education and child-care support” was cited by the largest number of respondents as the policy area that they wanted the new governor to prioritize.
 朝日新聞の調査では、新知事に力を入れてほしい政策のトップは「教育・子育て」だった。

Tokyo’s child-care support for its citizens has national implications. Many young people who moved from rural areas to Tokyo are giving up having children because of an unfavorable environment for rearing children. This problem is accelerating Japan’s demographic decline.
 「子育て」問題は東京の課題にとどまらない。首都圏に集まった地方の若者が、子育て環境の悪さなどから、子どもを産むのをあきらめる構造が日本の人口減に拍車をかけている。

During her campaign, Koike proposed various ideas to solve the problem of the estimated 8,500 children on waiting lists for day-care centers. Her ideas included the use of land owned by the metropolitan government and higher pay for child-care workers. Koike needs to make steady efforts to deal with this challenge.
 約8500人にのぼる待機児童の解消に向け、都有地の活用や保育士の待遇改善など様々なアイデアが選挙戦で語られた。着実に対策を進めてほしい。

On the other hand, Koike talked little about education.
 一方、小池氏が「教育」について語ることはほぼなかった。

She once argued that tragic incidents involving children, such as murders of family members, were a result of Japan’s “self-deprecating education” in the postwar period.
 かつて、家族間での殺人事件などが起きるのは「自虐的な戦後教育の結果」だと語ったこともある。

The Japan Society for History Textbook Reform, an organization devoted to helping the nation “overcome masochistic historical views,” backed Koike in the election, saying she was the only major candidate who supported its activities.
自虐史観の克服を掲げる「新しい歴史教科書をつくる会」は、主な候補のうち小池氏だけが活動を支えてくれた、と今回支持を表明していた。

The law on regional educational administration was revised in 2014 to enhance the power of local government chiefs over education policy decisions. Instead of using her power as the governor to promote education based on specific values, Koike should serve as a champion of “diversity,” which she pledged to promote, in education.
 2014年の地方教育行政法の改正で、首長の権限が強められた。特定の価値観ではなく、自らが公約とした「多様性」を認める教育をめざすべきだ。

In announcing her candidacy, Koike emphasized she was ready to confront the LDP in the metropolitan assembly. We welcome her stance if that means true competition for better, citizen-focused policies through serious debate at the assembly.
 立候補の際、小池氏は都議会自民党との対決を強調した。議場での真剣な議論を通じ、都民本位の政治を競うなら歓迎だ。

But we have had enough of the petty political fights over parochial interests.
 しかし、またコップの中の争いになるなら、ごめんこうむりたい。

After the resignation of two Tokyo governors--Naoki Inose and Yoichi Masuzoe--amid scandals, there is no room for further stagnation in the capital’s efforts to tackle its key policy challenges.
猪瀬直樹氏、舛添要一氏と2代続いた失脚で、これ以上都政を停滞させる余裕はない。
posted by srachai at 11:31| Comment(0) | 朝日英字

2016年07月31日

追加金融緩和 日銀は政権のしもべか

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 30
EDITORIAL: BOJ must free itself from the shackles of state policy
(社説)追加金融緩和 日銀は政権のしもべか

The Bank of Japan has decided to open the monetary spigot further. The central bank said July 29 that it will double its annual purchases of exchange-traded funds (ETF) to 6 trillion yen ($58.8 billion).
 日本銀行が金融緩和の追加策を決めた。日銀が買い入れる上場投資信託(ETF)の額を年間6兆円に倍増する。

The BOJ’s action came as a response to a request for further monetary expansion from the Abe administration, which will soon unveil a huge package of policy measures to stoke economic growth. The program will come in at 28 trillion yen.
 安倍政権は近く事業規模28兆円の大型経済対策を発表する予定で、日銀に金融緩和で協力するよう求めていた。

The central bank has already taken radical steps to pump money into the economy, by setting negative interest rates and making massive purchases of government bonds. As experts have warned that expanding these measures would be ineffective and even harmful, the BOJ, apparently under pressure to play ball with the government, resorted to one of the few remaining options.
マイナス金利の拡大や国債買い入れの増額に弊害や限界が指摘されるなかで、政府に歩調を合わせるための苦肉の策と言えよう。

The thinking behind the monetary policy is to ensure that the Japanese economy will continue stable and sustained growth.
 金融政策の本来の目的は、日本経済を安定させ持続的な発展を確かなものにすることだ。

It is doubtful whether the central bank’s latest move will serve this purpose.
今回の緩和策がそれにかなっているかと言えば、疑わしい。

In the latest of its quarterly “Outlook for Economic Activity and Prices” report, released on July 29, the BOJ said the economy “has continued its moderate recovery trend” and “is likely to be on a moderate expanding trend.”
 日銀は四半期に一度の「展望リポート」で日本の景気の現状を「緩やかな回復を続けている」とし、今後についても「緩やかに拡大していく」と見通した。

A clutch of economic indicators confirmed the BOJ’s assessment, indicating the economy is on a stable footing. The ratio of job offers to job seekers has risen above 1 in all the 47 prefectures for the first time since such records started being kept.
有効求人倍率が全都道府県で初めて1倍を超えるなど多くの景気指標が改善を示し、景気はそれなりに安定している。

Even though there is a degree of uncertainty in European and emerging economies, no compelling case can be made for putting together an outsized package of economic stimulus measures at this moment. The BOJ should have taken exception to the administration’s plan, but the central bank has instead provided support to the administration through the additional monetary easing.
 欧州経済や新興国経済に不透明感があるとはいえ、いま大型の経済対策を打ち出そうという政府の発想そのものがおかしい。日銀はそれに物申すべきだが、追加緩和でむしろ側面支援してしまった。

The BOJ deserves to be criticized for following the government’s lead into a questionable move.
政権の意を受けて追従したと見られても仕方あるまい。

Two of the nine members of the BOJ’s Policy Board, which makes the bank’s policy decisions, voiced opposition to the proposal to increase the purchases of ETFs, investment vehicles traded on stock exchanges.
 金融政策を決める審議委員9人のうちETF購入増には2人が反対した。

They argued, quite reasonably, that the step would have negative effects on price formation in the market. But such dissenting voices within the central bank’s policy-making body are now more unlikely to be heard than before because the Abe administration has replaced retiring members with supporters of the prime minister's "Abenomics" economic policy. The two members opposed to the latest action are both private-sector economists who joined the Policy Board before Shinzo Abe returned to power in December 2012.
「市場の価格形成に悪影響を及ぼす」などもっともな理由からだが、こうした意見は出にくくなっている。委員の任期が来るたびに、政権がアベノミクス賛成論者に替えてきたからだ。反対の2人は第2次安倍政権の発足前から務める民間エコノミスト出身者である。

If the Policy Board is dominated by similar-minded members, it will lose its ability to check the aggressive and controversial “different dimension” monetary expansion policy that has been promoted by BOJ Governor Haruhiko Kuroda.
 政権の考えに近い委員ばかりになれば、黒田東彦総裁が旗を振る異次元緩和に対するチェック機能は失われてしまう。

We are concerned that the BOJ might become even more inclined to adopt a monetary policy supportive of the administration’s agenda.
今後ますます政権にとって都合のよい金融政策に傾きかねない点も気がかりだ。

But the Policy Board should be given credit for refraining from an expansion of the negative interest rate policy, which could put an additional strain on the financial health of banks, and also from an increase in the amount of government bonds bought by the BOJ, which could be seen as the central bank’s attempt to finance government spending.
 ただ、金融機関の経営をますます圧迫しかねないマイナス金利政策の強化や、政府への財政ファイナンスと受け取られかねない国債買い入れの増額に手をつけなかった点は評価したい。

Markets had warned that failing to take these steps would trigger the yen’s upswing as well as a major stock market decline. But this view itself reflects a distorted relationship between monetary policy and financial markets.
市場では「実施しないと円高、株安になる」となかば脅しのように語られていたが、そのこと自体が金融政策と市場とのゆがんだ関係を表している。

The BOJ’s excessive monetary expansion is now doing more harm than good to both companies and households.
 企業や家計にとって、行きすぎた金融緩和は今や有害だ。

The negative interest rate policy has delivered a serious blow not just to banks but also to pension funds whose investment plans have gone awry due to the measure.
マイナス金利政策では、金融機関だけでなく運用計画が狂った年金基金も悲鳴をあげている。

To bring its monetary policy back to a normal state, the BOJ should start mapping out an exit strategy for its different dimension monetary easing program as soon as possible.
日銀は正常な金融政策に立ち戻るため、早く異次元緩和からの出口政策を検討し始めるべきだ。
posted by srachai at 09:54| Comment(0) | 朝日英字

2016年06月26日

英国がEU離脱へ 内向き志向の連鎖を防げ

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 25
EDITORIAL: ‘Brexit’ vote must not trigger wave of global nationalism
(社説)英国がEU離脱へ 内向き志向の連鎖を防げ

The British people’s decision to pull their country out of the European Union has sent shock waves across the world.
 英国の民意が世界に衝撃を走らせた。

The stunning decision could turn out to be the biggest tectonic shift in the world order since the end of the Cold War.
冷戦が終わって以降の世界秩序の中で、最大の地殻変動となりかねない出来事だ。

A majority of votes cast in the June 23 referendum on whether to leave the EU or remain in the bloc were for “Brexit.” Britons have decided that their country should not be part of an integrated Europe.
 欧州連合(EU)からの離脱か残留かを問うた国民投票で、離脱が過半数を占めた。英国は統合欧州の一員であるべきではない、との結論である。

Since the end of World War II, Europe has moved steadily toward integration. Britain’s withdrawal from the EU will be a historic development that runs counter to this movement, launched with a pledge of no more war in Europe.
 先の大戦後、不戦の誓いを起点に脈々と前進してきた欧州統合の歩みが、初めて逆行する。

Britain is the second largest economy in Europe and has unique global influence, a legacy of the British Empire. Its secession from the EU will have immeasurable effects on the entire world.
域内第2の経済力と、かつての覇権国家として特異な影響力をもつ英国の離脱は、計り知れない波紋を広げるだろう。

The outcome of the referendum is also a sign of the British people's will to resist globalization, which has accelerated since the end of the Cold War. They have run out of patience with the trend of many countries sharing rules on important issues such as immigration and trade.
 この英国民の選択は、冷戦後加速したグローバル化に対する抵抗の意思表示でもある。移民や貿易など様々なルールを多くの国々で共有する流れに、国民の辛抱が続かなかった。

This anti-globalization sentiment is, however, not unique to Britain. In the United States and in other parts of Europe, groups trying to take advantage of growing public resentment toward globalization to promote their political agenda for closing the doors of their nations are gaining ground.
 それは英国特有の現象ではない。米国や欧州各国でも、グローバル化に矛先が向く国民の不満に乗じて国を閉ざそうという主張が勢いを増している。

At a time when countries should make united efforts to counter burgeoning narrow-minded nationalism, Britain has opted to take the path of expanding the scope of its unilateral actions. In mapping out its future course, Britain will have to navigate through uncharted waters.
 ナショナリズムの台頭に、主要国がいっそう結束を強めて立ち向かうべきときに、英国自身が単独行動を広げる道を選ぶというのだ。これからの英国の針路は海図なき航海となろう。

No matter how the country’s negotiations with the EU over its withdrawal pan out, the two sides should not lose sight of the importance of maintaining close cooperation.
 今後の離脱交渉の行方がどうなるにせよ、英国とEUは連携の関係を見失ってはならない。

Britain and the EU can secure mutual benefits and contribute to stability in the world only when they work closely together to tackle challenges.
両者は協調し合ってこそ、互いに利益を高め、ひいては世界の安定に資することができる。

We strongly hope that the two sides will figure out a way to build a new constructive relationship without undermining the movement toward European integration.
 欧州統合の流れに水を差すことなく、英国とEU双方が新たな建設的関係を築く落着点を何とか探ってほしい。

CHALLENGE IS HOW TO HEAL THE DIVISION
 ■分断の修復が課題

The outcome of this referendum should not be allowed to serve as a starting point for a new, dark chapter of world history in which citizens around the world become estranged from one another.
 この投票結果を、世界の市民が離反し合う不幸な歴史の起点にしてはならない。

The first thing is to heal the rift in British society. The bitterly fought referendum left the nation sharply divided.
そのために、まず修復すべきは足元の英国社会だ。激戦となった国民投票は、英国民を分断した。

Campaign debates were often dominated by remarks designed to emphasize the threats of an economic crisis or immigrants.
 論戦では、経済危機や移民の脅威をあおる言動が相次いだ。

Amid heightened tensions due to a heated confrontation between the two camps, a member of parliament in the Remain camp was shot to death.
対立感情が高ぶった空気の中で、残留派の国会議員が射殺されるという痛ましい事件も起きた。

British society is now gripped by a dangerously charged atmosphere.
英国社会には、いまも不穏な空気が漂っている。

Prime Minister David Cameron, who passionately called for votes to remain in the EU, has announced he will step down by autumn.
 残留を唱えたキャメロン首相は秋までに辞任する意向を示した。

It is, to be sure, natural for the country to have a new leader to draw up a road map for the future.
確かに、今後の国の針路を描くうえで新しい指導者を選出するのは自然なことだろう。

But his own Conservative Party has been divided between the Leave and the Remain camps. Scotland, which has a strong sense of belonging to the EU, could make a fresh attempt to become independent.
 ただ、首相が属する保守党内も両派で割れている。EUへの帰属意識の高いスコットランドは改めて独立へ動きかねない。

Britain seems to be in for a prolonged period of political turmoil.
政治の混乱は尾を引きそうだ。

Both Cameron and his successor will have to act swiftly to heal the rift within the country and create a conductive environment for cool-headed discussions on the country’s relations with the EU and its position in the world.
 キャメロン首相も後継者も、国内でくすぶる対立を鎮め、EUとの関係や、世界での英国の立ち位置を冷静に考える環境づくりを急がねばなるまい。

INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION KEY
 ■国際協調の道こそ

Britain, which had a mighty empire in the 19th century, entered a period of serious stagnation in the late 20th century. It was able to shed stagnation and attain new prosperity because it opened its door to the world and rode the wave of globalization to enhance its competitiveness, especially in the financial services industry.
 19世紀の世界を制した英国は20世紀後半、深刻な停滞の時期を迎えた。その苦悩から脱し、繁栄を築けたのは、積極的に国を開いてグローバル経済の波に乗り、金融を筆頭に様々な得意分野を広げたからだ。

But British citizens who have not benefited from their country’s economic growth have become increasingly disgruntled with the system and worried about their future. As a result, British society as a whole has developed an inward-looking attitude.
 ただ、その恩恵が届かない市民の不満や不安は高まり、全体的に内向き志向が強まった。

Besides people drawn to the reactionary argument that Britain should regain “sovereignty,” many other Britons voted for leaving the EU because of their economic discontent.
復古的な主権回復派だけでなく、経済の不満から離脱を選んだ国民が多かったとみられる。

Despite the fact that their country has achieved economic growth due to the lowered barriers of national borders, British people have made clear their wish to see high border walls built up again.
 国境の垣根が低くなったことで経済が発展しながら、国民感情は国境の壁の再建を望む。

This twisted public psychology has also been behind the Trump Phenomenon in the United States and the recent rise of rightist political forces in many other European countries.
そんな倒錯した状況から生まれるものとしては、米国のトランプ現象や、欧州各国での右翼の躍進もほぼ同じ脈絡にある。

Britain’s decision could trigger a wave of movements toward secession from the EU in other member countries.
 英国に続けとばかりに、他のEU加盟国でも離脱の機運が高まりかねない。

If in such a political climate Trump is elected U.S. president and Marine Le Pen, the leader of the rightist National Front of France, is elected French president next year, the world will be filled with policies of intolerance.
もし米国の大統領選でもトランプ氏が当選したら、さらに来年のフランス大統領選で右翼ルペン氏が勝つような事態になれば、世界は不寛容な政策に満ちてしまう。

The situation where the world is dominated by this inward-looking trend must be prevented.
 内向き志向の潮流が、世界を覆う事態を防がねばならない。

The spread of narrow-minded and self-centered unilateralism among countries will make it impossible for the world to grapple with challenges such as global warming, the proliferation of terrorism and loopholes in taxation.
偏狭な一国中心の考え方が広がれば、地球温暖化やテロ対策、租税問題など、地球規模の問題に対処する能力を世界は鍛えることができなくなってしまう。

It is difficult for any industrial nation to maintain its political health.
 どの先進国も、政治のかじ取りが難しい時代である。

Low economic growth, declining welfare standards due to fiscal strains and widening income gaps are formidable problems common to industrial nations. Politicians everywhere are struggling to find effective solutions to these problems.
低成長と財政難による福祉水準の低下や格差の拡大という問題が共通し、どの国の政治家も解決策どころか有権者への効果的な説明すら見いだしあぐねている。

That’s why expanding international cooperation is the only option for countries in tackling these tough challenges.
 だからこそ、国際協調しか道はない。

All nations should reflect afresh on the fact that the only way to deal with problems transcending national borders is through cooperative actions based on collective experiences and wisdom.
国境を超える問題への対処の道は、各国の経験と知恵を結集した行動しかないことを改めて考えるべきだろう。

We hope Europe will not lose its solid status as a strong, consistent voice for freedom and democratic values.
 自由と民主主義の価値を唱える欧州の強い存在感をこれからも失わないでほしい。

RESPOND TO MARKET TURBULENCE
 ■市場の動揺に対処を

The impact of Britain’s decision to leave the EU has roiled stock and currency markets. Leading nations should first focus on responding to confusion in financial markets.
 今回の英国の決定による影響は、株式・為替市場の動揺となって広がっている。まずは眼前の混乱への取り組みが必要だ。

In addition to Britain and the EU, the Group of Seven major industrial nations, which also includes Japan and the United States, should play the leading role in securing emergency policy coordination to calm the unnerved markets.
 英国とEUだけでなく、日米なども加わる主要7カ国(G7)が中心となって、市場の不安をおさえるよう緊急の協調体制を築きたい。

The central banks of the major countries, including the Bank of Japan, are apparently prepared to cooperate in providing cash-strapped financial institutions with dollars.
 日本銀行など各国の中央銀行は金融機関へのドル資金の供給で協力しあう構えだ。

If an unpredictable situation or the necessity of emergency responses arises, they should take flexible and powerful actions in solid cooperation to prevent a full-blown financial crisis.
不測の事態や必要が生じたときには、柔軟かつ強力に危機防止で連携してほしい。
posted by srachai at 09:31| Comment(0) | 朝日英字

2016年06月25日

慰霊の日 沖縄戦の記憶、共有を

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 24
EDITORIAL: The meaning behind June 23 should be shared beyond Okinawa
(社説)慰霊の日 沖縄戦の記憶、共有を

Okinawa recalled its horrifying experiences in the 1945 Battle of Okinawa and consoled the spirits of the victims on June 23, the 71st anniversary of the end of the bloody warfare. June 23 is a prefecture-designated holiday marking the end of organized fighting by Japanese troops deployed to the southern island prefecture.
 沖縄はきのう、沖縄戦の犠牲者らを悼む慰霊の日を迎えた。

More than seven decades since the end of the devastating battle in the final days of the Pacific War, many scars are left unhealed in Okinawa.
 太平洋戦争末期の沖縄戦から71年。これほど長い時が過ぎてなお、沖縄では戦禍の傷口を見せつけられる。

U.S. military bases, for instance, occupy 10 percent of the prefecture’s land. Unexploded shells are still discovered frequently in various parts of the prefecture. The remains of the war dead are found in road construction sites.
 例えば、県土の10%を覆う米軍基地。県内各地で頻繁に見つかる不発弾の処理。そして、道路工事現場などから見つかる戦没者の遺骨だ。

More than 100 sets of remains are uncovered every year. In the last fiscal year, which ended in March, the remains of 103 bodies were discovered. The numbers for the preceding two years were 194 and 263, respectively.
 収骨された遺骨は昨年度が103柱、一昨年度は194柱、その前年度が263柱と、その数は毎年100柱を超す。

More than 200,000 people died in the Battle of Okinawa. By March this year, 185,224 sets of remains of Japanese war dead had been laid to rest at the national cemetery for people who died in the Battle of Okinawa in the Mabuni district of Itoman, the site of the last major fighting in the warfare, according to the prefectural government.
 沖縄戦では、20万人余が死亡した。県によると、そのうち日本人の遺骨は今年3月までに18万5224柱が収骨され、糸満市摩文仁(まぶに)の国立沖縄戦没者墓苑で眠っている。

The remains of nearly 3,000 Japanese victims have yet to be found.
それでもまだ3千柱近くが見つかっていないという。

In the Battle of Okinawa, 66,000 Japanese soldiers and civilians in the military services from other parts of Japan died along with 28,000 from Okinawa Prefecture. In addition, an estimated 94,000 non-military residents of the prefecture, or a quarter of the prefectural population, were killed.
 当時の軍人・軍属の死者は、県外出身者が6万6千人、沖縄県出身者は2万8千人。一般県民の死者は9万4千人と推定される。実に県民の4分の1が犠牲になった。

Although many remains are still waiting to be discovered, the task of gathering them has been left to private-sector volunteers. As a result, the work has been proceeding at a glacial pace.
 おびただしい遺骨があることはわかっているのに、収骨作業は民間ボランティア頼みで、なかなか進まなかった。

A law mandating the government to collect all remains of the war dead finally came into force in April.
In response, the government has decided to make intensive efforts to collect the remains over the next nine years. The government should take this opportunity to make up for lost time.
 ようやく今年4月、国に収骨を義務づける戦没者遺骨収集推進法が施行され、9年後までに集中的に収集することになった。これまでの遅れを取り戻してもらいたい。

The June 23 official memorial ceremony, sponsored by the prefectural government, was held at the Peace Memorial Park in Mabuni. But a spirit-consoling service was also held in front of the gate of Camp Schwab, a U.S. military base in the Henoko district of Nago.
 慰霊の日、摩文仁で開かれた県主催の全戦没者追悼式とは別に、名護市辺野古にある米軍キャンプ・シュワブのゲート前でも、慰霊祭が開かれた。

Immediately after the Battle of Okinawa ended, the U.S. military established an internment camp for Japanese civilians. Many residents of the prefecture, ranging from an estimated 20,000 to 40,000, spent several months in the camp. A number of civilian prisoners of war died in the camp from malaria, malnutrition and other reasons.
 沖縄戦直後、米軍がここに民間人の収容所を設置し、2万人とも4万人とも言われる住民が数カ月間、暮らした。その間、マラリアや栄養失調で亡くなる人が相次いだという。

The construction of Camp Schwab started around 1956. But a citizens group opposed to the proposed relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma from Ginowan in central Okinawa Prefecture to Henoko started holding the spirit-consoling service last year, believing there are still unfound remains within the camp.
 キャンプ・シュワブの建設は1956年ごろから始まったが、「遺骨はまだ残っているはずだ」と、米軍普天間飛行場の辺野古移設に反対する市民団体が昨年から慰霊祭を始めた。

With the law promoting the collection of war dead remains taking effect, the government has pledged to carry out such work in U.S. bases as well.
 遺骨収集推進法の施行を受けて、政府は米軍基地内の遺骨収集にも取り組むという。

The U.S. military should cooperate with efforts to ensure an early completion of the project.
米軍もぜひ協力し、一刻も早く収骨を実現してほしい。

People in Okinawa are still suffering from the excessive burden of hosting so many U.S. military bases within their prefecture. The central government has stuck stubbornly to the Futenma relocation plan despite strong opposition among people in Okinawa.
The prefecture was recently shocked by the arrest of a former U.S. Marine working as a civilian at the Kadena Air Base in the prefecture on suspicion of raping and murdering a 20-year-old woman. Her body was found in a wooded area after she went missing in late April.
 普天間飛行場の県内移設に向けた政府の強硬姿勢、米軍属による女性殺害・強姦(ごうかん)容疑事件の発生など、沖縄県民はいまも過重な基地負担にあえいでいる。

The suffering of Okinawan people due to the heavy U.S. military presence in the prefecture is inseparable from their memories of the Battle of Okinawa.
その苦悩は、沖縄戦の記憶と切り離すことはできない。

The central government and Japanese living in the mainland need to understand the full meaning of June 23 and reflect afresh on the history of suffering experienced by people in Okinawa.
 政府や本土の国民は「慰霊の日」の意味を共有し、沖縄が経験した苦難の歴史に、改めて思いを巡らす契機としたい。
posted by srachai at 11:55| Comment(0) | 朝日英字

2016年06月23日

参院選 きょう公示 戦略的投票でこたえよう

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 22
EDITORIAL: 'Strategic voting' is a must for pivotal Upper House election
(社説)参院選 きょう公示 戦略的投票でこたえよう

Campaigning for the July 10 Upper House election kicked off on June 22.
 参院選がきょう公示される。

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is making the economy the main issue. But there is no question that constitutional amendment will also be at stake, even though Abe says it is not necessary for it to become an election issue. His reasoning is that the Diet needs to debate this subject further.
 安倍首相が前面に掲げるのは経済だ。一方、その裏に憲法改正があるのは明白だ。

Abe is more than eager to revise the Constitution. But with the prime minister giving no indication whatsoever of which parts of the Constitution he intends to rewrite and how, voters have no way of forming a judgment.
 首相は、必ずしも改憲を争点にする必要はないという。国会での議論がいまだ収斂(しゅうれん)していないというのが、その理由だ。
 しかし、改憲に意欲的な首相自身がどこをどう変えたいのかをまったく明かさないのでは、有権者は判断しようがない。

Abe is conducting politics the "wrong side up" or "back to front." Do we voters allow such an approach to escalate, or do we put the brakes on it? This Upper House election definitely carries far more weight than a mere "midterm evaluation" of the Abe administration.
 こんな逆立ちした政治の進め方に弾みをつけるのか、ブレーキをかけるのか。この参院選には「政権の中間評価」ではすまない重みがある。

NOT REFLECTING POPULAR WILL
 ■民意とのねじれ

This will be the second Upper House election since Abe began his second stint as prime minister in December 2012. In retrospect, Abe became the "sole winner" by bringing both chambers of the Diet under the control of the ruling coalition with the previous Upper House election in 2013, which was seven months after the change in government from the then Democratic Party of Japan.
 安倍氏が2012年12月に首相に返り咲いてから、参院選は2度目になる。振り返れば「安倍1強政治」の出発点となったのは、政権交代から7カ月後に衆参の「ねじれ」を解消した13年の前回参院選だった。

Voters who voted for the Liberal Democratic Party and its junior coalition partner, New Komeito, now called Komeito, in that election were apparently disgusted by the inefficacy of the DPJ administration, and wanted the LDP-New Komeito coalition to stabilize politics and focus on improving the Japanese economy.
 この時に自民、公明両党に票を投じた有権者には、民主党政権の混乱にあきれ、安定した政治で景気回復に取り組んでほしいとの思いが見てとれた。

After that Upper House election three years ago, we wrote in our editorial that the government should not be "divorced from popular will."
 3年前のねじれ解消を受け、私たちは社説で「民意とのねじれを恐れよ」と書いた。

We wondered if the wages would go up for small and midsize company workers and those working outside the big cities. We wondered if the Abe administration would be able to secure revenues needed to stabilize the health-care and social security systems. And the thrust of our argument was that should Abe ignore these concerns and proceed instead with his policy of "departure from the postwar regime," he would be betraying the wishes of the people.
中小企業や地方で働く人々の賃金は上がるのか、財源を確保して医療や福祉を安定させられるのか。首相がこうした期待に応えぬまま「戦後レジームからの脱却」にかじを切れば、民意を裏切ることになるとの趣旨だ。

We believe we have been proven right, given the continuing surge of popular protest against the Abe administration since the enactment of national security legislation last year.
 昨年の安全保障関連法の制定からなお続く反対運動のうねりをみれば、この懸念は的外れではなかったと感じる。

In the upcoming election, Abe says the focal point is to seek the public's approval of his "new decision" of postponing the consumption tax hike. By stressing economic statistics such as increased tax revenues and employment, he is telling voters to decide whether they want "Abenomics" to advance or regress.
 消費増税先送りという「新しい判断」の信を問う。これが首相のいう争点だ。税収や就業者の増加といった経済指標を強調し、アベノミクスを前に進めるか後戻りさせるかと訴える。

The proper thing for Abe is to take responsibility for reneging on his promise to raise the consumption tax rate “for certain." But in not doing so, he appears to be taking advantage of the honest feelings of many people who are reluctant to "swallow the bitter medicine" of paying a higher consumption tax.
 首相は本来、増税を「確実に実施する」という約束を破った責任を取るべきだ。そうしない裏には、「苦い薬は飲みたくない」という多くの国民の率直な思いに乗じた計算が見える。

Abe has said that the victory depends on "the ruling coalition winning a majority of contested seats." Setting the goal may demonstrate his resolve, but whether he will step down if he fails to achieve that goal is anyone's guess.
 安倍氏は「与党で改選議席の過半数獲得」を勝敗ラインに掲げる。覚悟を示したかに見えるが、勝敗ラインを割れば退陣するのかは、はっきりしない。

LOW VOTER TURNOUT CONTINUES
 ■低い投票率の結果

The ruling coalition of Abe's LDP and Komeito has won three national elections in a row since 2012. And one common factor among the three polls was low voter turnout.
 安倍氏率いる自民党と公明党が3連勝した12年以降の衆参両院の選挙には、共通の特徴がある。投票率が低いのだ。

The rates were at the 59 percent level for the 2012 Lower House election and at the 52 percent level for both the 2013 Upper House election and the 2014 Lower House election. Voter turnout in 2014 was the lowest in the postwar history of Lower House elections.
 12年衆院選で59%台、13年参院選と14年衆院選はともに52%台で、14年は衆院選として戦後最低を記録した。

The difference is substantial from the nearly 70 percent voter turnout in the 2009 Lower House election that resulted in the historic change in government. In terms of the number of voters, 72.02 million people voted in the 2009 election, whereas only 54.74 million people did so in the 2014 election. To put this simply, about 17 million voters stopped going to the polls in the 2014 election.
 民主党へと政権交代した09年衆院選の69%台と比べれば、その差は大きい。投票者数でみれば、09年の7202万人に対し14年は5474万人。単純計算で、1700万あまりの人が投票所に行くのをやめた。

Between 2009 and 2014, the LDP experienced both its fall from power and return to power, but there actually was no significant difference in the number of votes the party won. In the proportional representation portion, the LDP won less than one out of five votes in each election, when abstentions are taken into account.
 自民党はこの間、野党転落と政権復帰の両方を経験したが、実は得票数に大きな変動はない。比例区では、いずれの選挙でも棄権を含めたすべての有権者の5人に1人に満たない支持で推移している。

In other words, the LDP under Abe has not really gained supporters. Under the current election system, which is prone to create wasted votes, the simple fact is that the drastic decrease in the number of DPJ supporters and the increased number of abstentions have given the LDP more seats than those in proportion to the votes it has actually won.
 つまり、安倍自民党は支持者をさほど増やしているわけではない。死票が出やすい選挙制度のもと、民主党支持の激減と棄権者の増加が、自民党に得票以上に多くの議席をもたらしているに過ぎない。

The Abe administration arbitrarily "reinterpreted" the Constitution to allow the nation to exercise its right to collective self-defense, instituted the controversial state secrets protection law, and threatened freedom of the press and the public's right to know by hinting at invoking the Broadcast Law.
 解釈改憲による集団的自衛権の行使容認。特定秘密保護法の制定や、放送法を振りかざした国民の知る権利や報道の自由への威圧。

Not only has the Abe administration marginalized the constraints of the Constitution, but it is now trying to start debate on revising the Constitution without seeking the public's input in the upcoming election.
But what can we voters do about the dangers of the administration?
憲法の縛りを緩めるばかりか、選挙で問わぬままに改正論議に手をつけようという政権の危うさを目の当たりにした有権者に何ができるか。

VOTING OUT 'BAD' CANDIDATES
 ■「悪さ加減」を選ぶ

"Strategic voting" is one way to use each vote effectively.
 答えの一つが、自らの一票を有効に使う「戦略的投票」だ。

This may be an unfamiliar term, but one example is to vote for candidates−even if they are not one’s best choices--who have a chance to defeat the party or candidate one definitely does not want.
 聞き慣れない言葉かもしれない。一例を挙げれば、最も評価しない候補者や政党を勝たせないため、自分にとって最善でなくとも勝つ可能性のある次善の候補に投票することだ。

Yukichi Fukuzawa (1835-1901), whom Abe often quotes in his speeches, once observed to the effect, "Government is not 'good' by nature. What needs to be borne in mind is to acknowledge the reality of how bad it is."
 首相もたびたび演説に引用する福沢諭吉は、こんな言葉を残している。
 「本来政府の性は善ならずして、注意す可(べ)きは只(ただ)その悪さ加減の如何(いかん)に在るの事実を、始めて発明することならん」(時事新報論集七)。

Political scientist Masao Maruyama (1914-1996) commented on Fukuzawa's observation after World War II: "A political choice is made on the basis of how bad something is."
政治学者の丸山真男は、戦後にこれを「政治的な選択とは〈中略〉悪さ加減の選択なのだ」(「政治的判断」)と紹介した。

The failure of the DPJ administration is still fresh in many people's minds. The low voter turnout rates that have continued since the party's fall from power apparently reflect the people's disillusionment with politics and sense of helplessness.
 民主党政権の失敗は、なお多くの有権者の記憶に生々しい。その後の低投票率には、政治への失望や無力感も反映されているのだろう。

But if nothing is done about this, not only will democracy deteriorate, but constitutionalism will also be in grave danger.
 だが、このままでは民主主義がやせ細るばかりか、立憲主義も危機に瀕(ひん)する。

Even if we don't have any candidate or party we want to support, we must make up our minds to go to the polls to stop what we see as "bad" from winning the election.
 意中の候補や政党がなくとも、「悪さ加減の選択」と割り切って投票所に足を運ぶ。

And we have until July 10 to think through how effectively we can use our two ballots--one for the single-seat electorate and the other for the proportional representation portion.
7月10日の投票日までに、選挙区と比例区2枚の投票用紙をいかに有効に使うかを見極める。

With 2.4 million 18- and 19-year-olds voting for the first time, the older generation cannot just sit out this upcoming election.
 18、19歳の240万人もの若者を有権者として新たに迎える選挙だ。上の世代が、ただ傍観しているわけにはいかない。
posted by srachai at 12:03| Comment(0) | 朝日英字

2016年06月22日

中国艦侵入 法の適用も都合次第か

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 17
EDITORIAL: China interprets international law to suit its convenience
(社説)中国艦侵入 法の適用も都合次第か

A Chinese naval intelligence ship entered Japanese territorial waters off Kagoshima Prefecture on June 15, just six days after Tokyo filed a strong protest over the entry of a Chinese naval frigate into Japan's contiguous zone near the disputed Senkaku Islands.
 沖縄県・尖閣諸島の接続水域に中国の軍艦が入ったのはつい先週のことだ。今度は中国海軍の情報収集艦が、鹿児島県沖の日本の領海を通過した。

Coincidence? We think not.
These incidents clearly signal China’s intention to achieve its aims while ignoring the security concerns of neighboring countries.
 これを偶発的な出来事とは、片づけられない。周辺国の懸念を無視する形で既成事実を積み重ねようとする態度が、中国側からうかがえる。

The Chinese government contends that passage of the warship through Japanese territorial waters was legal under freedom of navigation laws. China's Defense Ministry argues that the Tokara Strait south of Yakushima island in southern Japan is “a strait within territorial waters used for international navigation.”
“The Chinese warship’s passage was based on the principle of freedom of navigation that is stipulated under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea,” a Chinese defense official said.
 中国政府は、今回の海域について「国際航行に使われる海峡であり、各国艦船に通過する権利がある」「航行の自由の原則に合致している」としている。国際海洋法に照らして正当だと言いたいようだ。

If the Tokara Strait is actually an international strait, as Beijing contends, it is, to be sure, open to the passage of foreign vessels, including warships, even though it lies in Japanese territorial waters.
 中国の主張どおり、現場海域が国際海峡だとすれば、確かに日本領海内であっても軍艦を含め外国船舶の通過は問題ないことになる。

But it is hard to believe that the Chinese spy ship was simply passing through the strait minding its own business. What was it actually doing?
 だが、中国艦が単に通過していただけとは考えにくい。実際に何をしていたのか。

The Chinese ship entered Japanese territorial waters shadowing Indian warships that were participating in an exercise involving Japan, the United States and India. The Chinese vessel may have been monitoring the Indian ships.
The Chinese government has not offered a clear or specific explanation for the warship's presence. It has only said the ship was engaged in “a drill in the open sea.”
日米印の合同演習に参加するインド軍艦を追う形で領海に入っており、レーダーで監視していた疑いがある。この点を中国政府は「遠海訓練」とするのみで、はっきりとは説明しない。

It was the second time for a Chinese warship to enter Japanese territorial waters since a nuclear-powered submarine was sighted around the Sakishima islands in Okinawa Prefecture in November 2004.
The submarine violated international law by entering Japanese territorial waters submerged. At that time, the Chinese government admitted that the vessel had strayed into Japanese territory by mistake.
 中国艦が日本領海に入ったのは、確認されたものでは2度目だ。前回の04年11月は、原子力潜水艦が潜ったまま航行したことが違法にあたり、中国政府も「誤って入った」と認めた。

During the 12 years since then, China has aggressively beefed up its Navy and become increasingly assertive in expanding its naval presence.
 その後の12年間、中国は海軍力を強め、積極的な海洋進出の動きを隠さなくなった。

China has used its naval muscle to stake out a position without holding any talks with the countries concerned, and then tried to justify its behavior by interpreting international law in a way that suits its purpose.
周辺国と事前協議もせず、実力で事実を先行させ、あとで都合次第で法の理屈を使い正当化を図る。

If Beijing continues acting this way, tensions in both the East China Sea and the South China Sea will keep growing.
そんな行動を今後も続ければ、東シナ海も南シナ海もいっそう緊張を増す。

If China really respects the principles of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, how does it explain its moves to unilaterally draw up a demarcation line called the “nine-dash line” to claim the major part of the South China Sea and forcefully reclaim reefs in disputed areas?
 国際海洋法の原則を重視しているならば、南シナ海の大半を囲むように線引きして優先権を唱え、岩礁を強引に埋め立てることをどう説明するのか。

How can it justify its refusal to respect the ruling that the international Permanent Court of Arbitration is expected to hand down soon over the validity of China’s claim based on the line in response to a case filed by the Philippines?
フィリピンとの国際仲裁裁判を拒むことは正当化できるのか。

The foreign ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations expressed concern about the situation in the South China Sea during a June 14 meeting with their Chinese counterpart in China’s Yunnan Province.
 中国雲南省で今週開かれた中国と東南アジア諸国連合(ASEAN)の特別外相会議では、南シナ海問題をめぐる懸念が参加国から表明された。

China apparently wanted to highlight its close ties with ASEAN in the special foreign ministers’ meeting, but, not surprisingly, the outcome was the opposite of what was intended.
中国はASEANとの協調ぶりを示したかっただろうが、逆に裏目に出たのも当然だろう。

China is one of the world's leading countries, and it should take responsibility for peace in Asia.
 中国は、アジアの平和に責任を負うべき大国である。

But China has at times ignored the rules and norms of the global community and at other times used them to justify its dubious actions. The way China has been behaving has made it impossible for its neighbors to trust it.
にもかかわらず国際社会のルールや規範を、あるときは無視したり、別の時は自己正当化の根拠にしたりでは、周辺国はとても信用することができない。

China is not only disturbing the tranquility of the high seas, it is also treating principles of international law as if they were at its disposal. We are deeply concerned about China’s attitude.
 静かであるべき海を荒立てる艦艇の動きに加え、法の原則まで我が物扱いしようとする中国政府の姿勢を憂慮する。
posted by srachai at 11:41| Comment(0) | 朝日英字

2016年06月18日

参院選 改憲の是非 正面から問わぬ不実

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 17
EDITORIAL: Abe’s silence on Constitution suggests another election trick
(社説)参院選 改憲の是非 正面から問わぬ不実

Parties have effectively started campaigning for the July 10 Upper House election, with their leaders delivering speeches on the streets and their platforms now available to the public.
 各政党の党首らが街頭演説に繰り出し、公約も出そろって参院選は事実上スタートした。

Conspicuously missing from the ruling camp’s campaign is the argument for constitutional amendments.
 その中で、与党側からぱったり聞こえなくなったのが、憲法改正をめぐる議論である。

It is widely known that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s biggest political goal is to revise the postwar Constitution.
 安倍首相の最大の政治目標が憲法改正であるのは周知の事実だ。

During the latest Diet session, Abe repeatedly expressed his desire to pursue this goal. “I intend to seek public support during the campaign for the Upper House election,” he said. “I wish to achieve (the goal) while I’m in office.”
先の国会では「参院選でも訴えていきたい」「私の在任中に成し遂げたい」と強い意欲を何度も示してきた。

But Abe has not referred to the issue even once in his campaign speeches so far.
 ところが、これまでの街頭演説では一切、触れていない。

In sharp contrast, Katsuya Okada, president of the main opposition Democratic Party, has made the issue a top priority in his campaign strategy.
Okada has clearly expressed his party’s opposition to Abe’s bid to revise war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution as one of the party’s two central campaign promises and discussed the issue with great vigor in his speeches.
 民進党の岡田代表が、安倍政権による9条改正反対を公約の2本柱のひとつに掲げ、街頭演説でも力を込めて訴えているのとは対照的だ。

The proposal to amend the Constitution is a grave political issue the Japanese public has never faced as a real possibility in the postwar era.
 憲法改正は、日本国民が戦後経験したことのない極めて大きな政治テーマだ。

If Abe wants to achieve this goal, he should cast the proposal as a principal campaign topic.
それを実行したいなら、最大の争点と位置づけてしかるべきだ。

However, Abe has been oddly quiet about this issue, a radical change from his eloquence in arguing for the initiative.
 それなのに、首相は国会中の雄弁とは打って変わって口をつぐむ。

If he is trying to prevent the touchy issue from becoming a major campaign topic, he should be accused of acting in an insincere manner.
この姿勢は不可解であり、争点隠しの意図があるなら不誠実と言わざるを得ない。

In a 26-page booklet on its campaign platform, the LDP refers to constitutional amendments only in the last two items.
 自民党が公約で憲法改正について触れているのは、26ページの冊子の末尾の2項目だ。

The party only discusses the issue in regard to the two new combined constituencies created by combining two prefecture-based electoral districts to narrow vote-value disparities. These constituencies will be introduced in the Upper House election.
The LDP pledges to reassess the appropriateness of the method and explore options to eliminate such cross-prefecture constituencies, including a constitutional amendment.
“We will promote debate on the issue at the Commissions on the Constitution at both (Diet) houses and seek cooperation with other parties while trying to build broad public consensus for constitutional amendments,” the party’s platform says.
 この参院選から導入される、県境をまたぐ合区を解消するため、「憲法改正を含めそのあり方を検討します」とうたい、次に「衆議院・参議院の憲法審査会における議論を進め、各党との連携を図り、あわせて国民の合意形成に努め、憲法改正を目指します」と記している。

These passages appear to suggest that the LDP plans to start its constitutional amendment initiative with changes to provisions related to combined constituencies.
But LDP policy chief Tomomi Inada has not endorsed this view, saying there are various opinions about the approach.
 合区の解消から改憲に取り組むのかと思いきや、稲田政調会長は「そこはさまざまな考え方がある」とはっきりしない。

The LDP has thus left it unclear to voters which constitutional provisions it will try to change and in what ways.
 これでは憲法改正といってもどの条文を、どのように改正するのか、有権者には相変わらずわからないままだ。

The LDP’s junior coalition partner, Komeito, doesn’t even touch on constitutional amendments in its campaign platform.
Komeito chief Natsuo Yamaguchi has said amendments will not be a key campaign topic for the Upper House election because “there has been no mature debate” on the issue.
 一方、自民党と連立を組む公明党は、公約で憲法改正に触れていない。山口代表は「議論が成熟しておらず、参院選の争点にはならない」と説明する。

Neither the LDP nor Komeito is willing to make a straightforward appeal to the public to support the proposal to rewrite the Constitution.
 自民、公明の両与党とも、国民に正面から憲法改正を問おうとしない。

Under these circumstances, even if the two parties and their political allies win the two-thirds majority in the chamber needed to initiate the formal process of constitutional revision, they must not be allowed to start pursuing the initiative with sudden zeal after the election.
それで両党とその補完勢力で改憲発議に必要な3分の2の議席を得たとしても、改憲論議を一気に進めることが許されるはずがない。

The Abe administration has a history of deliberately sidestepping debate on divisive policies during election campaigns. After the ruling camp wins a majority, however, the administration suddenly starts pushing through such policies by claiming it has won a public mandate to do so.
The state secrets protection law and new national security legislation, which were enacted in 2013 and 2015, respectively, are two examples of the administration’s sneaky way to achieve its policy goals.
 安倍政権はこれまで、世論が割れる政策については選挙の際に多くを語らず、選挙で勝てば一転、「信任を得た」とばかりに突き進む手法をとってきた。特定秘密保護法や安全保障関連法の制定がその例だ。

The four kanji characters representing “constitutional amendments” are written in small print at the end of the LDP’s campaign platform. They may be a sign of the party’s intention to use such tactics again to push through its initiative to amend the Constitution. We should not allow the party to do so.
 公約の末尾に小さく書かれた「憲法改正」の4文字。これを、同様の手法を繰り返す伏線とさせるわけにはいかない。
posted by srachai at 12:10| Comment(0) | 朝日英字

2016年06月16日

英国民投票 欧州の中で歩む決断を

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 15
EDITORIAL: Brexit vote worst outcome for U.K., Europe and rest of the world
(社説)英国民投票 欧州の中で歩む決断を

The outcome of Britain's June 23 referendum on whether to remain a member of the European Union has major ramifications not only for the future of Britain and Europe, but also the entire world.
 英国と欧州だけでなく、これからの世界の歩みに大きな影を落とすだろう。
 英国で23日、欧州連合(EU)からの離脱か残留かを問う国民投票が実施される。

Sections of the British public have always harbored a deep desire to keep some distance from the EU. But if Britain actually does pull out of the EU, a major shakeup will be a certainty for the British economy as well as the global marketplace.
 英国は、EUと距離を置こうとする世論が根強い国である。しかし、もし離脱となれば、英国の経済と世界の市場が大きく動揺するおそれが強い。

And the political repercussions will be incalculable. A vote to "Leave" would create a rift in Europe's solidarity over many of its shared problems with respect to immigration and counterterrorism.
 政治的な波紋ははかり知れない。難民問題やテロなど多くの課題を抱える欧州の結束にひびが入るのは間違いない。

The EU's influence on the rest of the world would weaken, and that could well affect the way international law on human rights and democracy is upheld by the international community.
 EUの対外的な影響力がそがれ、国際社会で掲げてきた人権や民主主義、国際法による秩序にも影響を及ぼしかねない。

The departure from the EU by any of its current members is bound to reverse the trend toward European integration that has been in place since the 1950s.
 どの国であれEU離脱となれば、1950年代から続いてきた欧州の統合の流れが大きく後退することになる。

In this age of ever-increasing traffic of people and goods across international borders, any momentum toward isolation will render it even more difficult to resolve global problems.
 人や物の流れがますます国の垣根を越える時代に、一国に閉じこもろうとする動きが広がれば、地球規模の問題の解決はいっそう遠のくだろう。

Britain is a major power that ought to be a acting as a strong leader in encouraging international cooperation, not a nation that turns its back on European unity to try to go it alone. We strongly hope Britain will choose to remain in the EU.
 英国は、国際協調を力強くリードすべき主要国の一つであり、結束に背を向けて単独行動に走る国であってはなるまい。EUに残留する道を選んでもらいたい。

Instead of parting ways with the rest of Europe, we hope Britain will continue as a member of the EU and cooperate with all countries while seeking its own prosperity.
 英国は欧州各国とたもとを分かつのでなく、欧州の一員として歩み、協力を進めつつ、自国の繁栄の道を探ってほしい。

In past opinion polls, British public opinion tended to be more in favor of remaining in the Union than against. However, the pendulum has begun to swing in recent weeks.
 これまでの世論調査では、残留を望む声がおおむね優位だった。しかし、ここ何週間か離脱派が追い上げている。


One of the main reasons for this is said to be the immigrant issue. There is a growing call in Britain for it to be free of the EU's immigrant policy so that it can explore its own destiny.
 その背景にある大きな理由の一つは移民の問題だという。EUの政策に縛られず、独自に移民の流入を絞る道を探るべきだという声が強まっている。

As evidenced by the "Trump phenomenon" in the United States and the surge of ultra-right forces in parts of Europe, an isolationist mentality is spreading around the world. British public opinion seems to have been influenced by this.
 米国のトランプ現象や欧州各国での右翼の伸長など、国を閉ざそうという内向きの意識は、世界に広がっている。英国の世論も、そんな風潮に流されているようだ。

But we want British citizens to stop and think: That the only reason Britain managed to pull itself out of decades of postwar decline and achieve its present prosperity was that its openness to the rest of the world enabled it to benefit from the global economy. This reality can neither be changed nor denied today.
 しかし、立ち止まって考えてほしい。英国が大戦後の長い国勢の衰退から脱し、いまの繁栄を築いたのは、国を開き、グローバル経済の恩恵を受けてこそだった。そんな現実をいまさら転換しようがないだろう。

One thing that bothers us is that discussions in Britain about the June 23 referendum seem to be focused almost entirely on economic and immigrant issues, and we hear very little about how the Britons are looking at the big picture.
 懸念されるのは、英国内での議論が経済や移民など一部に集中し、大局的な論議があまり大きく聞こえてこないことだ。

What sort of relationship should Britain maintain with continental Europe? This is the sort of question that needs to be debated at length and in depth in the context of the history of civilization, until the public is truly ready to reach a consensus.
 欧州大陸とどんな関係を維持すべきか。その問いは、文明史的な視野の中で長い時間をかけて議論を重ね、国民のコンセンサスを築く性格のものである。

For the sake of the future of Britain as well as the rest of the world, we hope British citizens will make a decision that is objective and carefully thought out.
 英国と世界の未来のために、冷静な判断にもとづく決定を、英国民に期待したい。
posted by srachai at 11:18| Comment(0) | 朝日英字

2016年06月10日

舛添都知事 自らの言葉なぜ語らぬ

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 9
EDITORIAL: Masuzoe must explain spending with own words, not legal babble
(社説)舛添都知事 自らの言葉なぜ語らぬ

Tokyo Governor Yoichi Masuzoe is grossly mistaken if he thinks he has offered convincing answers to questions about his qualifications to head the capital’s government and the administration itself. Serious doubts still remain following revelations about his spending of taxpayer money for personal use.
In recent sessions of the Tokyo metropolitan assembly, Masuzoe was bombarded with questions about his dubious expenditures on hotels, meals, books and artwork. (過剰英訳です)
 東京都知事としての資質への疑念や都政への不信感が、これで解消できたと舛添要一知事は思っているのだろうか。

Tokyo citizens wanted to hear Masuzoe’s own thoughts concerning his moral responsibility for using public money for personal purposes, not the opinions of the lawyers who have scrutinized his questionable expenditures and drawn up a report on their findings.
 都議会の代表質問と一般質問が終わった。都民が聞きたかったのは、さまざまな公私混同の道義的責任などを、調査報告書をまとめた弁護士ではなく、舛添氏自身はどう考えているのかという点だっただろう。「自分の言葉で語って」と都議たちは何度も促した。

Assembly members who questioned the governor repeatedly urged him to speak with his own words.
 しかし舛添氏は、判で押したような「反省」を繰り返した。

But Masuzoe only reiterated cookie-cutter comments about his “soul-searching” over the spending. He refused to offer the related details he must have discussed with the lawyers or specific measures to fix the problem.
弁護士らには語ったはずの詳細な事実や、具体的な改善策を尋ねられても答えを避けた。

Still, he dared to say, “I wish to regain public trust by fulfilling my responsibility to explain in this way.” This comment sounds like nothing but an expression of defiance.
 それなのに「このように説明責任を果たしていくことで信頼を回復したい」と言うのでは、開き直りにしか聞こえない。

Masuzoe liked to say the metropolitan assembly represents the capital’s public. But his remarks in the assembly sessions suggest his disrespect for the assembly.
 「都議会こそが都民の代表」と繰り返していたはずが、こんな答弁ぶりでは議会軽視の姿勢も問われるべきだろう。

He appears unable to even recognize what is the real issue.
 舛添氏は、何が問題なのかも認識していないのではないか。

If he really spent part of his political funds, including public money, for personal purchases, he should at least be accused of betraying the trust of taxpayers.
 公金を含む政治資金の一部を私生活に流用したとすれば、納税者に対する背信である。

He has worsened matters by failing to fulfill his responsibility to answer the questions raised, causing confusion and disruptions in the work of the metropolitan government.
その上に説明責任を果たさない混乱が都政の停滞を招いている。

After seeing how he has responded to the scandal, most citizens of the capital are naturally unwilling to support his desire to retain his post.
 これで知事続投の意欲を示されても都民は納得できまい。

The lawyers announced their report on his spending on June 6, the day before the metropolitan assembly started its session. The report said millions of yen in Masuzoe’s expenditures on hotel stays with his family, meals and artwork were “inappropriate.”
 代表質問の前日に公表された報告書は、家族同伴のホテル宿泊費や、飲食費・美術品代などの一部を「不適切」と認定した。その重みを舛添氏は深刻に受け止めねばならない。

Masuzoe needs to take this judgment seriously.

The report includes some telltale signs of his stance toward political funds. When he was asked about his purchase of a book on making soba (buckwheat noodles), for example, Masuzoe reportedly tried to justify the spending by saying, “I once discussed politics while making soba, and the book has been useful for my political activities.”
 報告書からは、政治資金をめぐる意識が透けて見える。例えば、そば打ちの本を買ったことについて「そばを打ちながら政治談義をしたこともあり、政治活動に役立っている」と述べたという。

As for his purchase of historical novels, he said he had bought it “for studying Edo Period customs,” according to the report.
時代小説の購入は「江戸時代の風俗研究のため」。

He made it sound like all aspects of his life were related to politics.
 生活のすべてが政治であるといわんばかりだ。

Masuzoe described the report as a “harsh” assessment of his expenditures. But most ordinary citizens don’t share his view.
舛添氏は報告書を「厳しい」指摘というが、ふつうの市民感覚から見れば、そうとは言えない。

The report didn’t question the appropriateness of his purchases of many calligraphy works, saying they also served both his hobby and his interests as a politician.
 多くの「書」の購入について報告書は「趣味と政治家としての実利・実益を兼ね備えている」ので問題なしとした。

As for a silk Chinese outfit he bought in Shanghai, Masuzoe reportedly claimed he could move his ink brush smoothly in calligraphy when he wears the robe. The lawyers accepted Masuzoe’s explanation as “specific and convincing.”
上海で買ったシルクの中国服は「書道の際に着ると筆をスムーズに滑らせることができる」という舛添氏の説明を、「具体的で説得力がある」と評した。

Does the governor intend to continue such expenditures now that they have judged to be “appropriate?”
 適切とされたこれらの支出を今後も続ける気なのか。

What does he think about assembly members’ call for him to make a “painful decision?” Masuzoe needs to offer honest and straightforward answers to these questions.
都議から求められた「身を切る決断」をどう考えるのか。舛添氏は正面から語らねばならない。

The metropolitan assembly, for its part, is responsible for making an exhaustive inquiry into the governor’s dubious expenditures.
 都議会には、審理を尽くす責任がある。

Members of the assembly’s general affairs committee should rigorously investigate the scandal during an intensive session on the topic expected to be held as early as next week.
来週にも見込まれる総務委員会での集中審議で、きちんと追及すべきだ。
posted by srachai at 11:28| Comment(0) | 朝日英字

2016年06月04日

参院選 論戦スタートへ 語られざる「改憲」を問う

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 3
EDITORIAL: Amending the Constitution is hidden focus of Upper House poll
(社説)参院選 論戦スタートへ 語られざる「改憲」を問う

The focus of attention in the political community has shifted to the July 10 Upper House election as the brouhaha over the consumption tax hike and the possibility of simultaneous Upper and Lower House elections has blown over.
Debate on key policy issues at the Diet was drowned out in the political noise in the final days of this year’s regular session.
 消費増税と衆参同日選の行方が注目された会期末の喧噪(けんそう)が去り、政界は7月10日投票の参院選に向け一斉に走り出した。

What topics will Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and other politicians address during their election campaigns?
 この選挙で、安倍首相はじめ政治家たちは何を語るのか。

Abe has cast his economic policy, or Abenomics, as the central issue of the election and expressed his intention to seek a public mandate for his recent decision to postpone the scheduled consumption tax increase.
 首相は「アベノミクス」を最大の争点とし、消費増税先送りの判断について国民の信を問いたいという。

Voters will naturally consider these issues at the polls. But they don’t have to focus only on the issues played up by the administration.
 投票にあたってそれを考慮に入れるにしても、政権の一方的な争点設定に縛られる必要はない。

One important topic requires careful attention by voters although politicians are not eager to discuss it. That is constitutional amendments.
むしろ政治家があまり語ろうとしないことにこそ、細心の注意を払うべき論点がある。
 憲法改正である。

Abe has said his key target for the Upper House election is securing a two-thirds majority for his Liberal Democratic Party, its junior coalition partner, Komeito, and other parties willing to support his initiative to amend the Constitution.
 安倍首相は、参院選で自民、公明だけでなく改憲に前向きな政党を含めて3分の2の議席獲得をめざすと語っている。

If the target is reached, Abe will have a much better chance of proceeding with his plan to get the Diet to initiate constitutional amendments, through a concurring two-thirds vote of all the members of each chamber, for a national referendum on the proposed changes.
 実現すれば、衆参両院で憲法改正案を発議し、国民投票にかけることが、現実の政治日程にのぼる可能性が高まる。

That will, of course, be the first actual attempt to rewrite the postwar Constitution under the formal procedures for amendments.
 そうなればもちろん、戦後初めてのことだ。

The question of whether to hand an overwhelming two-thirds majority in both chambers to the Abe administration and its political allies is the biggest issue of the upcoming election, even though it is overshadowed by debate on the economy.
 安倍政権とその補完勢力に、衆参そろって3分の2の圧倒的な多数を与えるのかどうか。これが、経済に隠された参院選最大の焦点である。

The results of the election could put the nation at a major turning point in its postwar history.
 その結果は、戦後日本の分岐点となる重みを持つ。

FRESH DEBATE ON SECURITY LEGISLATION NEEDED
 ■安保法を問い直す

Let us look back on what happened in the Upper House, which is called “the Seat of Common Sense,” eight months ago.
 「良識の府」とも呼ばれる参議院。そこで8カ月前に起きたことを振り返ってみる。

At a Sept. 17 session of the special committee on the new national security legislation, committee members suddenly made a dash for the chairman’s seat, triggering a scuffle amid angry roars. From time to time, ruling camp lawmakers stood with both hands raised in response to cues. People watching the session on TV were clueless to what was occurring.
 安全保障関連法案を審議した昨年9月17日の特別委員会でのことだ。議員たちが突然、委員長席に駆け寄り、怒号の中でもみ合いが続く。合図を受けた与党議員が時折、両手を上げて立ちあがる。何が起こったのか、国民にはわからない。

This ugly scene was how the package of security bills, which effectively revises the war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution, was actually enacted.
 これが9条の実質的な改正に等しい安保法案の採決だった。

In June last year, three constitutional scholars told the Lower House Commission on the Constitution that the legislation is unconstitutional. Their comments led many lawmakers to subscribe to the view that the legislation violates the Constitution, causing a bitter division among the public.
 安保法案については、6月に3人の憲法学者が衆院憲法審査会で「違憲である」と表明。違憲論が国会の内外に広まり、世論は二分された。

The bills should have been carried over to the next Diet session for further debate. Instead of resorting to persuasion by reason, however, the Abe administration extended the session and used the power of a majority to engineer the forceful passage of the bills through the Diet in the face of strong opposition due to doubts about their constitutionality.
 本来は、次の国会に持ち越して議論を尽くすべきだった。なのに、会期延長の末に違憲論をねじ伏せたのは、理による説得でなく、数による強行だった。

The July Upper House poll will offer a great opportunity for fresh debate on the legislation.
 参院選は、この安保法制定を問い直す機会である。

CHANGES IN STANCE BEFORE AND AFTER ELECTIONS
 ■選挙の前後で違う顔

Since the beginning of this year, Abe has made clear his desire to embark on amending the Constitution after the Upper House election.
 安倍首相は年明けから、参院選後に明文改正に踏み込みたい意向を明らかにしてきた。

In January, he pledged in a Diet session to “create a new Constitution with our own hands.” The initiative “has entered the stage of a realistic possibility where discussions are to be held on which provisions should be amended,” he added.
 1月には「自らの手で新たな憲法をつくる。いよいよどの条項について改正すべきか、現実的な段階に移ってきた」と国会で答弁。

In the recent one-on-one Diet debate with Katsuya Okada, president of the Democratic Party, Abe challenged the largest opposition bloc to come up with its own draft amendments to the Constitution, saying there could be no meaningful debate on the topic unless the opposition party did so.
先の党首討論では民進党の岡田代表に「民進党も改正草案を出さなければ、議論のしようがない」と挑発した。

Abe spoke as if changing the Constitution was a given.
 まるで、憲法を変えるのは既定路線だと言わんばかりだ。

In contrast, other senior LDP politicians are not eager to pursue constitutional amendments.
 一方で、首相以外の自民党幹部の熱は低い。

The LDP’s headquarters to promote constitutional amendments has yet to start considering which provisions should be revised. The Lower House Commission on the Constitution didn’t begin substantial debate on the question in the latest Diet session.
 党の憲法改正推進本部は、どの条項を改正すべきかの議論には手をつけていない。衆院の憲法審査会も、先の国会での実質審議を見送った。

Behind its reluctance to wade into debate on the issue is the lack of solid public support to the initiative.
In an Asahi Shimbun survey, 55 percent of the respondents said there was no need to change the Constitution.
 なぜか。朝日新聞の世論調査では、憲法を「変える必要はない」という人は55%に達する。

Toshihiro Nikai, chairman of the LDP’s General Council, pretty much summed up the dominant sentiment within the ruling party when he said a single-minded pursuit of constitutional amendments would make it difficult for the party to win in the election.
「しゃにむに憲法改正の旗を振る姿勢を示したならば、選挙に勝てない」(二階総務会長)というのが党内の空気なのだ。

In the past two national elections, the Abe administration focused its campaign on economic issues that have a direct bearing on people’s livelihoods. The administration is adopting the same campaign strategy for this poll.
 安倍政権は、過去2回の国政選では国民生活に密接にかかわる経済を前面に掲げた。今回も同様だ。

But the administration drastically changed its political posturing after each of the past two elections.
 だが、これまでは選挙が終わると、安倍政権は顔を一変させてきた。

We should not forget the fact that the administration forged ahead with the passage of the state secrets protection law and the security legislation, which both directly concern such basic principles of the Constitution as the people’s right to know and pacifism, after these past elections.
特定秘密保護法に安保法。国民の知る権利や平和主義という憲法の根幹にかかわる法の制定に、一気に進んできたことを忘れてはならない。

THE REAL AIM OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT INITIATIVE?
 ■改憲の狙いはどこに

The Constitution, of course, will not be the only element voters will consider when they make their decisions at the polls in July. Policy issues that affect their daily lives are important factors for their choices that need to be weighed carefully.
 もちろん、有権者が参院選で投票する際の評価軸は、憲法ばかりではない。日々の暮らしにかかわる政策は重要な論点であり、十分な吟味が必要だ。

Let us then examine the economic planks on the parties’ campaign platforms. There aren’t radical differences between the LDP’s vision of a society where 100 million people will play active roles and the Democratic Party’s vision of a “society of symbiosis.” Many parties are proposing more or less similar policies concerning such issues as growth and redistribution, the same wage for same work principle and reducing the number of children on waiting lists for day-care centers.
 ただ、各党の主張をみてみよう。自民党の「1億総活躍」と民進党の「共生社会」、成長と分配、同一労働・同一賃金、待機児童の解消。多くの党が掲げる方向は同じだ。

Given the massive budget deficit and the contraction of the working population, there cannot be wide differences between the ruling and opposition parties in these policies.
財政赤字や労働人口の減少を考えれば、これらの政策に与野党の大きな違いを見いだすのは難しい。

On the other hand, the LDP’s constitutional amendment agenda could radically affect certain values we have enjoyed in the postwar era, such as peace and freedom.
 一方で、いま自民党内で語られている憲法改正論は、私たちが戦後、その恩恵を受けてきた平和や自由といった価値を変質させる可能性をはらむ。

The LDP’s draft constitutional amendments are based on views that place the interests of the state before the freedom of individuals. Lurking at the heart of these views is a sentiment that is close to antipathy toward the human rights and individualism espoused by the current Constitution.
 自民党の憲法改正草案を貫いているのは、国民一人ひとりの自由より、国家を優先させる考え方だ。その根っこには、現憲法の人権や個人主義に対する、敵意に近い感情がうかがえる。

In referring to the LDP’s draft constitutional amendments in a June 1 news conference, Abe toned down his usual rhetoric.
“We are not seeking support from two-thirds (of the members of both chambers) for the initiative by promising to make these amendments,” he said.
 首相はおとといの記者会見で党の草案にふれ、「『これをやりますから賛成する人はだれですか』と3分の2を募っているわけではない」と、抑えた言いぶりにとどめた。

If he secures an electoral victory, however, Abe may start saying the party has won a public mandate to promote the drafts.
If so, which provisions will he try to change for whatever reasons?
 だが、参院選の結果、「草案は信任を得た」と言い出す可能性はないか。そして、どの条文をどのように変えようとしているのか。そこに理はあるか。

Even if Abe doesn’t talk about these questions, voters should ask, as many times as necessary, vital questions about his real stance toward the Constitution.
 首相らが語ろうとはしなくても、有権者として憲法への姿勢を何度でも問い続けたい。
posted by srachai at 11:57| Comment(0) | 朝日英字
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